{"id":1608,"date":"2010-08-03T01:00:00","date_gmt":"2010-08-02T22:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/08\/03\/melez-sahsiyetlerimiz-stuart-hall\/"},"modified":"2010-08-03T01:00:00","modified_gmt":"2010-08-02T22:00:00","slug":"melez-sahsiyetlerimiz-stuart-hall","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/03\/melez-sahsiyetlerimiz-stuart-hall\/","title":{"rendered":"Melez \u015eahsiyetlerimiz | Stuart Hall"},"content":{"rendered":"

Modernitenin b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6ylemleri -bu ba\u011flamda, Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019n\u0131n \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck anlat\u0131lar\u0131\u201d liberalizm ve en az onun kadar Marksizm, kendi farkl\u0131 yollar\u0131nda- ulusal tutkunun yeniden uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, tedrici yokolu\u015funu ummam\u0131za yola\u00e7t\u0131. Ulusa olan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, kabileye, \u00fclkeye, b\u00f6lgeye, dine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131kta oldu\u011fu gibi, kapitalist modernitenin tedrici olarak ya da \u015fiddetle \u00e7\u00f6zece\u011fi; ya da yerine ba\u015fka bir \u015fey koyarak ortadan kald\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 arkaik bir partik\u00fclarizm oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Globalle\u015fme, yani yerk\u00fcrenin gittik\u00e7e daha fazla par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist pazar a\u011f\u0131na \u00e7ekilmesi, tabii ki yeni bir olgu de\u011fildir. \u0130spanyol ve Portekizlilerin 15. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonunda, Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131\/\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bu yana s\u00fcrmektedir. M\u00e2l\u00ee sistemlerin yeni entegrasyonu, \u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketimin uluslararas\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131, global haberle\u015fme a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131 -her ne kadar ay\u0131rt edici olsa da- sadece, uzun tarihsel bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te var\u0131lan son safhad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yine de bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, t\u00fcrde\u015fle\u015ftirici modernitenin de\u011fi\u015ftirece\u011fi san\u0131lan, daha yerelle\u015fmi\u015f toplumlara yara\u015fan kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131n, b\u00f6lgesel ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n ve \u00f6zde\u015fliklerin zorunlu imhas\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tabii ki, kapitalist modernitenin g\u00fc\u00e7leri, e\u015fitsiz ve birle\u015fik geli\u015fmelerinde n\u00fcfuz ettikleri toplumlar\u0131 radikal olarak alt\u00fcst etmi\u015flerdir. Ancak \u201ckapitalizmin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d denen \u015fey, farkl\u0131l\u0131k sayesinde (cinsel farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da i\u00e7ermek \u00fczere) farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 koruyarak ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek oldu\u011fu kadar, onu tedricen zay\u0131flatarak da etkisini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu yay\u0131lmac\u0131 tarihin motoru, iyice belirlenmi\u015f karasal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131, ulusal ekonomileri ve b\u00fcy\u00fcyen ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri ile Avrupa ulus-devletiydi. Tabii ki bununla yanyana, ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar aras\u0131nda ve \u00f6tesinde, sermaye, mal ve emek ak\u0131mlar\u0131 yer ald\u0131. \u0130mmanuel Wallerstein\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi gibi, \u201cTam da her biri di\u011ferinden farkl\u0131 ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrler yarat\u0131l\u0131yorken, bu ak\u0131mlar, ulusal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131yorlard\u0131.\u201d<\/p>\n

Kapitalizmin ulus-devleti ve ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri geli\u015ftirme e\u011filimi ile ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015fan y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fckleri aras\u0131ndaki bu gerilim, modernitenin kalbindeki \u00e7eli\u015fkidir; ki bu \u00e7eli\u015fki, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe ve onun partik\u00fclarizmlerine, ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015fan yeni global d\u00fczen denen \u015feyin merkezinde \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem ve g\u00fc\u00e7 tan\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin kabul edilmesi Thatcherizmin en \u00f6nemli hilelerinden biriydi; ve bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi Thatcherizm\u2019in ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 oldu – Britanya\u2019n\u0131n ulusal egemenli\u011finden santim \u00f6zveride dahi bulunmadan \u201ctek pazar\u201d\u0131n nimetlerini kapabilece\u011fi ya da \u201c\u0130ngilizli\u011fin\u201d, Avrupal\u0131 fikrine bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimlik olaca\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131lsamas\u0131, sonu\u00e7ta Bayan Thatcher\u2019\u0131 taht\u0131ndan indirmi\u015f ve halefini Maastricht sonras\u0131 u\u00e7urumun kenar\u0131na getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Paradoksal olarak, globalle\u015fmenin \u201cyerel\u201d ittifaklar\u0131n ve kimliklerin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine elverdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Bunun bir sonucu, Bat\u0131 Avrupa ulus-devletinin merkezile\u015fmi\u015f milliyet\u00e7iliklerinin yava\u015f ve d\u00fczensiz bir \u015fekilde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi ve ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 a\u015fan ili\u015fkiler ile yerel kimliklerin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi olmu\u015ftur. Bu hayli ar\u0131zal\u0131 s\u00fcrecin iki \u00f6zelli\u011fi, kimlikleri Ernest Gellner\u2019\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck ulus devletlerinin \u201cpolitik \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131\u201d dedi\u011fi \u015fey alt\u0131nda kapsanm\u0131\u015f olan daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck, ikinci dereceden milliyet\u00e7iliklerin ve yerel ya da ulusal \u00f6zerklik hareketlerinin yeniden \u00f6nem kazanmas\u0131 ve kendilerini periferilerinden gelen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6ren ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerce olu\u015fturulan savunmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck bir tepkinin paralel b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da bunlar olurken, ayn\u0131 zamanda Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na ve ku\u015faklar boyu Sovyet n\u00fcfuz alan\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcper -milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi alt\u0131nda kalan halklar aras\u0131nda etnik milliyet\u00e7iliklerin yeniden do\u011fu\u015funa tan\u0131k olduk. Bu, anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 bir ikili hareketi yans\u0131t\u0131yor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir- ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bu halklar\u0131n kendilerini uluslar olarak yeniden in\u015fa etme \u00e7abas\u0131, hem Sovyet ve b\u00fcrokratik sosyalist ge\u00e7mi\u015flerine bir tepkiyi; hem, millet olman\u0131n, yeni Bat\u0131 Avrupa zenginli\u011fine ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in sahip olunan tek giri\u015f bileti oldu\u011funa dair yan\u0131lg\u0131ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilecek bir umudu yans\u0131t\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Bu nedenle, milliyet\u00e7iliklerin y\u00fckseli\u015f ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fleri olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz bu ak\u0131l kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran manzara, bir t\u00fcr birle\u015fik ve d\u00fczensiz \u00e7ifte sarmal i\u00e7ine kilitlenmi\u015ftir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ki, solun enternasyonalist perspektiflerince ortaya konan ekseriya a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 rasyonel beklentilere kar\u015f\u0131n, milliyet\u00e7ilik t\u00fckenmi\u015f bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi; ayn\u0131 zamanda, politik olarak ille de gerici veya ilerici bir g\u00fc\u00e7 de de\u011fildir. Ernesto Laclau\u2019dan al\u0131nt\u0131layarak s\u00f6ylersek, milliyet\u00e7ilik \u201czaruri bir politik aidiyete sahip de\u011fildir\u201d. Milliyet\u00e7ilik, farkl\u0131 tarihsel zamanlarda \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 politik tav\u0131r al\u0131\u015flara b\u00fcr\u00fcnmeye, muktedirdir ve karakteri, eklemlendi\u011fi di\u011fer geleneklere, s\u00f6ylemlere ve g\u00fc\u00e7lere \u00e7ok fazla ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirmenin kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6ylemleri olarak \u00fcretilen, ele\u015ftirel k\u00fclt\u00fcrler ve politik geleneklerle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olan \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck uluslar\u201d\u0131n milliyet\u00e7ilikleri, dayat\u0131lan b\u00fcrokratik sosyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 tarihsel bir tepki olarak \u00fcretilenlerden \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 bir politik anlam ve y\u00f6r\u00fcngeye sahiptirler; ama politik k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc etnik ya da dinsel mutlakiyet\u00e7i geleneklerle, birlikte yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Her t\u00fcr farkl\u0131l\u0131k ve \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi i\u00e7eren merkez\u00ee ulus-devletlerin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kurumlarca \u00fcretilen ve korunan k\u00fclt\u00fcrleri ve ulusal kimlikleriyle birlikte zay\u0131flamas\u0131n\u0131n, daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck milliyet\u00e7iliklere e\u015fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir f\u0131rsat sundu\u011fu a\u015fik\u00e2rd\u0131r. Bununla birlikte, millet olmaya do\u011fru bir h\u00fccumun, \u201cy\u00fckselen\u201d k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck milliyet\u00e7iliklerin bir\u00e7o\u011funda, \u00e7o\u011fu kez ait olduklar\u0131 eski ulus devletlerin ya da emperyal formasyonlar\u0131n yerine, etnik (ya da k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, dinsel ya da \u0131rksal olarak) i\u00e7e d\u00f6n\u00fck ya da \u201csaf\u201d formasyonlar in\u015fa etme \u00e7abas\u0131na girebildiklerini, ya da Gellner\u2019\u0131n deyimiyle tek bir politik \u00e7at\u0131 alt\u0131nda tek halk\u0131, tek etnik toplulu\u011fu i\u00e7eren Bat\u0131 modernitesinin b\u00fcy\u00fck ulus-devletlerinin ba\u015far\u0131 s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 burada g\u00f6rerek o gayeyi kabul etmek \u00f6nemlidir.<\/p>\n

Fakat Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ulus devletlerinin tarihi, hi\u00e7bir zaman etnik olarak b\u00f6ylesine saf olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hepsi de Daffyd Elis Thomas\u2019\u0131n ge\u00e7enlerde vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, fetihlerin, bir halk\u0131n di\u011ferini yutmas\u0131n\u0131n sonucu olarak, etnik bak\u0131mdan istisnas\u0131z melezdirler. Temsil\u00ee sistemler olan ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin asli i\u015flevi, asl\u0131nda etnik bak\u0131mdan karmakar\u0131\u015f\u0131k olan modern milliyeti \u201ctek halk\u201d\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri birli\u011fi olarak g\u00f6stermek ve onlar\u0131n kopu\u015flar ve fetihler olu\u015fan ger\u00e7ek tarihlerini saf, mitik bir zamana do\u011fru kesiksiz, k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131z bir s\u00fcreklilik olarak yans\u0131tan icad edilmi\u015f geleneklerini temsil etmektir. Dahas\u0131, modern ulus-devletin bu melezli\u011fi, globalle\u015fmenin birinci safhas\u0131nda, yak\u0131n zamanlar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck zoraki ve g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kitle g\u00f6\u00e7leriyle olu\u015fturulmu\u015ftur. Bu y\u00fczden, halen onar\u0131lamayacak \u015fekilde g\u00f6\u00e7men topluluklarla bezeli hale gelmi\u015f olan Bat\u0131 ulus-devletleri, birbiri ard\u0131nca, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemeyecek bir \u015fekilde, etnik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, dinsel ve dilsel olarak i\u00e7i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir \u015fekilde \u00e7ok-k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc hale geliyorlar.<\/p>\n

Ancak yeni milliyet\u00e7iliklerin bir\u00e7o\u011fu, saf bir \u201cfolk\u201d yaratmak ve olduk\u00e7a tehlikeli olan \u201cetnik temizleme\u201d oyununu oynamak i\u00e7in, genellikle son derece \u015f\u00fcpheli do\u011fu\u015f mitleri ve di\u011fer sahte iddialarla u\u011fra\u015fmakla me\u015fguld\u00fcrler. B\u00f6ylece, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n moderniteye y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn sanc\u0131l\u0131 ve \u015fiddet dolu tarihi boyunca, yeniden ve yeniden yarat\u0131lan alt\u00fcst olmu\u015f tarihler ve melezle\u015ftirilmi\u015f etnik topluluklar ulusal kimli\u011fin bir t\u00fcr kavran\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fin s\u00f6zde ge\u00e7mi\u015ften gelece\u011fe de\u011fi\u015fmeksizin hareket eden bir \u00f6z olarak yeniden \u015fekilleyen -ve Hobsbawmla Ranger\u2019e g\u00f6re genellikle \u201cuydurulmu\u015f\u201d olan- bir \u201cgelenek\u201de hileli bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f yoluyla s\u0131n\u0131fland\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr etnik mutlakiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Bat\u0131 Avrupal\u0131lar\u0131n her zaman kendisini y\u00f6netmede yetersiz olduklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri\u00a0 Balkanlar ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcz; oysa etnik mutlakiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n eski \u201cmodern\u201d ulus-devletlerde de canl\u0131 oldu\u011funu hat\u0131rlamal\u0131y\u0131z. K\u00fclt\u00fcrel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011falmas\u0131n\u0131n ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz Britanya\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011ful etnik karakteriyle \u00f6te yanda Avrupal\u0131 kimli\u011fini tehdit etti\u011fi y\u00fckselen travman\u0131n sonucu, ge\u00e7en on y\u0131l boyunca, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6zard\u0131 eden ya da farkl\u0131l\u0131klarla birlikte ya\u015famay\u0131 reddeden bir anlay\u0131\u015f \u00fczerine kurulu, k\u0131smen savunmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck, kapal\u0131, d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 bir \u201c\u0130ngilizlik\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131k – bu, hi\u00e7bir y\u00f6netsel lafazanl\u0131k ya da \u201cyeni giri\u015fimcilik\u201d denemesinin saklayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da sapt\u0131ramad\u0131\u011f\u0131, moderniteden geriye do\u011fru at\u0131lan bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Fransa ve Almanya\u2019daki, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Britanyal\u0131lar, d\u00fcped\u00fcz ma\u011frur ve kay\u0131ts\u0131z olmaya yatk\u0131nd\u0131rlar. Bununla birlikte, Thatcherizmin g\u00f6lgesi alt\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f olan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bi\u00e7imleri, \u0131rk ve etniklik sorunlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemine, ulus meselesine ve ulusal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel aidiyete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u201cTebbit testi\u201d denen \u015fey, (etnikli\u011fin ay\u0131rt edici bir bi\u00e7imi olarak) \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel aidiyet\u201din, hangi yolla genetik safl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yerini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor ve deri renginin kodlanm\u0131\u015f dili olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Paul Gilroy\u2019un There Ain\u2019t No black in the Union Jack\u2019te (\u0130ngiliz Bayra\u011f\u0131nda Siyah Yok) s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, \u201cBiyolojik a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131\u011fa dair kaba d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerden beri olduk\u00e7a yol alm\u0131\u015f olan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir bi\u00e7imi, \u015fimdilerde birle\u015fik k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir topluluk olarak ulusun hayali bir tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sunman\u0131n pe\u015findedir. Bu beyazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 itibar\u0131yla homojen, dahili ve harici d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 dayan\u0131ks\u0131z ve daima yaralanabilir bir ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr imaj\u0131 kurar ve savunur.\u201d<\/p>\n

Farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ili\u015fkin ayn\u0131 korku, de\u011fi\u015fik bi\u00e7imlerde, en heterojen halklar\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimli\u011fini, yaln\u0131zca y\u00fczy\u0131llardan beri bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131 kom\u015fular\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlara, Kuzey Afrikal\u0131lara, T\u00fcrklere ve Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n periferilerinden gelmi\u015f di\u011ferlerine kar\u015f\u0131 h\u0131zla ve birlikte d\u00f6\u015fedikleri \u201cyeni Avrupa\u201dn\u0131n her yerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Bu e\u011filimler burada sayg\u0131de\u011fer m\u00fcttefik ve destekleyicilere sahiptir. Yerli ekonomilerin imhas\u0131yla, \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin de\u011ferden d\u00fc\u015fmesiyle bor\u00e7lar\u0131n fel\u00e7 edici a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla oldu\u011fu kadar yoksulluk, kurakl\u0131k ve sava\u015f hali nedeniyle i\u015flerinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olanlar gibi pek de sayg\u0131de\u011fer olmayan bask\u0131n birlikleri ise, bir gidi\u015f bileti al\u0131p Bat\u0131\u2019da yeni bir hayata do\u011fru s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ge\u00e7meye y\u00f6neliyorlar.<\/p>\n

Raymond Williams, \u0131srarla, modern ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimliklerin \u201csoyutlama\u201dlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 koymak i\u00e7in, \u201ck\u00f6kle\u015fmi\u015f anla\u015fmalar\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, i\u015flenmi\u015f ve hayata ge\u00e7irilebilir kimlikler \u00f6nerdi. Yaz\u0131lar\u0131 yan\u0131lmaz bir do\u011frulukla, emin bir korunak olarak kendisine teslim olmam\u0131z istenen ulusal kimli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, s\u00f6zkonusu bozulma ve kaymalardan sorumlu oldu\u011funu yerli yerine koyar: \u201cModern \u00e7a\u011fda, do\u011fal topluluklar\u0131 par\u00e7alayan, ezen ve yapay kurallar dayatan, kapitalizmdir. Kapitalist devletlerin, bunun pe\u015finden yurtseverlikle ilgili duygular\u0131 kendi formlar\u0131nda ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7irmede ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmalar\u0131, ac\u0131 bir ironidir.\u201d<\/p>\n

Williams\u2019da \u201cbilinebilir, kavranabilir cemaatler\u201d i\u00e7indeki \u201cakt\u00fcel hayatlar\u201da yap\u0131lan \u0131srarl\u0131 vurgu, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Maastricht sonras\u0131 karma\u015fada yararl\u0131, sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131d\u0131r. Dar bir K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u0130ngilterecilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan, daha geni\u015f bir Avrupal\u0131l\u0131k perspektifine kay\u0131\u015f hararetle savunulabilir olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, \u015fu da kabul edilmelidir ki, \u201cAvrupal\u0131 kimli\u011fi\u201d denen \u015fey bir gecede, \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00fcstl\u00fck bir tek pazar mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n temsil etti\u011fi bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavram\u0131 ve toplumsal kimlik mekanizmalar\u0131 kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerine bina edilemez (bu \u00e7ok s\u0131\u011f bir mant\u0131k olur). B\u00f6yle yap\u0131l\u0131rsa, o zaman Danimarkal\u0131lar\u0131n referandumda \u00e7ok \u00f6\u011fretici bir \u015fekilde ortaya koyduklar\u0131 [tepki] hakedilmi\u015f olunur. Ki\u015fi Avrupa\u2019ya ne kadar \u00e7ok \u201cinan\u0131yorsa\u201d -ya da asl\u0131nda daha do\u011fru bir deyi\u015fle, Avrupa sorunu, \u00fczerinde ve etraf\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015fmaya ve m\u00fccadeleye ne denli a\u00e7\u0131k k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131rsa- \u201changi Avrupa?\u201d, \u201changi Avrupal\u0131 kimli\u011fi?\u201d, \u201cAvrupa k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc nedir?\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fc sorular ve hem siyah hem Avrupal\u0131 olman\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, e\u011fer m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse nas\u0131l olabilece\u011fi sorusu daha \u00f6nemli hale gelir.<\/p>\n

Williams, ger\u00e7ek tarih kopu\u015flar\u0131n ve s\u00fcreksizliklerin -\u201ch\u0131zl\u0131 ekonomik geli\u015fme i\u00e7inde end\u00fcstriyel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma; yoksulla\u015fma, n\u00fcfus kayb\u0131 ve marjinalle\u015fme i\u00e7inde k\u0131rsal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma\u201d- tarihiyken, yapay olarak birle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimlik ve s\u00fcreklili\u011fi i\u011freti olan bir ulusal tarih in\u015fa etmenin tehlikelerini g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Williams, ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yeniden do\u011fu\u015fun, \u201cbast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6z\u00fcn yeniden canlanmas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, bir tarihin radikal bir \u015fekilde yerlerinden edilmi\u015f ve ba\u015fe\u011fdirilmi\u015f insanlar aras\u0131nda adamak\u0131ll\u0131 i\u015flemesini\u201d gerektirdi\u011fini vurgulad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Buna ra\u011fmen, Williams\u2019\u0131n \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmenin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u201cait olma\u201dn\u0131n en \u00f6nemli temeli olarak \u201cakt\u00fcel ve s\u00fcrekli toplumsal ili\u015fkiler\u201de atfetti\u011fi \u00f6nem, bir\u00e7ok zorlu\u011fu ortaya koyar; ki bunlar bizi \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnsel ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131\u201d olarak k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve cemaat \u00fczerindeki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n temel vurgusuna geri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr. Kimin tarz\u0131? Kimin hayat\u0131? Bir tek tarz m\u0131, yoksa muhtelif tarzlar m\u0131? Modern d\u00fcnyada \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnsel ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131\u201dne ne denli incelersek, onlar\u0131n o denli farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f, benzerlik ve farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n karma\u015f\u0131k \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcleri ile tamamen b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclmez mi?<\/p>\n

Bana \u00f6yle geliyor ki, her tarz ve durumdaki modern insanlar, hayatlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilme ko\u015fulu olarak, e\u015fzamanl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde, birbiriyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen muhtelif \u201cmuhayyel cemaat\u201din \u00fcyeleri olmu\u015flard\u0131r; ve bu kompleks s\u0131n\u0131rlar aras\u0131nda ve \u00f6tesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan y\u00fczle\u015fmeler, uzla\u015fmalar, ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na modernitenin karakteristi\u011fidir. Muhtelif \u201cd\u00fcnyalar\u201dda ya\u015fayabilme ve uzla\u015fabilme yetisini, bir zamanlar modern yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumun bir i\u015fareti, postmodernin Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7ebe yaln\u0131z bireyin s\u0131rt\u0131nda ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir y\u00fck, olarak g\u00f6renler i\u00e7in \u015funu hat\u0131rlatmakta yarar var ki, W.E.B. Dubois, \u201cikili bilincin\u201d y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc k\u00f6lenin ve onun torunlar\u0131n\u0131n bilincinin y\u00fck\u00fc diye tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; ki bu torunlar, C.L.R. James\u2019in g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi gibi \u201cBat\u0131 uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda olmak zorunda olup, ancak tamam\u0131yla onun bir par\u00e7as\u0131 da olmam\u0131\u015f olanlard\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n

Williams 2000\u2019e Do\u011fru\u2019da, beyaz erkek i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n -kendisi, yar\u0131s\u0131 diyerek a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 nezaket g\u00f6steriyor- \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r insanlar\u0131n yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemdeki g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi \u015feye duydu\u011fu tepkiyi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bu tepki, s\u00f6zkonusu olan siyahlar -ki onlar i\u00e7in de farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fik\u00e2r olan onlar- -biziz- oldu\u011funda, \u00f6fkeli kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 ve \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar kimli\u011fin en se\u00e7ilmi\u015f bi\u00e7imleriyle kesi\u015fiyor. Williams, yabanc\u0131lar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na duyulan tepkinin, kolayca bu \u201cba\u015fkal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d siyahl\u0131kla \u00f6zg\u00fclle\u015ftirmeye kayd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul ediyor. Ancak, bunun her zaman \u201c\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k\u201d olarak nitelendirilmesine ve \u00f6zellikle, \u201cstandart liberal cevap\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cama onlar da sizin kadar Britanyal\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu s\u00f6ylemin \u201cBritanyal\u0131 olman\u0131n yaln\u0131zca hukuksal bir tan\u0131m\u0131\u201dn\u0131 verdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. \u201c…B\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl toplumsal ili\u015fkiler s\u00f6zkonusu oldu\u011funda, toplumsal kimli\u011fin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n formel tan\u0131mlarla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini ummak, ciddi bir hatad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc… toplumsal kimli\u011fin fiil\u00ee olarak fark\u0131na var\u0131lmas\u0131, akt\u00fcel ve tutunmu\u015f toplumsal ili\u015fkilere ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Toplumsal kimli\u011fi, devlet d\u00fczeyinde formel tan\u0131mlara indirgemek, modern hakim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 i\u015flevsel terimleri olan \u2018ulus\u2019un yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f yapayl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi olmakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bu al\u0131nt\u0131, bir dizi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc eksiklik ve kopukluk i\u00e7eriyor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Bu nedenle, bu aralar Paul Gilroy\u2019un There Ain\u2019t No Black in the Union Jack\u2019teki polemi\u011finde dikkat \u00e7ekti\u011fi \u00fczere; s\u00f6zkonusu metnin i\u00e7eri\u011finin \u00f6zel bir \u0131rksal toplumsal kimlik bi\u00e7imini tarif etti\u011fini; Williams\u2019\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n soldaki \u00f6teki bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte oldu\u011fu gibi \u0131rk sorunlar\u0131na hem bir dereceye kadar duyars\u0131z hem de pek s\u0131nanmam\u0131\u015f \u201culusal\u201d k\u00fclt\u00fcrel varsay\u0131mlar\u0131n i\u00e7ine hapsolmu\u015f oldu\u011funa dair i\u015faretler verdi\u011fini g\u00f6rmek, \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Gilroy\u2019un sordu\u011fu gibi, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl toplumsal ili\u015fkiler\u201d ne kadar \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl\u201d olmal\u0131d\u0131r? Siyahlarla beyazlar aras\u0131nda, bir\u00e7ok kent-i\u00e7i cemaatlerde varolan toplumsal ili\u015fkiler ne kadar \u201cakt\u00fcel\u201ddir; siyahlar ve beyazlar kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak birbirlerinin haklar\u0131na riayeti zorunlu k\u0131lan bir kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 nas\u0131l sa\u011flamak durumundad\u0131rlar? Toplumsal kimli\u011fin, formel yasal tan\u0131mlamalara indirgenemeyece\u011fi do\u011frudur. Ancak yerel DSS b\u00fcrosunda yurtta\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131n\u0131z\u0131 korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan siyah bir kad\u0131nsan\u0131z ya da Heathrow\u2019da iki s\u0131ra halinde dizilmi\u015f g\u00f6\u00e7men b\u00fcrosu yetkililerinin s\u0131ra daya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yiyerek ge\u00e7en Asyal\u0131 bir aileyseniz, \u201cformel hukuksal tan\u0131mlamalar\u201d \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131rlar. Bunlar, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel asimilasyonun \u015fart\u0131 yap\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n

K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7e\u015fitlilik gittik\u00e7e modern d\u00fcnyan\u0131n yazg\u0131s\u0131 ve etnik mutlakiyet\u00e7ilik ge\u00e7-modernitenin geriye d\u00f6n\u00fck y\u00fcz\u00fc oldu\u011fundan; \u015fimdi en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehlike, kimliklerini, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ya da cemaatin kapal\u0131 versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 benimseyerek ve farkl\u0131l\u0131kla birlikte ya\u015famaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktan do\u011fan zor sorunlarla u\u011fra\u015fmay\u0131 reddederek korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan -yeni ya da eski- ulusal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kimlik bi\u00e7imlerinden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Farkl\u0131l\u0131kla birlikte ya\u015fayabilme yetisi kan\u0131mca, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczde duran temel sorusudur. Eski kapanmalara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinde, \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr\u201d ve \u201ccemaat\u201din keza kapal\u0131, \u00fcniter, homojen ve \u00f6zc\u00fc bir yorumuna ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan yeni ulusal hareketler, korkun\u00e7 bir tarih\u00ee engeli a\u015fmada ancak ikinci engele tak\u0131lmak \u00fczere ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olabilirler.<\/p>\n

Kendimi, sanki konu\u015fmam\u0131 bir ba\u015fka yerden bitirmeye mecburmu\u015fum gibi hissediyorum. Bu yer, \u201ck\u00f6kl\u00fc anla\u015fmalar\u0131 olan cemaatler\u201dinden, \u201cmek\u00e2nsal duyarl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131ndan ve \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnsel ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131\u201dndan ayr\u0131lmak zorunda kalan milyonlarca yerinden yurdundan edilmi\u015f insan\u0131n, alt \u00fcst olmu\u015f k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin ve g\u00fcneyin da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f cemaatlerinin durdu\u011fu yerdir. En az iki kimli\u011fe sahip olmaya, iki k\u00fclt\u00fcrel dil konu\u015fmaya, bu dillerle anla\u015fmaya ve bu diller aras\u0131nda \u201cterc\u00fcme yapmaya\u201d zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015f bu insanlar, yeni s\u00fcrg\u00fcnlerin \u00fcr\u00fcnleridir.<\/p>\n

Bu bak\u0131mdan, bir anlamda modernitenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda m\u00fccadele ettikleri halde, \u201cge\u00e7-modern\u201d deneyimi olu\u015fturmas\u0131 tasarlanan \u015feyin \u00f6nc\u00fc u\u00e7lar\u0131ndad\u0131rlar. Melezli\u011fin k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerinin \u00fcr\u00fcnleridir onlar. Onlar\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendirmi\u015f olan \u00f6zel k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin, geleneklerin, dillerin, inan\u00e7, yaz\u0131 ve tarih sistemlerinin izlerini ta\u015f\u0131rlar. Ama ayn\u0131 zamanda uzla\u015fmaya ve kolayca asimile olmadan, i\u00e7inde yer ald\u0131klar\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerden yeni bir \u015feyler olu\u015fturmaya zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131nm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bildi\u011fimiz manada birle\u015ftirilip b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirilmemi\u015flerdir ve asla birle\u015ftirilip b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirilemeyeceklerdir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde, ayn\u0131 anda birka\u00e7 \u201cyurt\u201da ait olan ve bu y\u00fczden hi\u00e7bir \u00f6zel yurda ait olmayan, birbirine ba\u011fl\u0131 farkl\u0131 tarih ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin \u00fcr\u00fcnleridirler.<\/p>\n

Bunu gayet iyi bilmesi gereken Salman R\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn belirtti\u011fi gibi; \u201cd\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6tesinde do\u011fmu\u015f olmak [durumudur bu] onlar terc\u00fcme edilmi\u015f insanlard\u0131r.\u201d Diaspora bilincinin \u00fcr\u00fcnleridirler. Onlar, modern d\u00fcnyada -hep in\u015fa halinde bulunan- kimli\u011fin her zaman karma\u015f\u0131k, bitmemi\u015f bir oyun oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini kabul etmi\u015flerdir. Bu oyun, sembolik bir dolamba\u00e7l\u0131 yolla ge\u00e7mi\u015ften gelece\u011fe do\u011fru hareket eder. Yaln\u0131zca onlar\u0131 \u015fekillendirmekle kalmay\u0131p ayn\u0131 zamanda kendilerini yeniden ve farkl\u0131 \u015fekilde ortaya koymalar\u0131na elveren, \u00f6zg\u00fcl tarihlerin, geleneklerin ve kimliklerin izlerini ta\u015f\u0131yan yeni \u00f6zneler \u00fcretir. R\u00fc\u015fd\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn Imaginary Homelands (D\u00fc\u015fsel Yurtlar)\u2019\u0131ndan yeniden al\u0131nt\u0131layarak s\u00f6ylersek: \u201c\u015eeytan Ayetleri, insanlar\u0131n, k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin, fikirlerin, politikan\u0131n, filmlerin, \u015fark\u0131lar\u0131n yeni ve umulmad\u0131k kombinasyonlar\u0131ndan do\u011fan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, melezli\u011fi, saf olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131, birbirine kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilan eder. Melezle\u015ftirmeden hazeder ve safl\u0131\u011f\u0131n mutlakiyetinden korkar. M\u00e8lange (harman -\u00e7.n.), t\u00fcrl\u00fc, biraz ondan biraz bundan; d\u00fcnyaya yenilik b\u00f6yle girer. D\u00fcnyay\u0131 yaratan, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir olas\u0131l\u0131kla kitlesel g\u00f6\u00e7lerdir ve ben bu d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kucaklamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. \u015eeytan Ayetleri, birbirinin i\u00e7inde erimeyle ve birbirine kar\u0131\u015fmayla do\u011fan de\u011fi\u015fime adanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Melez \u015fahsiyetlerimize s\u00f6ylenmi\u015f bir a\u015fk \u015fark\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n

Stuart Hall\u2019un 6 Haziran 1992 g\u00fcn\u00fc Cardiff\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Raymond Williams\u2019\u0131 Anma Konu\u015fmas\u0131.
New Statesmen\u2019in Temmuz 1992<\/p>\n

\u00c7eviren: \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00f6kmen<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Modernitenin b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6ylemleri -bu ba\u011flamda, Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019n\u0131n \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck anlat\u0131lar\u0131\u201d liberalizm ve en az onun kadar Marksizm, kendi farkl\u0131 yollar\u0131nda- ulusal tutkunun yeniden uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, tedrici yokolu\u015funu ummam\u0131za yola\u00e7t\u0131. Ulusa olan ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, kabileye, \u00fclkeye, b\u00f6lgeye, dine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131kta oldu\u011fu gibi, kapitalist modernitenin tedrici olarak ya da \u015fiddetle \u00e7\u00f6zece\u011fi; ya da yerine ba\u015fka bir \u015fey koyarak ortadan kald\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 arkaik […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[178],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1608","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-marksizm"},"yoast_head":"\nMelez \u015eahsiyetlerimiz | Stuart Hall - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/03\/melez-sahsiyetlerimiz-stuart-hall\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Melez \u015eahsiyetlerimiz | Stuart Hall\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Modernitenin b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6ylemleri -bu ba\u011flamda, Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019n\u0131n \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck anlat\u0131lar\u0131\u201d liberalizm ve en az onun kadar Marksizm, kendi farkl\u0131 yollar\u0131nda- ulusal tutkunun yeniden uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, tedrici yokolu\u015funu ummam\u0131za yola\u00e7t\u0131. 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