{"id":1601,"date":"2009-11-27T18:39:50","date_gmt":"2009-11-27T15:39:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2009\/11\/27\/milliyetcilik-ve-demokrasi-murat-belge\/"},"modified":"2009-11-27T18:39:50","modified_gmt":"2009-11-27T15:39:50","slug":"milliyetcilik-ve-demokrasi-murat-belge","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/11\/27\/milliyetcilik-ve-demokrasi-murat-belge\/","title":{"rendered":"Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve Demokrasi | Murat Belge"},"content":{"rendered":"

Yugoslavya, verdi\u011fi sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, ciddi bir rahats\u0131zl\u0131k ge\u00e7iriyor. Bir par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcreci ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve art\u0131k kolay kolay geri d\u00f6n\u00fclemeyecek bir \u201cakutla\u015fma\u201d noktas\u0131na varm\u0131\u015f. Sorun yaln\u0131z b\u00f6l\u00fcnme, par\u00e7alanma da de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda, bunun nas\u0131l olaca\u011f\u0131 da \u00f6nemli. Gene ayn\u0131 sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, pek bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ve olgun bir bi\u00e7im olmayacak bu.<\/p>\n

5-9 Temmuz tarihleri aras\u0131nda Belgrad\u2019dayd\u0131m. Gitme nedenim, \u00fcyesi oldu\u011fum Helsinki Yurtta\u015flar Meclisi Presidium\u2019u toplant\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. Normal olarak Prag\u2019da toplan\u0131rken, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n bu ac\u0131 durumu dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplant\u0131y\u0131 Belgrad\u2019a ald\u0131k. Presidium\u2019un Yugoslav \u00fcyesi Sonia Licht 7 Temmuz pazar g\u00fcn\u00fc, bizimkine ek olarak, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 bir uluslararas\u0131 toplant\u0131 d\u00fczenlemi\u015fti. S\u00f6zkonusu olumsuz ko\u015fullarda ve son derece k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede b\u00f6yle bir toplant\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilmesi, ancak Sonia\u2019n\u0131n becerileri ve ayr\u0131ca kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n keskinli\u011fiyle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilecek bir mucizeydi; ama toplant\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131 da, bir \u201cmucize duas\u0131\u201d gibi bir \u015feydi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 , en az\u0131ndan \u015fiddetle par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemek. San\u0131r\u0131m yaln\u0131zca bir mucizeye ba\u011fl\u0131, bundan b\u00f6yle.<\/p>\n

Gelgelelim, Belgrad\u2019a ayak bast\u0131\u011f\u0131m andan, ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131m ana kadar, Yugoslavya\u2019y\u0131 bekledi\u011fi \u00fczerinde herkesin fikir birli\u011fi etti\u011fi tats\u0131z olaylar\u0131n gerginli\u011fini hissetmedim Belgrad \u015fehrinde. Yaz gelmi\u015f, Belgrad \u015fehri i\u00e7 mek\u00e2nlardan kald\u0131r\u0131mlara ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015f. \u00d6nceki geli\u015flerimden -bunlar\u0131n hep k\u00f6t\u00fc havaya rastlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bu seferki kontrastla anlad\u0131m- bildi\u011fim lokantalar, kahveler kald\u0131r\u0131ma ta\u015fm\u0131\u015flar. Onlar ve sokaklar kalabal\u0131k. Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fczel ve sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 insanlar\u0131 her yerde, sere serpe, sevi\u015fiyor, al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f ediyor, yiyip i\u00e7iyor. Her yerde m\u00fczik sesi var. Bazan kahvelerde bir masada oturmu\u015f, ciddi y\u00fcz ifadeleriyle konu\u015fan insanlar g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum: bunlar, herhalde, siyaset konu\u015fuyorlar. Ama onlar da sakin, genellikle – yaln\u0131z, kayg\u0131l\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bundan \u00f6nceki seferler hep Yugoslavya\u2019ya gelmi\u015ftim, bu \u00fclkenin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 belirli bir mesafeden bilen herhangi bir \u201cd\u00fcnyal\u0131\u201d olarak. Gene Yugoslavya\u2019day\u0131m -ama, Yugoslavya \u015fimdi ne demek? Belgrad, evet, bir S\u0131rp kentidir. Ama \u015fu g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm insanlar aras\u0131nda hi\u00e7 H\u0131rvat, Sloven, Arnavut vb. yok mu? Bilemiyorum, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc tan\u0131m\u0131yorum. Ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00fct\u00fcn dram, benim tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131m bu alanda ge\u00e7iyor.<\/p>\n

Pazar sabah\u0131, bir takside, toplant\u0131 yerine gidiyoruz. \u015eof\u00f6r, endi\u015feli bir y\u00fczle, radyonun haberlerini dinliyor. Sonra, k\u00f6t\u00fc durumun, bir yerliden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m ilk haberini veriyor; bize d\u00f6nerek ve tetik \u00e7ekme jesti yaparak, \u201cYugoslavya, dum dum!\u201d diyor.<\/p>\n

Toplant\u0131 yeri Novi Beograd\u2019da, yani Sava ile Tuna\u2019n\u0131n birle\u015fti\u011fi stratejik noktan\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131ndaki yeni kentte, nehir k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda, Yugoslavya Oteli. K\u0131rklarda, Kominform Binas\u0131 olarak ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015f in\u015faat\u0131na. \u0130n\u015faat, Kominform\u2019la birlikte, aniden durmu\u015f. Sonra, altm\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sonunda yar\u0131m kalm\u0131\u015f binay\u0131 otele \u00e7evirmi\u015fler. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu tarih de bir \u015fekilde, u\u011fursuz bir \u015fekilde, bug\u00fcn olanlara g\u00f6lgesini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Sonia Licht bu toplant\u0131ya Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00f6lgelerinden konu\u015fmac\u0131lar \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00f6lgelerinden, ama gene de asl\u0131nda temsil\u00ee de\u011fil. Konu\u015fmac\u0131lar, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i de\u011filler. Yani, \u00e7o\u011fu, kaybetmekte olan taraf\u0131n, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapmay\u0131 \u00fcstlenmi\u015f durumdalar. Bu ise, kimse i\u00e7in kolay de\u011fil art\u0131k. S\u0131rp olarak S\u0131rbistan politikas\u0131na, H\u0131rvat olarak H\u0131rvat politikas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 konu\u015fmak g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015fiyor. Tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z biri, daha iki g\u00fcn \u00f6nce, Split\u2019i terkedip Belgrad\u2019a gelmi\u015f, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i olmayan bir H\u0131rvat o, ve milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7eteler, evinin kap\u0131s\u0131na bir i\u015faret koymu\u015flar. D\u00fc\u015fmanla birlikte hainin de insafs\u0131zca cezaland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken g\u00fcnler ya\u015fan\u0131yor, \u015fimdiye kadar nice \u00fclkede ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi.<\/p>\n

Slovenya, Slovenya olarak ayr\u0131lmak istiyor. Slovenya g\u00f6rece zengin, uzun zaman Avusturya-Macaristan imparatorlu\u011funun tafras\u0131na kendi \u00e7ap\u0131nda kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. \u015eimdi de, yoksul g\u00fcneyin kaderini payla\u015fmak istemiyor. \u015ea\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olan, buna fazla itiraz eden olmamas\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7i S\u0131rplar’dan \u00e7ok milliyet\u00e7i olmayanlar\u0131 tedirgin ediyor Slovenya’n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Slovenya’da \u00e7ok az S\u0131rp var ve Slovenya zaten \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck S\u0131rbistan\u201d \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7inde yer alm\u0131yor. Onun i\u00e7in de, \u201cgitsinler kurtulal\u0131m\u201d diyor \u00e7o\u011fu S\u0131rp milliyet\u00e7isi.<\/p>\n

Ama H\u0131rvatistan sorunu b\u00f6yle de\u011fil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc S\u0131rplar ile H\u0131rvatlar i\u00e7i\u00e7e. S\u0131rplar’\u0131n H\u0131rvatlar aras\u0131nda az\u0131nl\u0131k oldu\u011fu bir b\u00f6lgede ayr\u0131ca bir H\u0131rvat az\u0131nl\u0131k olabiliyor. Bu tabii Kosova’da da b\u00f6yle. Yani asl\u0131nda, Yugoslavya, yirmibirinci y\u00fczy\u0131lda olmas\u0131 gereken bir etnik i\u00e7i\u00e7eli\u011fi \u015fimdiden yaratmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f. Ama bu duruma, yirmibirinci de\u011fil, ondokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u00f6zlemleriyle, de\u011ferleriyle, kategorileriyle bak\u0131yor. Tragedya burada: kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ba\u015far\u0131 (tabii ger\u00e7ekte \u201ckazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u201d olmuyor bu durumda), \u201cfelaket\u201d nedeni olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Bir T\u00fcrk olarak bu durum bana \u00f6zellikle ac\u0131kl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Biz kendi zengin mozayi\u011fimizi bundan seksen, doksan y\u0131l \u00f6nce kaybetmi\u015ftik. Herkes mi ayn\u0131 yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 yapmak zorunda?<\/p>\n

Ben bunlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrken, Milan Nikoli\u00e7 kara tahtaya \u00e7izdi\u011fi Yugoslavya haritas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7ip durumun imkans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Orada onlar, burada bunlar, nas\u0131l ayr\u0131lacaklar? \u00dcstelik, belli ki, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 kendi mant\u0131k\u00ee sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcretmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, sorun Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131yla da kalm\u0131yor. Slovenya ayr\u0131ld\u0131, H\u0131rvatistan ayr\u0131lmak \u00fczere S\u0131rplarla k\u0131ran k\u0131ran sava\u015fa girdi. Arnavutlar niye dursun? Peki, o zaman Voyvodina\u2019daki Macarlar, \u201cBiz Macaristan\u2019la birle\u015fmek istiyoruz,\u201d demez mi? Ya o zaman Romanya\u2019daki, hatta Slovakya\u2019daki Macarlar\u0131 kim durdurur? Makedonya zaten bitmez t\u00fckenmez bir ulusal sorun kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bulgaristan ve Yunanistan ne yapar bu durumda? H\u0131rvat, S\u0131rp ve Bo\u015fnak topluluklar\u0131n dengeli da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bosna-Hersek ne olur? H\u0131rvatlar H\u0131rvatistan\u2019a, S\u0131rplar S\u0131rbistan\u2019a gider, ortada bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcc\u00fck Bo\u015fnak \u00fclkesi mi kal\u0131r?<\/p>\n

\u201cYugoslavya, dum, dum!\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cDum, dum!\u201d Bu iki hece kadar anlams\u0131z bir durum. Ama kimse bize garanti vermemi\u015fti, tarih anlaml\u0131 olacakt\u0131r diye.<\/p>\n

Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n sorunu Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015f\u0131yor: Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011fini k\u00f6t\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde belirlemeye ba\u015fl\u0131yor. Avrupa sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ekme\u011fine ya\u011f s\u00fcr\u00fcyor, bir yandan. Avrupa egosantrizmi, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 nerede \u00e7izmesi gerekti\u011fini, Yugoslavya\u2019da olanlara dayanarak kararla\u015ft\u0131rmak isteyecektir.<\/p>\n

Yeni bir konu\u015fmac\u0131 mikrofon ba\u015f\u0131na \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131l\u0131yor ve yerimde hafif\u00e7e s\u0131\u00e7r\u0131yorum: Milovan Cilas. Sekseninde Cilas a\u011f\u0131r a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fcr\u00fcyor mikrofona. D\u00fcnya tarihinin \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir olu\u015fumunun, kom\u00fcnizmin baz\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli sakatl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 herkesten \u00f6nce dile getirmi\u015f, dile getirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in y\u0131llar y\u0131l\u0131 hapiste yatm\u0131\u015f Cilas. S\u0131rp\u00e7a konu\u015fuyor; uzunca bir konu\u015fma dilimini toplant\u0131n\u0131n ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc \u00e7evirmeni Ivan \u00e7evirinceye kadar ne dedi\u011fini anlamayaca\u011f\u0131m (\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc simultane \u00e7eviri yok). Gene de anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorum Cilas\u2019\u0131, s\u00f6zlerinin de\u011fil sesinin ne anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorum. Konu\u015fmas\u0131 hi\u00e7 m\u00fczikal de\u011fil, ama ben bir m\u00fczik par\u00e7as\u0131 gibi dinliyorum. Heyecanl\u0131 de\u011fil, a\u011f\u0131r a\u011f\u0131r konu\u015fuyor. Sesi monoton. Bu seste \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fc var, deneyim var, \u015f\u00fcphesiz, birikmi\u015f bir hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 var -bir de, g\u00f6rev duygusu, bir t\u00fcr sorumluluk var. \u0130yi \u015feyler olaca\u011f\u0131na sahiden inand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in de\u011fil de, k\u00f6t\u00fc \u015feylere kar\u015f\u0131 direnmek zorunlu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in burada, seksenindeki Cilas.<\/p>\n

\u00c7eviri ba\u015flay\u0131nca, sesine duydu\u011fum yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 baz\u0131 s\u00f6zlerine kar\u015f\u0131 duyam\u0131yorum. Cilas, \u201c\u015f\u00fcphesiz farkl\u0131 bir yap\u0131ya ula\u015f\u0131nca\u201d diye bir ihtiyat pay\u0131 b\u0131rakarak, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n birli\u011finin korunmas\u0131nda ordunun da katk\u0131s\u0131 olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Ayr\u0131ca, ABD ile SSCB\u2019nin olumlu rol oynayabilece\u011fine de\u011finiyor. Reel-sosyalizmle bir kere \u00e7etin bir kavgaya girmi\u015f biri olarak, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc krizin faturas\u0131n\u0131 da k\u0131smen sosyalizme \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor. Uygulanan k\u00f6t\u00fc sosyalizmin bunda pay\u0131 oldu\u011fu do\u011fru. En az\u0131ndan, topluma, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi a\u015fan yeni de\u011ferler sunulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortada. Bunun yerine, sorunlar \u00f6rtbas edilmi\u015f, dondurulmu\u015f. \u015eimdi, reel-sosyalizm \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnce, yaln\u0131z Yugoslavya\u2019da de\u011fil, bu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n tamam\u0131nda, sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinden kalma b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar, fikirler, \u00f6zlemler hortlad\u0131. Yugoslavya da bu arada 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesine d\u00f6nd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Sosyalizm bu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n tarihinde, insanlara olumlu ve ileri de\u011ferlerle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fme imkan\u0131 sunan bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyd\u00fc. Onun ve ba\u015fka ideallerin ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fti\u011fi 1990\u2019larda, insanlar, kendilerini \u00f6zde\u015fleyebilecekleri ortakla\u015fal\u0131k, karde\u015flik de\u011ferlerini, milliyet\u00e7ilikte bulur oldular. Bu tabi\u00ee, daha \u00e7ok, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ve milli-devlet olgusunun hen\u00fcz kendini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme ve t\u00fcketme f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 bulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6relerde daha yo\u011fun bir bi\u00e7imde ya\u015fan\u0131yor – yani, genel olarak, Avusturya\u2019n\u0131n do\u011fusunda.<\/p>\n

Belgrad\u2019daki toplant\u0131y\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle \u00f6zetlememe imkan yok. Ama s\u00f6ylenen \u00f6nemli s\u00f6zleri ve \u00e7\u0131kan baz\u0131 genel izlenimleri aktarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m. Bu arada \u015f\u00f6yle bir konu daha var. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den biri olarak bu toplant\u0131y\u0131 izledi\u011fimde, s\u00f6ylenen pek \u00e7ok s\u00f6z, yap\u0131lan pek \u00e7ok saptama, zihnimde paralellik \u00e7anlar\u0131 \u00e7ald\u0131. Asl\u0131nda ulusal sorunlar\u0131n a\u00e7maza girmesi s\u00fcrecinde, ulusal ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n getirdi\u011fi gerilimleri \u015fiddet ve vah\u015fet y\u00f6ntemleriyle k\u00f6r\u00fckleme s\u00fcrecinde biz mi daha ilerideyiz, yoksa Yugoslavya m\u0131, buna karar vermek de kolay de\u011fil.<\/p>\n

Yugoslavya\u2019da S\u0131rp ve H\u0131rvat n\u00fcfuslar\u0131n i\u00e7i\u00e7eli\u011fine de\u011finmi\u015ftim. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de durum \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 de\u011fil. Az\u0131nl\u0131k -i\u00e7inde- az\u0131nl\u0131klar burada da var. Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n fark\u0131,\u00a0 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n halklar kat\u0131na kadar inmi\u015f olmas\u0131. Bu hen\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yok – ve olursa nas\u0131l bir faciaya yol a\u00e7abilece\u011fini insan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek bile istemiyor. Do\u011fu\u2019da bitmeyen bir silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele var ve elbette can al\u0131yor. Yak\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 kaybedenler, onlar\u0131n yak\u0131nlar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle de homojen denebilecek k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck yerle\u015fim birimlerinde oturanlar, hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphe yok ki bileniyor. Medya, d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k imgelerinin ve d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k duygular\u0131n\u0131n gittik\u00e7e yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in elinden geleni ard\u0131na koymuyor. Baz\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck yerle\u015fimlerde, Bayrami\u00e7\u2019de ve Mu\u011fla\u2019da, ne kadar z\u0131rva nedenlerle olursa olsun, halklar aras\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma bi\u00e7imlerinin ilk \u00f6rnekleri g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Sorunu k\u00f6r\u00fckledik\u00e7e, daha neler olabilece\u011fi \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k. Yugoslavya\u2019da birtak\u0131m temel tutumlar de\u011fi\u015fmedik\u00e7e varaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z yeri bize g\u00f6steren bir ayna gibi. Biz, ad\u0131 konmam\u0131\u015f i\u00e7 sava\u015flar\u0131 ya\u015fama deneyimi edinmi\u015f bir toplum haline gelmi\u015ftik yetmi\u015flerde. Ayn\u0131 ko\u015fullara, bu yeni eksen \u00fcst\u00fcnden ula\u015fabiliriz kolayca.<\/p>\n

\u201cBunu \u00f6nleriz,\u201d diyen babayi\u011fit vard\u0131r mutlaka da, buna kim inan\u0131r? Belgrad\u2019da, Slovenyal\u0131 konu\u015fmac\u0131, Slovenya\u2019n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ayr\u0131lma durumuna Slovenya halk\u0131ndan \u00e7ok Federal ordunun katk\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir K\u00fcrt sorunu haline gelmesine, 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesi ve uygulamas\u0131 kadar katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015f bir ba\u015fka \u00f6zne var m\u0131? Asker, ordu, sonunda eli silahl\u0131 adam demektir. Eli silahl\u0131 adam, \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00e7\u00f6zmez, d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fti\u011fi yerde gerilimi rahatlat\u0131p dostluk yaratamaz; eli silahl\u0131 adam, sonunda sorunlar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fcr, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemezlik noktas\u0131na getirir. Onun temsil etti\u011fi \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u201d bi\u00e7imi, asl\u0131nda gelece\u011fe birikerek devredilen yeni bir sorunlar yuma\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, \u015fimdi, Yugoslavya\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f durumda; bizde hangi a\u015famada oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek de \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7.<\/p>\n

Belgrad toplant\u0131s\u0131 boyunca, toplant\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn iyi niyetlili\u011fine, konu\u015fanlar\u0131n bilin\u00e7lilik ve uygarl\u0131k d\u00fczeyine ra\u011fmen, ne kadar ge\u00e7 kal\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcm hep. Ya T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, burada da ge\u00e7 kalmad\u0131k m\u0131? Slovenyal\u0131 liberal-demokrat Tone Andreyevi\u00e7 \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti: \u201cOrdu, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcnde partilerin yerini almaya kalkt\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm alternatifini yok etti…\u201d<\/p>\n

Yugoslavya\u2019da devlet ve ordu, sorunu bask\u0131yla \u00e7\u00f6zmeye, itiraz edenleri y\u0131ld\u0131rmaya kalk\u0131\u015fmasa, bug\u00fcn daha ger\u00e7ek bir \u201cfederal\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm ya da \u201ckonfederasyon\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc g\u00fcndemde olurdu. D\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelecek y\u00f6nlendirmelerle sorun konfederal bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmle gev\u015fetilebilirdi. Bug\u00fcn, ordunun eylemlerinden ve bunun do\u011furdu\u011fu tepkilerden sonra, bu da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil.<\/p>\n

\u0130nsan\u00ee-toplumsal sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmek i\u00e7in bask\u0131dan ba\u015fka y\u00f6ntem tan\u0131mayan -ve hi\u00e7bir \u00fclkede eksik olmayan- malum ki\u015filer, h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor ve anlam\u0131yorlar ki, bask\u0131, sonunda daha radikal oldu-bittileri ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7ar diye, \u00f6rne\u011fin federasyonu reddederseniz, eninde sonunda \u00fcstelik art\u0131k federasyona da de\u011fil, gene ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011fa var\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131z. Hem de y\u00fczlerce ve binlerce cesede basarak var\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131z buraya.<\/p>\n

Bu gibiler varolacak ve muhtemelen hayata ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc bakmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenemeyecekler. Sorun onlar\u0131 ikna etmek de\u011fil, onlar gibi olmayanlar\u0131n, yetkiyi onlara b\u0131rakmamay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenmesi.<\/p>\n

Tibor Varadi, kom\u00fcnizmin simgeler yaratma al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l milliyet\u00e7ilik simgelerinin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc anlatt\u0131: \u201cEskiden farkl\u0131 ideoloji d\u00fc\u015fmand\u0131, \u015fimdi farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6ken d\u00fc\u015fman.\u201d Milliyet\u00e7i simgelerin belirledi\u011fi bu yeni atmosferde, ortal\u0131kta insan kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatt\u0131 Varadi: \u201cYa kahramanlar var, ya da zebaniler, insanlar yok art\u0131k.\u201d Bu bizim i\u00e7in \u00e7ok tan\u0131d\u0131k bir tema.<\/p>\n

Macar az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bulundu\u011fu b\u00f6lgede bir opera binas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lacakken, a\u00e7\u0131lamam\u0131\u015f. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yetkililer, dekorasyonda, k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131, beyaz ve ye\u015fil renklerin egemen oldu\u011funu saptayarak a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 yasaklam\u0131\u015flar. Sonunda ye\u015fil hal\u0131 yerine ba\u015fka renk hal\u0131 konarak opera a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f. Bu da tan\u0131d\u0131k bir tema.<\/p>\n

Baz\u0131 S\u0131rp konu\u015fmac\u0131lar S\u0131rp milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ele\u015ftirdiler; H\u0131rvat konu\u015fmac\u0131 da H\u0131rvat milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini. S\u0131rplar Yugoslavya\u2019da en kalabal\u0131k millet, ama n\u00fcfustaki oranlar\u0131ndan daha belirleyici bir rol oynad\u0131lar Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n tarihinde, h\u00e2l\u00e2 da oynuyorlar. Orduda subay kadrosuna hemen hemen yaln\u0131z S\u0131rplar egemen. S\u0131rp milliyet\u00e7ileri \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck S\u0131rbistan\u201d r\u00fcyas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131nda. Slovenya\u2019y\u0131 g\u00f6zden \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015flar, ama ba\u015fka bir yeri g\u00f6zden \u00e7\u0131karmad\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, S\u0131rp olmayan onca insan\u0131n haklar\u0131 konusunda fazla taviz vermeye de yana\u015fm\u0131yorlar. Bu da olacak \u015fey de\u011fil. \u0130\u015f, zorla ya\u015fatmaya gelince, kimse zorla ya\u015famaz S\u0131rp egemenli\u011finde.<\/p>\n

S\u0131rp milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin fanatikle\u015fmesi, \u201cS\u0131rp\u201d ve \u201cYugoslav\u201d ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 derinle\u015ftiriyor. B\u00f6yle bir S\u0131rp egemenli\u011fi ile, \u201cYugoslavya\u201d demek anlaml\u0131 de\u011fil. Nitekim, olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi anlamda \u201cYugoslavya\u201ddan yana olanlar milliyet\u00e7i olmayanlar; yoksa, \u201cYugoslavya\u201d ad\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i S\u0131rplara da fazla bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylemiyor, S\u0131rp olmayanlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde tutacaklar\u0131 \u00fclke olmas\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda.<\/p>\n

\u201cEzen ulus milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\/ezilen ulus milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi\u201d, bizlerin de s\u0131k s\u0131k i\u015fitmeye al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir s\u00f6z. Birincinin, ikinciyi k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtt\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011frudur. Ne var ki, genellikle, ikinciye olumlu bir de\u011fer y\u00fcklenir. Bu, \u00e7ok da ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ezeni, ezileni aras\u0131nda bir fark yoktur. Ezilme olgusunu ortadan kald\u0131rma m\u00fccadelesi gerekli ve olumludur; ama bunun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, egemen milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi taklit etmesi, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc olumlulu\u011fu ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131r. \u201cEzilen\u201din de zaman i\u00e7inde kendine bir \u201cezilen\u201d bulup ona eziyet etmeyece\u011finin hi\u00e7bir garantisi yoktur. Tersine, tarih boyunca hep olagelmi\u015ftir bunlar.<\/p>\n

Birarada ya\u015famak durumunda olan milletlerin sinir dengesini bozan ko\u015fullar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmam\u0131z gerekiyor. Birarada ya\u015famak zaten bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck i\u00e7eriyor; g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklerin a\u015f\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in herkesin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar geni\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc, serinkanl\u0131 olmas\u0131 gerekiyor. Toplumlar\u0131, topluluklar\u0131 belirli d\u00fczeylerde daha ileri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imlerine davet ve ikna edebilecekler, be\u011fensek de be\u011fenmesek de ayd\u0131nlard\u0131r. \u00d6nyarg\u0131yla m\u00fccadele edecek, bencilli\u011fin her t\u00fcrl\u00fcs\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zgecili\u011fi\u00a0 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek, dogmatizme kar\u015f\u0131 ele\u015ftirelli\u011fi, d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 kendini \u201c\u00f6teki\u201dnin yerine koyabilme yetene\u011fini geli\u015ftirecek olanlar, disiplinli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin yolunu a\u00e7acak olanlar, ayd\u0131nlard\u0131r. \u015eovenist bask\u0131, ayd\u0131n kesimi de savunmaya iter. Sonunda, herkes kendi milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131na s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmak zorunda kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bunu da ya\u015fad\u0131k ve ya\u015f\u0131yoruz T\u00fcrkiye’de. Nice iyi yeti\u015fmi\u015f, uygar K\u00fcrt ayd\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ileden \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131k, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe s\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fck ite kaka. Bilinen devlet bask\u0131s\u0131yla, ak\u0131l almaz yasalar\u0131m\u0131zla, 12 Eyl\u00fcl tebligatlar\u0131m\u0131zla yapt\u0131k bunu; ama bir yandan da, yazar\u0131m\u0131z, gazetecimiz, ayd\u0131n olmas\u0131 gerekenimizle yapt\u0131k bu i\u015fi: yok \u201cprovokasyon\u201d diyerek, yok CIA komplolar\u0131ndan dem vurarak, \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d k\u00f6kenli bir ulus-devlet dogmatizmi yaparak vb., vb. \u201cT\u00fcrkiye halklar\u0131\u201d denirdi bir zamanlar, bunu s\u00f6ylenemez hale getirdik elbirli\u011fiyle – marifet yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 ve bu marifet yoluyla \u201cmilli birli\u011fi\u201d peki\u015ftirdi\u011fimiz sanarak. \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u201d halklar\u0131 deniyordu, k\u00f6t\u00fc m\u00fcyd\u00fc bu? Bunca bask\u0131 sonunda, azald\u0131 m\u0131 yoksa \u00e7o\u011fald\u0131 m\u0131, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenler?<\/p>\n

Milyonlarca insan\u0131 bu ko\u015fullarda ya\u015fat\u0131rsan\u0131z, milliyet\u00e7i d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k yapanlara kulak vermek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131z onlar\u0131. Uygarl\u0131k, karde\u015flik anlatan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 dinleyecek hal kalmaz kimsede; \u00fcstelik, o ayd\u0131nlarda \u00f6yle \u015fey anlatacak hal kalmaz. Halklar\u0131na ihanet etmi\u015flik duygusuna kap\u0131labilirler ve bu anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r bir \u015feydir.<\/p>\n

Belgrad toplant\u0131s\u0131nda \u201culusal kimlik\u201d sorunu \u00fcst\u00fcnde -ele\u015ftirel bir tav\u0131rla- duruldu uzun uzun. Tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 ne kadar zor olsa da, \u015f\u00fcphesiz \u201culusal kimlik\u201d diye bir \u015fey var – sonunda bu, bir ulusun ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tekmil tarihin o ulus \u00fcst\u00fcnde b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 iz olsa gerektir. Ama bir \u201culusal kimlik\u201d i\u00e7inde yer alan her \u015feyin iyi ve olumlu oldu\u011funu kimse iddia edemez. Nitekim, d\u00fcnyada herkes, hemcinsiyle konu\u015ftu\u011funda, \u201cbiz\u201dden yak\u0131n\u0131r; ba\u015fkas\u0131yla iti\u015fti\u011fi, z\u0131tla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman \u201cbiz\u201d k\u0131ymete biner. Bu \u201cbiz\u201din mutlak savunmas\u0131 ise, insanlar\u0131n ve topluluklar\u0131n kendilerini ele\u015ftirerek a\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131, daha olumluya y\u00f6nelmelerini imkans\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yaln\u0131z K\u00fcrtleri de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkleri de yeterince olumsuz ya\u015fant\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131lar \u201culus-devlet” y\u00f6netiminde. Bu da sanki ya\u015fan\u0131ncaya kadar anla\u015f\u0131lamayan bir olgu. Devlet, ulusun \u201cdevlet\u201di olunca, iyi oluyor sanki. Oysa b\u00f6yle bir \u015fey s\u00f6zkonusu de\u011fil. Benzer durumlarda, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fma\u201dyla ilgili bir ilk co\u015fku ya\u015fan\u0131yor, sonra iktidar yap\u0131lar\u0131 yerle\u015fikle\u015fmeye ba\u015fl\u0131yor, herkes nerede durdu\u011funu, i\u015fin neresinde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anl\u0131yor ve co\u015fku bitiyor, bilinen d\u00fczen kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden devam ediyor. Devletin zart zurtunu, ana dilimizden i\u015fitmi\u015f olmakla kal\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

\u00d6nemli olan \u201culus-devlet\u201d kurmak de\u011fil, hayat\u0131 demokratikle\u015ftirmek. Ne t\u00fcrl\u00fc olacaksa olsun, devleti, o demokratik hayat\u0131n uzant\u0131s\u0131 haline getirmek – topluma hizmet etmekle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olan, etmedi\u011fi zaman da toplumun denetimiyle d\u00fczeltilmesi gereken bir kurum haline getirmek.<\/p>\n

Ama bu, insanlar\u0131n neyle kendilerini \u00f6zde\u015fledikleriyle yak\u0131ndan ilgili bir sorun. Milliyet\u00e7iler, kimli\u011fimizin yaln\u0131zca milli oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerler. Bu, bask\u0131c\u0131, anti-demokratik bir ideolojidir, \u00f6z\u00fc gere\u011fi. \u201cBizim millet\u201de \u00f6zg\u00fc kabul edilen her \u015feyi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z ve ele\u015ftirisiz benimsememiz gerekir; \u201cbizim millet\u201din d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan herkese ve her \u015feye, gere\u011finde onulmaz d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011fa da varabilir bir mesafe almam\u0131z istenir. Milliyet\u00e7ilik, \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201ddan ba\u015fka bir ilke tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, genel insanl\u0131kla ilgili ilkelerle aras\u0131nda bazan \u00f6rt\u00fck, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman da a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u00e7eli\u015fki vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Asl\u0131nda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201dla ne derece ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle d\u00fcnyan\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki geli\u015fme do\u011frultusunda ulusal ideolojiler, de\u011ferler gitgide zay\u0131fl\u0131yor ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik de\u011ferler, uygulamalar \u00f6ncelik kazan\u0131yor. Bu ortamda, ge\u00e7mi\u015ften kalma anakronik bir dar milliyet\u00e7ilik, uzun vadede o ideolojiyle davranan \u00fclkeyi izole eder, ger\u00e7ek geli\u015fmenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr. Ne var ki, milliyet\u00e7iler, asl\u0131nda kendi milletlerine kar\u015f\u0131 da anti-demokratiktir. \u201c\u0130yi milliyet\u00e7i\u201d olman\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fc temelde sadece hamasi oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, bu retorikte s\u0131nav\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7en milliyet\u00e7i \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d \u00fcst\u00fcne en do\u011fru karar\u0131 verme tekelini ve bunu milletine empoze etme hakk\u0131n\u0131, kendi do\u011fal ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131 sayar. Farkl\u0131 bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi savunana kar\u015f\u0131 neleri seferber edece\u011fi de ba\u015ftan bellidir: Millet, Milletin \u00c7\u0131kar\u0131, Milli Duygular, Milli K\u00fclt\u00fcr, Milli Tarih vb. Bu ezici kavramlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen bireyin hi\u00e7bir \u015fans\u0131 yoktur elbette. Ya dedi\u011finden vazge\u00e7er, susar ya da \u201chain\u201d konumuna itilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130nsanlar\u0131n \u201culusal\u201d bir kimli\u011fi vard\u0131r, olacakt\u0131r. Ama bug\u00fcn\u00fcn karma\u015f\u0131k, \u00e7ok-yanl\u0131 insan\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7e\u015fitli kimliklerle varolmak durumundad\u0131r: en basitinden, Danimarka uyruklu bir futbolcu, oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130talyan tak\u0131m\u0131nda bir Danimarka tak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kupadan safd\u0131\u015f\u0131 eden gol\u00fc atabilir. Bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc vicdan azab\u0131 duymas\u0131 anlams\u0131zd\u0131r. \u0130nsan\u0131n sahip oldu\u011fu kimliklerin hi\u00e7birinin, onu ve onun \u00f6b\u00fcr kimliklerini ezen bir \u00f6nemlilik basama\u011f\u0131na konulmamas\u0131 gerekir. Sahip olunabilecek en \u00f6nemli kimlik, asl\u0131nda, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k kimli\u011fidir. Yurtta\u015f, g\u00f6revlerinden \u00f6nce haklar\u0131 olan, emir alan de\u011fil g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrce dile getiren, g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc de\u011fil ele\u015ftirel ve nesnel, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bunca y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00fcnya tarihinin insanl\u0131\u011fa kazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn zenginli\u011fe sahip \u00e7\u0131kan bireydir. E\u015fit ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de b\u00f6yle bir insan tipi, en az\u0131ndan yayg\u0131n olarak, yok. Olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, tersine, olmamas\u0131 i\u00e7in, yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya empoze edilen y\u0131\u011f\u0131nla uygulama, y\u00f6nlendirme var.\u00a0 Yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya gelen bu bask\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fuland\u0131rmalarla, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya i\u015fleyen bask\u0131 mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n da varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezlikten gelemeyiz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, \u015fu ya da bu d\u00fczeyde, alanda merkez\u00ee devlete, onun ideolojisine, genel y\u00f6nelimine vb. cephe alan kesimler, yani s\u00f6zgeli\u015fi \u0130slamc\u0131lar, sosyalistler ve bu arada politize olmu\u015f K\u00fcrtler, asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 temel tutumlar\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yorlar. Bu kesimler, bir \u201ckesim\u201d olarak, merkez\u00ee devlete kar\u015f\u0131 o kesimin, onun savunduklar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini yap\u0131yorlar ve m\u00fccadeleleri bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u201cdemokratik\u201d. Ama bu kesimlerin hi\u00e7biri kendi i\u00e7 yap\u0131lar\u0131nda yeterince demokratik de\u011fil. Olmamalar\u0131n\u0131n temel nedeni de, yukar\u0131da anlatt\u0131klar\u0131mla ayn\u0131 kap\u0131ya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: Hepsi bir total ideolojiden yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yorlar ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnde \u201ctotal\u201d ideoloji kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bireyin hakk\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen bir anlay\u0131\u015f yok.<\/p>\n

\u201cEgemenlik\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z gerekiyor. Bu zaten, \u00e7o\u011fu \u00f6z T\u00fcrk\u00e7e kelime gibi d\u00fcz-anlam\u0131, yan-anlam\u0131 biraz kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k bir kavram. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u201cegemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u201d diyoruz; o zaman bir \u201ctahakk\u00fcm\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kuvvetle kendini g\u00f6steriyor. Bu, Bat\u0131 dillerinin \u201csovereign\u201d kavram\u0131ndan tamamen farkl\u0131. Gelgelelim, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne oturuyor; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bizde asl\u0131nda \u201csovereign\u201d olan bir \u015fey yok – d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkileri aras\u0131nda olabildi\u011fi kadar\u0131yla devletten ba\u015fka. \u201cEgemen\u201d, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201ddan \u00e7ok \u201chakim\u201d anlam\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eriyor. Devlet de, bizim tarihimizde, as\u0131l bu anlamda egemen. \u201cMillet egemendir\u201d ya da \u201cegemen olmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d dedi\u011fimizde gene benzer bir \u015fey anlat\u0131yoruz: Bir \u201ctahakk\u00fcm\u201d mekanizmas\u0131 var ortada, aslolarak; bu \u201ctahakk\u00fcm\u201d\u00fcn sahibi, kendi tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fekliyle, yani b\u00fct\u00fcn \u201ctotaliter\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131yla, \u201cmillet\u201d. Ama bu sadece i\u015fin teorisi; pratikte, \u201ctahakk\u00fcm\u201d mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 o \u201cmillet\u201d ad\u0131na gere\u011finde millete de bask\u0131 yaparak i\u015fleten bir yetkililer \u00e7evresi var.<\/p>\n

Oysa, \u201csovereignty\u201d anlam\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli egemenlikler olmal\u0131d\u0131r ve bunlar belirli d\u00fczeylere da\u011f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r: devlet kendi d\u00fczeyinde egemen olacakt\u0131r, ama toplum devlete kar\u015f\u0131 da egemen olacak, bu arada \u201cyurtta\u015f\/birey\u201d de devlete ve topluma kar\u015f\u0131 egemen (sovereign) olacakt\u0131r. \u201cYurtta\u015f\/birey\u201d bu egemenlikler hiyerar\u015fisinin dibinde, taban\u0131nda de\u011fil, tavan\u0131nda yer alacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6\u011fle yeme\u011fine kadar Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00f6lgelerinden gelen konu\u015fmac\u0131lar\u0131 dinledik. De\u011findi\u011fim temalar\u0131n hepsine de\u011finildi. Dedi\u011fim gibi, Yugoslavya\u2019da bug\u00fcn var\u0131lm\u0131\u015f nokta, bu ilkelerin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 pratik anlamda yararl\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f. \u00c7o\u011funluk, bu ilkeleri hi\u00e7e sayarak, \u201cmilli b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck\u201d yolunda ilerliyor ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Yugoslavya \u00e7arp\u0131\u015farak ve kan d\u00f6kerek par\u00e7alanman\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde. Bu ilkeleri, de\u011ferleri hi\u00e7e saymaya devam edersek, bizim gelece\u011fimiz de farkl\u0131 olmayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Konu\u015fmac\u0131lar\u0131n de\u011findi\u011fi bir konu da, bug\u00fcn Yugoslavya\u2019da \u201cayr\u0131l\u0131k\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n fazladan bir \u201cilericilik\u201d de\u011feri y\u00fcklenmesi. Bu da, ters bir tarih\u00ee ya\u015fant\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir terslik. Ayr\u0131l\u0131k, verili ko\u015fullarda ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz\u00a0 olabilir. Ama \u201cilerici\u201d bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm de\u011fildir. \u201cBa\u015fka \u00e7are b\u0131rakm\u0131yorlar,\u201d demek ba\u015fka, \u201cilerici olmak i\u00e7in ayr\u0131l\u0131yoruz,\u201d demek ba\u015fka.<\/p>\n

\u00d6\u011fleden sonra bu toplant\u0131 i\u00e7in Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerinden gelen konu\u015fmac\u0131lar s\u00f6z\u00fc devrald\u0131lar. K\u00fcrs\u00fcye ilkin \u00fcnl\u00fc ve yetkin tarih\u00e7i Ernest Gellner (Cambridge\u2019den) \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7ilik tarihi \u00fcst\u00fcne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131sa, ama \u00e7ok \u00f6zl\u00fc ve ayd\u0131nlat\u0131c\u0131 konu\u015fmada, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin hangi tarih\u00ee ko\u015fullar sonucunda, Bat\u0131\u2019da gitgide \u201cay\u0131p\u201d say\u0131lan bir ideoloji haline gelirken, Do\u011fu\u2019da b\u00f6yle \u201cilerici\u201d de\u011ferlerle donat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatt\u0131. Konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc aktaramayaca\u011f\u0131m; ancak, kurdu\u011fu modelde, bu \u00e7a\u011fda ve bu b\u00f6lgede, tek-ulus\/tek-devlet \u00f6zlemini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmenin ancak kitlesel \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeler ve zorla g\u00f6\u00e7 ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 -gerek\u00e7eleriyle- a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Hollanda\u2019dan gelen Koenkoch ise ilgin\u00e7 bir an\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131 konu\u015fmas\u0131na. Altm\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sonunda, Yugoslavya\u2019da in\u015fa edilen -ve Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n \u201cbirli\u011fi\u201dne ithaf edilen- b\u00fcy\u00fck kara yolunun yap\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in buraya gelen Uluslararas\u0131 Tugay\u2019daym\u0131\u015f. \u0130lgin\u00e7 bir rastlant\u0131, Helsinki Yurtta\u015flar Meclisi\u2019nin iki ba\u015fkan\u0131ndan biri olan Mary Kaldor\u2019da ayn\u0131 Tugay\u2019daym\u0131\u015f (kom\u00fcnizm tarihinde biraz fazla militarist etki oldu\u011fu \u015fimdi daha a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Ni\u00e7in \u201ctugay\u201d?). Ama o s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde birbirleriyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmam\u0131\u015flar hi\u00e7. Ancak \u015fimdi, bu toplant\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde an\u0131 tazelerken, bu ya\u015fant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ortak oldu\u011funu anlam\u0131\u015flar. Derken tugay greve gitmi\u015f. Nedeni, Yugoslav yetkililerinin onlara Yugoslav milli mar\u015f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yletmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131. \u201cYugoslav milli mar\u015f\u0131na kendi ba\u015f\u0131na itiraz\u0131m\u0131z yok, ama bunu bize s\u00f6yletmeniz anlams\u0131z. Gerekiyorsa \u2018Enternasyonal\u2019i s\u00f6yleyelim,\u201d demi\u015fler. Sonunda milli mar\u015ftan vazge\u00e7ilmi\u015f.<\/p>\n

Koenkoch, demokrasi ve insan haklar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan milli devletin gerekli oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ele\u015ftirdi. \u201cBu san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm de\u011fil, tersine sorunun \u00f6nemli bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r,\u201d dedi. \u00d6zellikle Do\u011fu Avrupa ba\u011flam\u0131nda, ulus-devletin sicilinde \u00e7ok fazla demokrasi ve insan haklar\u0131 su\u00e7u oldu\u011funu ekledi.<\/p>\n

Toplumun y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulan kurumlar, dedi, devlet olsun, federasyon veya konfederasyon olsun, toplumun ve bireylerin daha ileri hedeflere varmas\u0131n\u0131n arac\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fama hakk\u0131na sahip olan insanlara birtak\u0131m ondokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleri empoze etmenin de\u011fil. Ve \u00f6nemli bir temayla bitirdi konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131: gelecekte ulus-devletler Avrupa\u2019s\u0131na de\u011fil, b\u00f6lgeler Avrupa\u2019s\u0131na y\u00f6nelece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n

Polonya\u2019dan Adam Michnich ve Geremek de konu\u015ftular. Ancak, gene Polonya\u2019dan Konstantin Gebert, \u00f6zellikle Yugoslav konu\u015fmac\u0131lar\u0131n s\u00f6zlerinin alt\u0131ndan akan mant\u0131\u011f\u0131, olduk\u00e7a do\u011fru ve olduk\u00e7a ac\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde saptad\u0131. Yugoslavya\u2019da ya\u015fanan gerginli\u011fin dozu bir hayli y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu halde, bu toplant\u0131da gerilim, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 su\u00e7lama vb. pek olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, dedi konu\u015fmac\u0131, Yugoslavlar asl\u0131nda birbirlerine bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylemediler, toplant\u0131daki Avrupal\u0131lara bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Neydi bu? S\u0131rplar dedi ki: \u201cYugoslavya par\u00e7alan\u0131rsa bu i\u015f burada bitmez, b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa\u2019ya yay\u0131l\u0131r; onun i\u00e7in, kendinizi de kurtarmak \u00fczere, elinizden geleni yap\u0131n.\u201d Sloven ve H\u0131rvatlar da dedi ki, \u201cBir milletin kendi kaderini belirleme hakk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 gelirseniz, \u00e7ok ciddi bir ilkeyi \u00e7i\u011fnemi\u015f olursunuz.\u201d<\/p>\n

Konstantin\u2019in te\u015fhisi do\u011fruydu. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ne devletler ne de sivil toplum d\u00fczeyinde, Yugoslavya i\u00e7in bir bedel \u00f6demeye haz\u0131r olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 te\u015fhisi de. \u00d6zel, yerel, ulusal vb., \u201c\u00e7\u0131kar\u201d\u0131n her \u015feye \u00f6ncelik kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 seksenlerin ve doksanlar\u0131n d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda kimse, kimse i\u00e7in bedel \u00f6demek istemiyor.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan Yugoslavlar, d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kendi sorunlar\u0131ndaki pay\u0131n\u0131, olumlu anlamda da olumsuz anlamda da abartmak e\u011filimindeler. Yugoslavya i\u00e7indeki milliyetler, bu karga\u015fal\u0131kta, kendilerine m\u00fcttefik bulam\u0131yor. \u00d6rne\u011fin Slovenya zaten Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcnden kopma derdinde. S\u0131rbistan, S\u0131rbistan olarak kiminle m\u00fcttefik olabilir – belki bir s\u00fcre Karada\u011f\u2019la. Bu\u00a0 durumda, herkes kendine yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda m\u00fcttefik ar\u0131yor. Bunu abart\u0131yor da. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Slovenya Avusturya\u2019n\u0131n deste\u011fine g\u00fcveniyor; H\u0131rvatistan \u0130talya\u2019dan medet umuyor. Bunlara kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, S\u0131rbistan Almanya\u2019ya di\u015f biliyor, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in.<\/p>\n

S\u0131k s\u0131k tekrarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m gibi Yugoslavya\u2019da sorunlar\u0131n da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerin de alg\u0131lanmas\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesi, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n kal\u0131plar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalm\u0131\u015f. Kendi sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcnce, ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin g\u00fcd\u00fclerini de ancak o kal\u0131plarda anl\u0131yorlar. Bu, geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelerde ve reel-sosyalist \u00fclkelerde s\u0131k rastlanan bir olgudur: ba\u015fkalar\u0131 ad\u0131na birtak\u0131m ilkel komplolar d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcr, s\u00f6zde de\u015fifre edilir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Slovenler olsun, S\u0131rplar olsun, Avusturya\u2019n\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 eski Avusturya-Macaristan r\u00fcyas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, kendine Adriyatik yolu a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r diye Sloven ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 destekledi\u011fine inan\u0131yorlar. Hesap\u00e7a Almanya da yeni bir Anschluss yoluyla Avusturya\u2019y\u0131 yutmaya haz\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in o da Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyor. Almanya\u2019n\u0131n, Avusturya\u2019n\u0131n\u00a0 \u00e7ok ba\u015fka bir ger\u00e7eklik d\u00fcnyas\u0131 i\u00e7inde hareket etti\u011fini anlam\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnyay\u0131 b\u00f6yle yorumlama ve de\u011ferlendirme al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bizde de vard\u0131r. Her siyasi ayd\u0131n\u0131m\u0131z, T\u00fcrk ya da K\u00fcrt, CIA\u2019n\u0131n ve benzeri kurumlar\u0131n stratejilerini hesaplar, de\u015fifre eder. Bizim de bu yorumlar\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7er\u00e7eve ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n fazla ilerisinde de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Ama sonu\u00e7ta bir toplum nerede duruyorsa, onun b\u00fcnyesinin kabul edebilece\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm de durdu\u011fu yere uygun olacakt\u0131r. Biz ya da Yugoslavya, 1880\u2019den 1890\u2019a ge\u00e7memekte bu kadar inat ediyorsak -1990\u2019da- bizim sorunlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc de a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 o \u00fcslupta bir \u015fey olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Toplant\u0131n\u0131n son k\u0131sm\u0131nda Avrupal\u0131 ya da Yugoslav herkes akl\u0131na gelen somut \u00f6nerileri dile getirdi – ve do\u011frusu, ger\u00e7ekten etkili denebilecek bir \u00f6neri gelmedi, gelemezdi de. Bu arada biri k\u00fcrs\u00fcye geldi, somut \u00f6neri de\u011fil de, ac\u0131 bir olgu s\u00f6yledi. \u201cBabam Sloven, annem H\u0131rvat,\u201d dedi. \u201cKar\u0131m ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131m ise S\u0131rp. Bu olay b\u00f6yle devam ederse, buras\u0131 benim diyebilece\u011fim bir yurdum kalmayacak.\u201d<\/p>\n

* * *
Pazartesi g\u00fcnleri Belgrad\u2019dan \u0130stanbul\u2019a u\u00e7ak yok. Sal\u0131ya kald\u0131m. Herkes gitmi\u015fti; \u015fehri biraz daha gezmeye vakit buldum. Dedi\u011fim gibi, Belgrad \u00e7ok sakin. Yaya yolu haline getirilen Mihaila soka\u011f\u0131ndan ge\u00e7erken, sokaktaki tezg\u00e2hlar dikkatimi \u00e7ekti. Sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinin \u00c7etnik\u2019leri (S\u0131rp \u201c\u00fclk\u00fcc\u00fc\u201dleri) hortlam\u0131\u015f sanki. Kapaklar\u0131nda sakall\u0131 b\u0131y\u0131kl\u0131 ve u\u011fursuz suratl\u0131 adamlar\u0131n resimleri olan kasetler sat\u0131yorlar. Bir yandan \u00e7al\u0131yorlar bunlar\u0131 ve eski ulusal mar\u015flar i\u015fitiliyor. Madalyalar, ha\u00e7lar, din\u00ee ikonlar var tezg\u00e2hlarda. Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc milliyet\u00e7ilik avadanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 haz\u0131r. En tuhaf\u0131 da bayraklar, \u00c7etnik bayraklar\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekten \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bildi\u011fimiz korsan bayraklar\u0131 bunlar: siyah zemin \u00fcst\u00fcne kuru kafa, \u00e7at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f iki kemik, bir de yaz\u0131 (\u201cHayat ya da \u00d6l\u00fcm\u201d yaz\u0131l\u0131ym\u0131\u015f). \u201c\u00c7ocuksu\u201d demek olmayacak, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201c\u00e7ocuksu\u201d bir \u015feyin sevimlili\u011fi vard\u0131r; ama herhalde ciddi bir b\u00fcy\u00fcmemi\u015flik, bir olgunla\u015fmam\u0131\u015fl\u0131k g\u00f6steriyor kuru kafal\u0131 fa\u015fist bayra\u011f\u0131. Bir \u00f6zel ba\u011flamda da iyi, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc vaadetti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n

Az ileride de bir kitap\u00e7\u0131 d\u00fckkan\u0131na g\u00f6z\u00fcm tak\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130ki yan\u0131nda ve olduk\u00e7a geni\u015f cephesini olu\u015fturan vitrinin \u00fcst\u00fcnde koyu renk panolar var. Kap\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda, dikine panoda tebe\u015firle \u00e7izilmi\u015f bir general karikat\u00fcr\u00fc. \u00dcstteki panolarda general el ediyor, birtak\u0131m insanlar\u0131 ard\u0131na tak\u0131p g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Yeniden dikine panoya geldi\u011fimizde generalin u\u00e7urumdan para\u015f\u00fctle atlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u00d6b\u00fcrleri \u00f6ylece u\u00e7mu\u015f a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya, feryat figan.<\/p>\n

Demek ki, yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkede insan g\u00f6z\u00fc imgeler karma\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7inden baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ay\u0131rt etmeye ba\u015flay\u0131nca, ola\u011fand\u0131\u015f\u0131 imgeleri de se\u00e7iyor ve b\u00f6ylece \u015fehrin sakin g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndaki gerginli\u011fin yans\u0131malar\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6r\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Tezg\u00e2hlarda mar\u015flar \u00e7al\u0131n\u0131yor, ama k\u00f6\u015fe ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki sokak \u00e7alg\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 lirik Yugoslav havalar\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7miyor. Lokantalar soka\u011f\u0131 Skadarska, b\u00fct\u00fcn turistikli\u011fiyle, bu havalar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer. Burada ge\u00e7 bir \u00f6\u011fle yeme\u011fi yedim. Bu saatlerde Skadarska tenha. Ak\u015fam kalabal\u0131kla\u015f\u0131yor ve her lokantan\u0131n orkestras\u0131 masa masa dola\u015farak masum bir ya\u015fama sevincini dile getiren Yugoslav \u015fark\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 -buradakiler bir t\u00fcr \u015fehir folkloru say\u0131labilir- s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Bak\u0131yorum, \u00e7evremdeki insanlara… Yugoslavya gergin, rasyonel g\u00f6stergeler bunu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Peki ama kim d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fecek? Bu g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm insanlar m\u0131? Hi\u00e7 \u00f6yle bir halleri yok. Biliyorum, \u015fiddet ve sava\u015f bir kere ba\u015flad\u0131 m\u0131, bu sessiz sakin insanlar\u0131 da s\u00fcr\u00fckleyip g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc felakete, hep de b\u00f6yle olmu\u015ftur. Gene de, g\u00f6z\u00fcmle g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcn akl\u0131m\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fine galebe \u00e7almas\u0131n\u0131 umuyorum – sokaktaki adam\u0131n, \u015fu ba\u015fba\u015fa yemek yiyen sevgililerin sa\u011fduyusunun, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00c7etniklere, Usta\u015falara, kurukafal\u0131 bayraklara, madalyalara galebe \u00e7almas\u0131n\u0131.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yugoslavya, verdi\u011fi sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, ciddi bir rahats\u0131zl\u0131k ge\u00e7iriyor. Bir par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcreci ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve art\u0131k kolay kolay geri d\u00f6n\u00fclemeyecek bir \u201cakutla\u015fma\u201d noktas\u0131na varm\u0131\u015f. Sorun yaln\u0131z b\u00f6l\u00fcnme, par\u00e7alanma da de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda, bunun nas\u0131l olaca\u011f\u0131 da \u00f6nemli. Gene ayn\u0131 sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, pek bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ve olgun bir bi\u00e7im olmayacak bu. 5-9 Temmuz tarihleri aras\u0131nda Belgrad\u2019dayd\u0131m. Gitme nedenim, \u00fcyesi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1601","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-milliyetcilik"},"yoast_head":"\nMilliyet\u00e7ilik ve Demokrasi | Murat Belge - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/11\/27\/milliyetcilik-ve-demokrasi-murat-belge\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve Demokrasi | Murat Belge\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Yugoslavya, verdi\u011fi sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, ciddi bir rahats\u0131zl\u0131k ge\u00e7iriyor. Bir par\u00e7alanma s\u00fcreci ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve art\u0131k kolay kolay geri d\u00f6n\u00fclemeyecek bir \u201cakutla\u015fma\u201d noktas\u0131na varm\u0131\u015f. Sorun yaln\u0131z b\u00f6l\u00fcnme, par\u00e7alanma da de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda, bunun nas\u0131l olaca\u011f\u0131 da \u00f6nemli. Gene ayn\u0131 sinyallere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, pek bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ve olgun bir bi\u00e7im olmayacak bu. 5-9 Temmuz tarihleri aras\u0131nda Belgrad\u2019dayd\u0131m. 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