{"id":266,"date":"2009-02-28T15:14:58","date_gmt":"2009-02-28T12:14:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2009\/02\/28\/fransada-sinif-savasimlari-1bolum-karl-marks\/"},"modified":"2009-02-28T15:14:58","modified_gmt":"2009-02-28T12:14:58","slug":"fransada-sinif-savasimlari-1bolum-karl-marks","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/02\/28\/fransada-sinif-savasimlari-1bolum-karl-marks\/","title":{"rendered":"Fransa’da S\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Karl Marks"},"content":{"rendered":"

FRANSA’DA SINIF SAVA\u015eIMLARI
1848-1850 Birka\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, 1848’den 1849’a kadar devrim y\u0131ll\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n her \u00f6nemli kesimi, “Devrimin Yenilgisi!” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.Ama bu yenilgilerde as\u0131l yenik d\u00fc\u015fen devrim olmad\u0131. Yenilgiye u\u011frayanlar, geleneksel devrim-\u00f6ncesi uzant\u0131lar, hen\u00fcz \u015fiddetli s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 haline gelecek kadar keskinle\u015fmemi\u015f olan toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu: devrimci partinin \u015eubat devriminden \u00f6nce kopamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u015eubat zaferi ile de kurtulamay\u0131p ancak bir dizi yenilgiler sonucu kendini kurtarabildi\u011fi ki\u015filer, yan\u0131lsamalar, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler, tasar\u0131lar oldu.
K\u0131saca: devrimci ilerleyi\u015f, hi\u00e7 de kendi dolays\u0131z traji-komik kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 ile kendine yol a\u00e7mad\u0131, tersine, ancak s\u0131ms\u0131k\u0131, kat\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim ortaya \u00e7\u0131kartarak, (sayfa 249) kendisine bir has\u0131m yaratarak ve onunla sava\u015farak, y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 parti, en sonunda ger\u00e7ekten devrimci bir parti oldu.A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki sayfalar\u0131n g\u00f6revi, bunu tan\u0131tlamakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

I. HAZ\u0130RAN 1848 YEN\u0130LG\u0130S\u0130<\/p>\n

Temmuz devriminden sonra, liberal bankac\u0131 Laffitte, su\u00e7 orta\u011f\u0131 Orl\u00e9ans d\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc, [114] b\u00fcy\u00fck sevin\u00e7 g\u00f6sterileriyle belediye binas\u0131na g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcrken \u015fu s\u00f6zleri a\u011fz\u0131ndan ka\u00e7\u0131rd\u0131: “\u015eimdi, bankac\u0131lar\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmranl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015flayacak.” Laffitte, devrimin s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurmu\u015f oluyordu.Louis-Philippe’in h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda egemen olan Frans\u0131z burjuvazisi de\u011fil, sadece onun bir kesimi idi: bankac\u0131lar, borsa krallar\u0131, demiryolu krallar\u0131, k\u00f6m\u00fcr ve demir madeni sahipleri, orman sahipleri ve toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin onlara ba\u011fl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, mali aristokrasi denilen kesim. Bu kesim, tahta yerle\u015fmi\u015f, meclise yasalar \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131r\u0131yor, bakanl\u0131klardan t\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fcrolar\u0131na kadar kamu hizmetlerini ona buna da\u011f\u0131t\u0131yordu.As\u0131l sanayi burjuvazisi, resmi muhalefetin bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturuyordu, yani meclislerde ancak az\u0131nl\u0131k olarak temsil edilmekteydi. Mali aristokrasinin hegemonyas\u0131, daha a\u00e7\u0131k, daha belirgin bir hale geldik\u00e7e ve kana bo\u011fulan 1832, 1834 ve 1839[115] ayaklanmalar\u0131ndan sonra, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011finin daha g\u00fcven alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funa inand\u0131k\u00e7a, sanayi burjuvazisinin muhalefeti de git gide daha kararl\u0131 oldu. Kurucu Ulusal Mecliste oldu\u011fu kadar Yasama Meclisinde de burjuva gericili\u011finin en ba\u011fnaz arac\u0131 olan Rouen’li fabrikat\u00f6r Grandin, mecliste Guizot’nun en \u015fiddetli muhalifi idi, sonradan Frans\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131-devriminin Guizot’su rol\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kmak i\u00e7in bo\u015funa \u00e7abalar\u0131yla tan\u0131nan L\u00e9on Faucher, Louis-Philippe’in son zamanlar\u0131nda, sanayiden yana, spek\u00fclasyona kar\u015f\u0131 ve onun kuyruk\u00e7usu h\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 kalemiyle sava\u015f\u0131yordu. Bastiat, Bordeaux ad\u0131na ve Fransa’n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u011flar b\u00f6lgesi ad\u0131na egemen sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k yap\u0131yordu.K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi b\u00fct\u00fcn katlar\u0131yla ve ayr\u0131ca k\u00f6yl\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle, siyasal iktidar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Son olarak, bir de, s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fimiz bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ideolojik(sayfa 250) da s\u00f6zc\u00fcleri, bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n bilginleri, avukatlar\u0131, doktorlar\u0131, k\u0131sacas\u0131 yetenekli ki\u015filer diye an\u0131lanlar, resmi muhalefetin i\u00e7inde ya da paysl\u00e9gal’in[14*] tamam\u0131yla d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bulunuyorlard\u0131.
Mali dar bo\u011fazlar, temmuz monar\u015fisini[116] daha ba\u015ftan b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin boyunduru\u011fu alt\u0131na sokmu\u015ftu ve bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, gittik\u00e7e artan bir mali s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n bitmez t\u00fckenmez kayna\u011f\u0131 oldu. B\u00fct\u00e7enin dengesini, yani devletin giderleri ile gelirleri aras\u0131ndaki dengeyi sa\u011flamadan, devlet y\u00f6netimini, ulusal \u00fcretimin yarar\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r. Ve bu denge, devletin i\u015fleyi\u015f masraflar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131smadan, yani ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde egemen sistemin dayanaklar\u0131 olan \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 incitmeden, vergi matrah\u0131n\u0131 yeniden d\u00fczene koymadan, yani mali y\u00fck\u00fcn \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc bizzat b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin omuzlar\u0131na y\u00fcklemeden nas\u0131l sa\u011flanabilir?
Devletin bor\u00e7lanmas\u0131, tam tersine, burjuvazinin y\u00f6neten ve meclisler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yasalar koyan kesimi i\u00e7in dolays\u0131z bir \u00e7\u0131kar niteli\u011finde idi. Onun spek\u00fclasyonlar\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l hedefi, zenginle\u015fmesinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca kayna\u011f\u0131, kesinlikle devletin b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 idi. Her y\u0131l\u0131n sonunda yeni bir a\u00e7\u0131k. Her d\u00f6rt ya da be\u015f y\u0131lda bir yeni \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 alma (istikraz). Ve her yeni \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 alma, mali aristokrasiye, yapay \u00e7arelerle ifl\u00e2s\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda tutunabildi\u011finden, bankerlerle en elveri\u015fsiz ko\u015fullarda g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp anla\u015fmak zorunda olan devleti haraca kesmek i\u00e7in yeni bir f\u0131rsat sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Her yeni \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 alma, paras\u0131n\u0131 devlet tahvillerine yat\u0131ran halk\u0131, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin ve meclis \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi bildikleri borsa oyunlar\u0131 ile soymak i\u00e7in yeni bir f\u0131rsat oluyordu. Genel olarak, devlet kredisinin oynakl\u0131\u011f\u0131, devlet s\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 bilmek, bankac\u0131lara oldu\u011fu gibi onlar\u0131n meclislerdeki ve tahttaki yanda\u015flar\u0131na da, devlet tahvillerinin ge\u00e7erli fiyat\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f ve ani dalgalanmalar yaratma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 veriyordu, ve dalgalanmalar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmez, s\u00fcrekli sonucu, ancak bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck sermayedarlar y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 ve b\u00fcy\u00fck spek\u00fclat\u00f6rlerin ak\u0131l almaz bir h\u0131zla zenginle\u015fmesi olabiliyordu. B\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131, burjuvazinin iktidardaki kesiminin dolays\u0131z \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 oldu\u011fundan, Fransa’n\u0131n y\u0131ll\u0131k toplam ihracat ortalamas\u0131 pek seyrek olarak 750 milyon franga (sayfa 251) y\u00fckseldi\u011fi halde, Louis-Philippe h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin son y\u0131llar\u0131nda ola\u011flan\u00fcst\u00fc b\u00fct\u00e7enin, yakla\u015f\u0131k olarak y\u0131lda 400 milyona bile varan Napol\u00e9on zaman\u0131ndaki b\u00fct\u00e7enin iki kat\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u015fm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 kolayca a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Ayr\u0131ca, b\u00f6ylece devletin elinden ge\u00e7en muazzam para tutarlar\u0131, hileli mal teslimi anla\u015fmalar\u0131na, ahl\u00e2k bozukluklar\u0131na, a\u015f\u0131rt\u0131lara (ihtil\u00e2s), her \u00e7e\u015fitten doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011fa olanak sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Devlete \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 verme yoluyla, devletin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131, bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k i\u015flerinde perakende olarak yineleniyordu. Meclis ile h\u00fck\u00fcmet aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131lar, \u00e7e\u015fitli devlet idareleri ile \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fcstenciler (m\u00fcteahhitler) aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131lar bi\u00e7iminde \u00e7o\u011falm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu.
Genellikle kamu harcamalar\u0131nda ve devlet bor\u00e7lar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f, demiryollar\u0131 yap\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Meclisler, belliba\u015fl\u0131 y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckleri devletin s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fckl\u00fcyor ve spek\u00fclasyoncu mali aristokrasiye de alt\u0131n yald\u0131zl\u0131 nimetlerini sa\u011fl\u0131yordu. Bir raslant\u0131 sonucu, bakanlar\u0131n da bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7inde olmak \u00fczere \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcyelerinin, demiryollar\u0131 giri\u015fimlerinde hisse senedi sahibi olduklar\u0131, bunlar\u0131n, yasa koyucu s\u0131fat\u0131 ile, devlet hesab\u0131na demiryolu hatlar\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 bu ayni giri\u015fimlere \u0131smarlad\u0131klar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, mecliste patlak veren skandallar\u0131 herkes an\u0131ms\u0131yordur.
Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, \u00f6rne\u011fin posta reformu gibi en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir mali reform, bankerlerin etkisi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011fruyordu. Rothschild, posta reformunu, devletin, durmadan artan borcunun faizlerini \u00f6demesine yarayan gelir kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 azaltmaya hakk\u0131 var m\u0131 diye protesto etti.
Temmuz monar\u015fisi, Frans\u0131z ulusal zenginli\u011finin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in kurulmu\u015f bir anonim ortakl\u0131ktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi, bu ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n paylar\u0131 (temett\u00fcleri), bakanlar, meclisler, 240.000 se\u00e7men ve onlar\u0131n yardak\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Louis-Philippe bu ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc, tahta \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir Robert Macaire[117]Gouvernement \u00e0 bon march\u00e9.[15*] idi. Bu sistem, ticareti, sanayii, tar\u0131m\u0131, denizcili\u011fi ve sanayi burjuvazisinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 durmadan tehdit ediyor ve zarara u\u011frat\u0131yordu. Onun i\u00e7in sanayi burjuvazisi, Temmuz g\u00fcnleri olaylar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda bayra\u011f\u0131na \u015funlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: (sayfa 252)
Mali aristokrasi, yasalar\u0131 kendi iste\u011fine g\u00f6re kabul ettirdi\u011fi, devlet y\u00f6netimini \u00e7ekip \u00e7evirdi\u011fi, kurulu b\u00fct\u00fcn kamu g\u00fc\u00e7lerini elinde bulundurdu\u011fu, bas\u0131n yoluyla ve olgular\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kamuoyunu elinde bulundurdu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, saraydan caf\u00e9 borgne’ye[16*] kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7evrelerde ayn\u0131 ahl\u00e2k bozuklu\u011fu, ayn\u0131 hayas\u0131z sahtek\u00e2rl\u0131k, \u00fcreterek de\u011fil de ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n elindekini kurnazl\u0131kla ele ge\u00e7irerek ayn\u0131 havadan zengin olma susuzlu\u011fu do\u011fuyordu. Ve as\u0131l burjuva toplumunun en y\u00fcksek tepelerinde en sa\u011fl\u0131ks\u0131z, en yolsuz a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 istekleri doyurma ars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alabildi\u011fine k\u00f6r\u00fckleniyor, ve her an, gene burjuva yasalar\u0131n\u0131n kendileri ile \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma haline geliyordu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc elbette ki, dalavere ile havadan gelen zenginlik, tatmin yollar\u0131n\u0131, zevkin rezille\u015fti\u011fi yerde, alt\u0131n, \u00e7amur ve kan\u0131n birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde arar. Mali aristokrasi, zevklerinde oldu\u011fu gibi kazan\u00e7 tarz\u0131nda da, lumpen-proletaryan\u0131n burjuva toplumun doruklar\u0131nda dirili\u015findenba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.
Frans\u0131z burjuvazisinin iktidar olmayan kesimlerine gelince, onlar, ahl\u00e2ks\u0131zl\u0131k, ahl\u00e2ks\u0131zl\u0131k! diye ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yorlard\u0131. 1847’de, burjuva toplumunun en \u00fcnl\u00fc tiyatrolar\u0131nda, her zaman, lumpen-proletaryay\u0131, genelevlere, d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcnler yurduna, t\u0131marhaneye, yarg\u0131\u00e7lar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na, zindanlara ve dara\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6t\u00fcren ayn\u0131 sahneler uluorta temsil edilirken, halk, \u00e0 bas les grands voleurs! \u00e0 bas les assassins![17*] diye ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yordu.
Sanayi burjuvazisi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva ahl\u00e2k\u0131 hakarete u\u011fram\u0131\u015f durumdayd\u0131, halk\u0131n muhayyilesi ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131yordu, Paris, “Rothschild Hanedan\u0131”, “\u00c7a\u011f\u0131n Krallar\u0131, Yahudi Tefeciler!” vb. gibi mali aristokrasinin egemenli\u011finin az\u00e7ok n\u00fckte ile ortaya kondu\u011fu ve h\u0131rpaland\u0131\u011f\u0131 yergi yaz\u0131lar\u0131 ile dolup ta\u015f\u0131yordu.
Rien pour la gloire! La paix partout et toujours![18*] Sava\u015f, paran\u0131n de\u011ferini %3, %4 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Borsa tefecilerinin Fransa’s\u0131 i\u015fte bunlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine. Nitekim, Fransa’n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f siyaseti, Krakov’un Avusturya topraklar\u0131na (sayfa 253) kat\u0131lmas\u0131 ile,[71] Polonya’n\u0131n ya\u011fmalan\u0131p bitirilmesiyle ve Sonderbund sava\u015f\u0131nda[118] Guizot’nun aktif olarak Kutsal-\u0130ttifak\u0131n[82] yan\u0131nda yer almas\u0131yla b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn canl\u0131 bir tepki g\u00f6steren Frans\u0131z ulusal duygusunun ardarda a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmas\u0131na yola\u00e7an bir bata\u011fa batt\u0131. Bu yalanc\u0131ktan sava\u015fta \u0130svi\u00e7re liberallerinin zaferi, Fransa’da burjuva muhalefetine yeniden g\u00fcven verdi ve Palermo’daki kanl\u0131 halk ayaklanmas\u0131, felce u\u011fram\u0131\u015f halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00fczerinde bir elektrik bo\u015falmas\u0131 gibi etki yapt\u0131 ve onun b\u00fcy\u00fck an\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ve devrimci tutkular\u0131n\u0131 canland\u0131rd\u0131.[19*]
Sonunda, d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda iki ekonomik olay, genel bir huzursuzlu\u011fun patlak vermesini \u00e7abukla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131 ve ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fu ayaklar\u0131nlaya kadar olgunla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131.
1845 ve 1846 y\u0131llar\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen patates hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve k\u00f6t\u00fc \u00fcr\u00fcn al\u0131nmas\u0131 halk i\u00e7indeki kayna\u015fmay\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131. 1847 y\u0131l\u0131nda ya\u015fam\u0131n yeniden pahal\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, k\u0131tan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn geri kalan k\u0131sm\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi Fransa’da da kanl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara yola\u00e7t\u0131. Bu, mali aristokrasinin y\u00fczkaras\u0131 safahat alemleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, halk\u0131n, en ilkel ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131 u\u011fruna sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 idi! Buzan\u00e7ais’de a\u00e7l\u0131k y\u00fcz\u00fcnden ba\u015fkald\u0131ranlar idam edildi,[119] Paris’te tok kar\u0131nl\u0131 doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131, kral ailesi, mahkemelerden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131p kurtar\u0131yordu!
Devrimin patlak vermesini \u00e7abukla\u015ft\u0131ran ikinci b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik olay, \u0130ngiltere’deki, genel ticaret ve sanayi bunal\u0131m\u0131 oldu. Daha \u00f6nce 1845 g\u00fcz\u00fcnde, demiryolu hisse senedi spek\u00fclat\u00f6rlerinin kitle halinde y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011framalar\u0131 ile kendini belli eden, 1846 y\u0131l\u0131nda, bu\u011fday \u00fczerindeki g\u00fcmr\u00fck vergilerinin pek yak\u0131nda kald\u0131r\u0131lacak olmas\u0131 gibi tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr \u00f6nlemlerle durdurulan bu bunal\u0131m, sonunda, 1847 g\u00fcz\u00fcnde, hemen arkas\u0131ndan ta\u015fra bankalar\u0131n\u0131n da iflas etti\u011fi ve \u0130ngiliz sanayi b\u00f6lgelerindeki fabrikalar\u0131n kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Londra’n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6m\u00fcrge t\u00fcccarlar\u0131n\u0131n iflaslar\u0131 ile iyice ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bunal\u0131m\u0131n yank\u0131lar\u0131 K\u0131ta \u00fczerinde hen\u00fcz kesilmemi\u015fti ki, \u015eubat devrimi patlak veriyordu.
Ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131n ticaret ve sanayide meydana (sayfa 254) getirdi\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131, mali aristokrasinin her \u015feyi yapabilme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, t\u00fcm yetkilere sahip olu\u015funu daha da katlan\u0131lmaz k\u0131l\u0131yordu. Burjuva muhalefeti, b\u00fct\u00fcn Fransa’da, ziyafetlerde se\u00e7im reformu lehinde bir k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtma hareketi ba\u015flatt\u0131, bu hareket, burjuva muhalefetine meclislerde \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kazand\u0131racak ve borsa kabinesini devirmesini sa\u011flayacakt\u0131. Paris’te, sanayi bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n, g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u00e7inde, art\u0131k d\u0131\u015f pazarlarda i\u015f yapamayan fabrikac\u0131lar ve b\u00fcy\u00fck t\u00fcccarlar y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7 ticarete at\u0131lmalar\u0131na yola\u00e7mak gibi \u00f6zel bir sonucu daha olmu\u015ftu. Bunlar\u0131n kurduklar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck kurulu\u015flar\u0131n rekabeti, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e9piciers’in[20*] ve boutiquiers’in[21*] y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar halinde y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na neden oldu. Paris burjuvazisinin bu kesiminde iflaslar\u0131n say\u0131lamayacak kadar \u00e7ok olmas\u0131, bundan ileri gelmektedir: bu kesimin \u015eubattaki devrimci eylemi de. Guizot’nun ve meclislerin, bu reform \u00f6nerilerine nas\u0131l kesin bir meydan okuma ile kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdiklerini;[120] Louis-Philippe’in, bir Barrot kabinesi[121] kurmaya nas\u0131l \u00e7ok ge\u00e7 karar verdi\u011fini; halk\u0131n ve ordunun nas\u0131l d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; ordunun, ulusal muhaf\u0131z\u0131n pasif tutumu sonucu nas\u0131l silahs\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu ve Temmuz monar\u015fisinin yerini nas\u0131l bir Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete b\u0131rakmak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 herkes bilir.
\u015eubat barikatlar\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olan Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, zorunlu olarak, zaferi payla\u015fmakta olan \u00e7e\u015fitli partileri kendi b\u00fcnyesinde yans\u0131t\u0131yordu. Bu h\u00fck\u00fcmet, ancak, birlikte Temmuz taht\u0131n\u0131 devirmi\u015f bulunan, ama \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanca birbirine kar\u015f\u0131t olan \u00e7e\u015fitli s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda bir uzla\u015fma olabilirdi. \u00c7o\u011funlu\u011fu, burjuvazinin temsilcilerinden olu\u015fuyordu. Cumhuriyet\u00e7i k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi, Ledru-Rollin ve Flocon taraf\u0131ndan; cumhuriyet\u00e7i burjuvazi, National [122](sayfa 255) Ama, \u00f6z\u00fcnde, \u015eubat devriminin bu s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc, durumu ile oldu\u011fu kadar g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ile de burjuvaziye aitti.
E\u011fer siyasal merkezile\u015fmenin sonucu olarak, Paris, Fransa’ya egemen durumda ise, i\u015f\u00e7iler de devrimci sars\u0131nt\u0131 anlar\u0131nda Paris’e egemen oluyorlar. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin ilk varl\u0131k belirtisi, co\u015fku ile ba\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f Paris’i Fransa’n\u0131n so\u011fukkanl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na havale ederek, bu ba\u015fat etkiden kendini kurtarmaya kalk\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 oldu. Lamartine, barikat sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n cumhuriyet il\u00e2n etme hakk\u0131na, ancak Frans\u0131zlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun bunu yapacak yetenekte oldu\u011funu, onlar\u0131n oyunu beklemek gerekti\u011fini, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n bir zorbal\u0131kla zaferini lekelememesi gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yleyerek kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Burjuvazi, proletaryaya bir tek zorbal\u0131k hakk\u0131 tan\u0131yordu: sava\u015f\u0131n zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131.
25 \u015eubat g\u00fcn\u00fc, cumhuriyet hen\u00fcz il\u00e2n edilmemi\u015fti; ama buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, bakanl\u0131klar, daha o andan, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin burjuva unsurlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, ve National’in generalleri, bankac\u0131lar\u0131 ve avukatlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 bile. Ama bu kez i\u015f\u00e7iler, 1830 Temmuzundakine[123] benzer bir dalavereli a\u00e7\u0131kg\u00f6zl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe g\u00f6zyummamaya kararl\u0131 idiler. Yeniden kavgaya ba\u015flamaya ve cumhuriyeti silah zoru ile kabul ettirmeye haz\u0131rd\u0131lar. Ve i\u015fte Raspail, bu \u00f6zel g\u00f6rev ve yetki ile belediyeye gitti. Paris proletaryas\u0131 ad\u0131na, Raspail, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete cumhuriyeti il\u00e2n etmesini emretti ve, iki saat i\u00e7inde halk\u0131n bu emri yerine getirilmezse, 200.000 ki\u015finin ba\u015f\u0131nda geri gelece\u011fini bildirdi. Sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n cesetleri daha yeni so\u011fumu\u015ftu, barikatlar daha kald\u0131r\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7iler hen\u00fcz silahlar\u0131n\u0131 ellerinden b\u0131rakmam\u0131\u015flard\u0131 ve onlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131labilecek tek g\u00fc\u00e7, ulusal muhaf\u0131zd\u0131. Bu durumda ve bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri ve hukuki endi\u015feleri birdenbire yokoldu. \u0130ki saatlik s\u00fcre hen\u00fcz bitmemi\u015fti ki, dev harflerle yaz\u0131l\u0131 \u015fu yaz\u0131lar Paris’in b\u00fct\u00fcn duvarlar\u0131n\u0131 kaplam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 bile:
Republique fran\u00e7aise! Libert\u00e9, Egalit\u00e9, Fraternit\u00e9![22*]
Genel oy temeli \u00fczerine kurulu cumhuriyetin il\u00e2n\u0131 ile burjuvaziyi \u015eubat devrimine iten dar ama\u00e7 ve g\u00fcd\u00fcler, an\u0131lar\u0131 bile kalmamacas\u0131na siliniyordu. Burjuvazinin yaln\u0131z birka\u00e7 (sayfa 256) kesimi yerine, devrimci sahnede \u015fahsen oynamak \u00fczere, localar\u0131, koltuklar\u0131, balkonlar\u0131 terketmek zorunda kal\u0131p birdenbire kendilerini siyasal iktidar\u0131n y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinde bulanlar, \u015fimdi, Frans\u0131z toplumunun b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131yd\u0131. Me\u015fruti krall\u0131kla birlikte, keyfi olarak burjuva toplumuna kar\u015f\u0131 duran bir kamu iktidar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve s\u00f6z\u00fcmona iktidar\u0131n zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu bir s\u00fcr\u00fc ikincil sava\u015f\u0131mlar da, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde ortadan kalk\u0131yordu.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete, ve Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet yoluyla da b\u00fct\u00fcn Fransa’ya cumhuriyeti kabul ettiren proletarya, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z parti olarak birdenbire \u00f6n plana ge\u00e7iyordu; ayn\u0131 zamanda, b\u00fct\u00fcn burjuva Fransa’ya da meydan okuyordu. Proletaryan\u0131n kazanm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu \u015fey, devrimci kurtulu\u015fu u\u011fruna sava\u015f\u0131m ere\u011fiyle ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi aland\u0131, ama katiyen bu kurtulu\u015fun kendisi de\u011fildi.
Tersine, \u015eubat devriminin, mali aristokrasinin yan\u0131nda, b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 siyasal iktidar alan\u0131na sokarak, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce burjuvazinin egemenli\u011finitamamlamas\u0131 gerekiyordu. B\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu, me\u015fruiyet\u00e7iler[65] Temmuz monar\u015fisinin kendilerini mahk\u00fcm etti\u011fi siyasal anlamda hi\u00e7likten \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131lar. Gazette de France’\u0131n[124] muhalefet gazeteleri ile birlikte ajitasyon yapm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 nedensiz de\u011fildir, La Rochejaquelein’in Ulusal Meclisin 24 \u015eubat tarihli oturumunda, devrim partisini kucaklamas\u0131 nedensiz de\u011fildir. Genel oy sistemi ile, Frans\u0131zlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturan s\u00f6z\u00fcmona m\u00fclk sahibi olan k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, Fransa’n\u0131n kaderi \u00fczerinde hakem olarak s\u00f6z sahibi durumuna geldiler. Son olarak da, \u015eubat Cumhuriyeti, sermayenin arkas\u0131na gizlendi\u011fi taht\u0131 devirerek, burjuvazinin egemenli\u011fini b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.
Nas\u0131l i\u015f\u00e7iler, Temmuz olaylar\u0131nda, sava\u015f\u0131mla, burjuva monar\u015fisini kopar\u0131p ald\u0131ysa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, \u015eubat g\u00fcnlerinde de, burjuva cumhuriyetini kopar\u0131p ald\u0131lar. Nas\u0131l Temmuz monar\u015fisi, kendini, cumhuriyet\u00e7i kurumlarla \u00e7evrili bir monar\u015fi olarak sunmaya zorland\u0131ysa, \u015eubat Cumhuriyeti de, kendini, toplumsal kurumlarla\u00e7evrili bir cumhuriyet olarak il\u00e2n etmek zorunda kald\u0131. Paris proletaryas\u0131 bu \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00fc de kabul ettirdi.
Bir i\u015f\u00e7i olan Marche, hen\u00fcz kurulmu\u015f olan (sayfa 257) Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmeti i\u015f\u00e7ilerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fle g\u00fcven alt\u0131na alma, her vatanda\u015fa i\u015f sa\u011flama vb. y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckleri alt\u0131na sokan bir kararnameyi yazd\u0131rtt\u0131. Ve Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn sonra bu vaatlerini unutmu\u015f oldu\u011fundan ve proletaryay\u0131 ak\u0131ldan \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden 20.000 i\u015f\u00e7i, “\u0130\u015fin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi! \u00d6zel bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131!” ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ile belediye saray\u0131na y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, \u00fcz\u00fcnt\u00fc ile ve uzun tart\u0131\u015fmalardan sonra emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 iyile\u015ftirme \u00e7arelerini ara\u015ft\u0131rmakla g\u00f6revli s\u00fcrekli \u00f6zel bir komisyon atad\u0131! Bu komisyon Paris zanaat loncalar\u0131 delegelerinden kuruldu ve ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na da Louis Blanc ve Albert getirildi. Komisyona toplant\u0131 salonu olarak Luxembourg saray\u0131 verildi. B\u00f6ylelikle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n temsilcileri Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin merkezinden s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f oldular, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin burjuva kesimi ise, ger\u00e7ek devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 ve y\u00f6netimin dizginlerini tek ba\u015f\u0131na kendi elinde sakl\u0131yordu, ve maliye, ticaret, bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k bakanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda, bankan\u0131n, borsan\u0131n yan\u0131nda, b\u00fcy\u00fck rahipleri Louis Blanc ile Albert olan sosyalist tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131 y\u00fckseliyordu; bu b\u00fcy\u00fck rahiplerin g\u00f6revleri ise, vaadedilmi\u015f (mev’ut) topra\u011f\u0131 bulup meydana \u00e7\u0131karmak, yeni bir din kitab\u0131n\u0131 kamuya bildirmek ve Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131 me\u015fgul etmekti. Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ola\u011fan devlet iktidar\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 olarak ne b\u00fct\u00e7eleri, ne de herhangi bir y\u00fcr\u00fctme g\u00fc\u00e7leri vard\u0131. Onlar burjuva toplumunun dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel direkleri kendi ba\u015flar\u0131 ile devirmek zorundayd\u0131lar. Luxembourg, simya ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131 aray\u0131p dururken belediye saray\u0131nda resmi para bas\u0131l\u0131yordu.[125]
Ve bu arada, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n istemleri, burjuva cumhuriyetini a\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, Luxembourg’un bulutlara g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc bulan\u0131k ya\u015fant\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir varl\u0131k kazanam\u0131yorlard\u0131.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7iler, \u015eubat devrimini, burjuvazi ile elbirli\u011fi ederek yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Burjuvazinin yan\u0131nda kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcn k\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131, nas\u0131l ki gene burjuva \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun yan\u0131nda Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete de bizzat bir i\u015f\u00e7i yerle\u015ftirdilerse. Eme\u011fin \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi! Ama halen mevcut olan eme\u011fin burjuvaca d\u00fczenleni\u015fi, \u00fccretli emektir. \u00dccretli emek olmasa, ne bir sermaye, ne bir burjuvazi, ne de bir burjuva toplumu olur. \u00d6zel bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131! Ama maliye bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ticaret (sayfa 258) bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, burjuva \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakanl\u0131klar\u0131 de\u011fil midir? Onlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda proleter bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ancak bir g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir bo\u015f arzular bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir Luxembourg komisyonu olabilirdi, ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fil. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler nas\u0131l burjuvazinin koltu\u011fu alt\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerine kavu\u015fabileceklerine inan\u0131yorlarsa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, ba\u015fka burjuva uluslar\u0131n yan\u0131nda, ve Fransa’n\u0131n ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir proletarya devrimi yapabileceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Ama Fransa’n\u0131n \u00fcretim ko\u015fullar\u0131, d\u0131\u015f ticareti ile, d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki durumuyla ve bu pazar\u0131n yasalar\u0131 ile belirlenmi\u015ftir. Fransa, Avrupa \u00e7ap\u0131nda, d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131n\u0131n zorbas\u0131 \u0130ngiltere \u00fczerinde de tepkisi olan bir devrimci sava\u015f olmadan bunlar\u0131 nas\u0131l k\u0131rabilirdi?
Toplumun devrimci \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kendinde toplayan bir s\u0131n\u0131f ba\u015fkald\u0131rd\u0131 m\u0131, derhal, kendi \u00f6zel durumunda, kendi devrimci eyleminin i\u00e7eri\u011fini ve maddesini bulur: d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131 ezmek, sava\u015f\u0131m gereklerinin zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemleri almak, ve onun kendi eylemlerinin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 onu daha ileriye iter. Kendi \u00f6zel g\u00f6revi \u00fczerine hi\u00e7 bir teorik ara\u015ft\u0131rmaya giri\u015fmez. Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hen\u00fcz bu noktada de\u011fildi, o, hen\u00fcz kendi devrimini yapacak yetenekte de\u011fildi.
Sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fmesinin genel ko\u015fulu, sanayi burjuvazisinin geli\u015fmesidir. Ve ancak sanayi burjuvazisinin egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131ndad\u0131r ki, sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendi devrimini ulusal bir devrim kat\u0131na y\u00fckseltmesine olanak verecek ulusal bir geni\u015flik kazan\u0131r, ancak o zaman, sanayi proletaryas\u0131, ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kendi devrimci kurtulu\u015funun ara\u00e7lar\u0131 haline gelecek olan modern \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r. Yaln\u0131z sanayi burjuvazisinin egemenli\u011fi, feodal toplumun maddi k\u00f6klerini s\u00f6k\u00fcp atabilir ve \u00fczerinde bir proleter devriminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fi tek alan\u0131 d\u00fczler, engellerini ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131r. Devrimci a\u00e7\u0131dan Frans\u0131z sanayii, Avrupa’n\u0131n geri kalan kesimindekinden daha ileri gitmi\u015f, Frans\u0131z burjuvazisi ise daha geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Ama, \u015eubat devrimi do\u011frudan do\u011fruya mali aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neltilmemi\u015f miydi? Bu olgu, Fransa \u00fczerinde h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrenin sanayi burjuvazisi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131tlad\u0131. Sanayi burjuvazisi, ancak, modern sanayiin, b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerini kendine g\u00f6re bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi yerde h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrebilir ve sanayi, bu g\u00fcc\u00fc, (sayfa 259) ancak, d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131n\u0131 eline ge\u00e7irmi\u015f oldu\u011fu yerde kazanabilir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar onun geli\u015fmesine yetmez. Oysa Frans\u0131z sanayii, az\u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck de\u011fi\u015fikliklere u\u011fram\u0131\u015f koruyucu bir sistem[126]yan\u0131nda\u00fc\u00e7renkli bayrak \u00e7ekilirken k\u0131z\u0131l bayra\u011f\u0131n indirmesi[127] kolayl\u0131kla a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Ulusun, burjuva rejimine, sermayenin egemenli\u011fine ba\u015fkald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, proletarya ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda yeralan kitlesi, yani k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi, devrimin ileri do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile, proleterleri \u00f6nc\u00fcleri olarak tan\u0131y\u0131p onlara kat\u0131lmak zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lmad\u0131k\u00e7a, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ileri bir tek ileri ad\u0131m atamazlar ve bu rejimin tek bir k\u0131l\u0131na bile dokunamazlard\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler bu zaferi ancak korkun\u00e7 Haziran yenilgisi ile sat\u0131n alabilirlerdi.[53]
Paris i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 Luxembourg komisyonuna, Avrupa’ya sesini duyuran bir k\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcn tepesinden, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l devriminin s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131: proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurmu\u015f olman\u0131n onuru kal\u0131yor. Moniteur,[128] o zamana kadar sosyalistlerin asl\u0131 astar\u0131 olmayan yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda gizli kalm\u0131\u015f ve ancak, yar\u0131-korkun\u00e7, yar\u0131-g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 eski efsaneler gibi zaman zaman uzaklardan gelip burjuvazinin kulaklar\u0131nda sayesinde, ancak, ulusal pazar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde egemen kalabilmektedir. Bu y\u00fczden, Frans\u0131z proletaryas\u0131, bir devrim an\u0131nda, Paris’te, kendisini, olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bir at\u0131l\u0131ma heveslendiren ger\u00e7ek bir g\u00fcce ve etkiye sahipse de, Fransa’n\u0131n geri kalan k\u0131sm\u0131nda, sanayiin topland\u0131\u011f\u0131 birka\u00e7 da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k merkezde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar\u0131n say\u0131ca \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yan\u0131nda hemen hemen tamam\u0131yla kaybolur. Geli\u015fmi\u015f modern bi\u00e7imiyle ve f\u0131\u015fk\u0131rma noktas\u0131ndaki sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m, sanayi \u00fccretlisinin sanayi burjuvazisine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, Fransa’da, \u015eubat g\u00fcnlerinden sonra, sermayenin alt s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc bi\u00e7imlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131ma oranla, devrimin ulusal i\u00e7eri\u011fini daha az sa\u011flayabilen k\u0131smi olayd\u0131r, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ipotek faizlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvan\u0131n, b\u00fcy\u00fck t\u00fcccara, bankere ve fabrikat\u00f6re kar\u015f\u0131, tek s\u00f6zc\u00fckle, iflasa kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, hen\u00fcz, genel anlamda mali aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 genel ba\u015fkald\u0131rman\u0131n i\u00e7inde gizli idi. Onun i\u00e7in, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kendi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131, bizzat toplumun devrimci \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 olarak istemek yerine, burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve (sayfa 260) \u00e7\u0131nlayan “deli z\u0131rvalar\u0131”n\u0131 resmen yaymas\u0131 gerekince, \u00f6fkeden deliye d\u00f6nd\u00fc. Avrupa, burjuva uyuklama halinin \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde s\u0131\u00e7rayarak uyand\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, genellikle mali aristokrasi ile burjuvaziyi birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran proleterlerin kafas\u0131nda, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bile yads\u0131yan, ya da olsa olsa me\u015fruti krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir sonucu olarak kabul eden iyi y\u00fcrekli cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin imgeleminde, o zamana kadar iktidar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutulmu\u015f burjuva kesiminin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc s\u00f6zlerinde, cumhuriyetin kurulmas\u0131 ile, burjuvazininegemenli\u011fi y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. O zaman, b\u00fct\u00fcn kralc\u0131lar cumhuriyet\u00e7i, Paris’in b\u00fct\u00fcn milyonerleri ise i\u015f\u00e7i kesildiler. S\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin bu sadece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veren s\u00f6zc\u00fck fraternit\u00e9,[23*] karde\u015fleme, evrensel karde\u015flik idi. S\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin bu yumu\u015fak ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131kla soyutlan\u0131\u015f\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131t s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n bu duygusal dengesi, fraternit\u00e9’nin co\u015fkunlukla, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde y\u00fcceltilmesi, i\u015fte ger\u00e7ekten bunlar oldu \u015eubat devriminin \u00f6zeti. S\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131ran \u015fey, basit bir yanl\u0131\u015f anlama idi, ve, 24 \u015eubatta, Lamartine, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin ad\u0131n\u0131 takt\u0131: “Un gouvernement quisuspende ce malentendu terrible qui existe entre les diff\u00e9rentes classes.” [24*] Paris proletaryas\u0131 ise bu y\u00fcce g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc karde\u015flik sarho\u015flu\u011funa kendini kapt\u0131rd\u0131 gitti.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, kendi y\u00f6n\u00fcnden, bir kez cumhuriyeti il\u00e2n etmek zorunda kald\u0131ktan sonra, onu, burjuvazinin ve ta\u015fran\u0131n kabul edebilece\u011fi bir duruma getirmek i\u00e7in her \u015feyi yapt\u0131. Siyasal su\u00e7lar i\u00e7in \u00f6l\u00fcm cezas\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile, birinci Frans\u0131z Cumhuriyetinin kanl\u0131 davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 k\u0131nanm\u0131\u015f oldu; bas\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere \u00f6zg\u00fcrce a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131; ordu, mahkemeler ve y\u00f6netim, hemen hemen birka\u00e7 istisnan\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, eski sahiplerinin elinde kald\u0131; Temmuz monar\u015fisinin b\u00fcy\u00fck su\u00e7lular\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 birine hesap sorulmad\u0131. National’in burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ileri, monar\u015finin adlar\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131p eski cumhuriyetin adlar\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 alarak kendilerini e\u011flendirdiler. Onlar\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde, cumhuriyet, eski burjuva toplumu i\u00e7in yeni bir balo k\u0131yafetinden ba\u015fka bir (sayfa 261) \u015fey de\u011fildi. Gen\u00e7 cumhuriyetin ba\u015fl\u0131ca marifeti, kimseyi \u00fcrk\u00fctmemeye, daha \u00e7ok, hep kendisi korkmaya, ve yumu\u015fak y\u00fcreklili\u011fi ile, pasif ya\u015fam\u0131yla hayat hakk\u0131 kazanmaya ve direni\u015fleri yumu\u015fatmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 oldu. \u0130\u00e7erideki ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flara, d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki zorba g\u00fc\u00e7lere, cumhuriyetin bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 nitelikte oldu\u011fu ve slogan\u0131n\u0131n, ya\u015fa ve b\u0131rak ya\u015fas\u0131n oldu\u011fu \u00e7al\u0131mla bildirildi. \u00dcstelik, \u015eubat devriminden sonra, Almanlar, Polonyal\u0131lar, Avusturyal\u0131lar, Macarlar, \u0130talyanlar, her halk kendi durumuna uygun olmak \u00fczere isyan etti.[129] Rusya ve \u0130ngiltere, ikincisi bizzat kendisi hareket halinde oldu\u011fundan,[130] birincisi ise b\u00fcy\u00fck bir bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda eli-kolu ba\u011fl\u0131 bulundu\u011fundan hi\u00e7 de haz\u0131r de\u011fillerdi. Demek ki, cumhuriyet hi\u00e7 bir d\u00fc\u015fman ulusla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131. \u015eu halde, enerjileri yeniden alevlendirecek, devrimci s\u00fcreci h\u0131zland\u0131racak, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmeti ileriye do\u011fru itecek, ya da bir kenara atacak d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fckler yoktu. Cumhuriyeti kendi eseri sayan Paris proletaryas\u0131, burjuva toplumda daha kolayl\u0131kla tutunmas\u0131na olanak veren Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin her hareketini, do\u011fal olarak, alk\u0131\u015fl\u0131yordu. Paris proletaryas\u0131, Caussidi\u00e8re’in kendisini, Paris’te m\u00fclkiyeti korumak i\u00e7in polis g\u00f6revlerinde kullanmas\u0131na uslu uslu raz\u0131 oldu, ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde i\u015f\u00e7iler ile patronlar aras\u0131ndaki \u00fccret anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n Louis Blanc taraf\u0131ndan tatl\u0131ya ba\u011flanmas\u0131na izin verdi. Proletarya, Avrupa’n\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde cumhuriyetin burjuva namusunu lekesiz tutmay\u0131 kendi pointd’honneur’\u00fc[25*] yap\u0131yordu.
Cumhuriyet, d\u0131\u015farda da, i\u00e7erde oldu\u011fundan daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir direnmeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131. \u0130\u015fte onu silahs\u0131zland\u0131ran da budur. G\u00f6revi, art\u0131k d\u00fcnyay\u0131 devrimci bir bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015ftirmek de\u011fildi; g\u00f6revi, burjuva toplumunun ko\u015fullar\u0131na uyarlanmaktan ba\u015fka bir\u015fey de\u011fildi art\u0131k. Hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin kendisini bu g\u00f6reve nas\u0131l bir ba\u011fnazl\u0131kla verdi\u011fine, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali \u00f6nlemler kadar iyi, o kadar anlat\u0131ml\u0131 tan\u0131tl\u0131k edemez.
Kamu kredisi ve \u00f6zel kredi elbette ki sars\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kamu kredisi, devletin, kendisini para babas\u0131 Yahudilere s\u00f6m\u00fcrtt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc inanc\u0131na dayan\u0131r. Ama eski devlet ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f, devrim her \u015feyden \u00f6nce mali aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti. (sayfa 262) Avrupa’daki son ticaret bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7alkant\u0131lar\u0131 hen\u00fcz kesilmemi\u015fti. \u0130flaslar iflaslar\u0131 koval\u0131yordu.
\u015eubat devrimi patlak vermeden \u00f6nce, \u00f6zel kredi demek ki felce u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131, dola\u015f\u0131m yava\u015flam\u0131\u015f, \u00fcretim durgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Devrim bunal\u0131m\u0131, ticaret bunal\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u015fiddetlendirdi. Oysa, \u00f6zel kredi, ili\u015fkilerinin b\u00fct\u00fcn geni\u015fli\u011fi i\u00e7inde burjuva \u00fcretiminin, burjuva d\u00fczeninin bozulmam\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bozulmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 inanc\u0131na dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, burjuva \u00fcretiminin temelini, yani proletaryan\u0131n iktisadi k\u00f6leli\u011fini tehlikeye koyan ve borsan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na Luxembourg sfenksini diken bir devrimin etkisi ne olmazd\u0131 ki? Kamu kredisi ve \u00f6zel kredi, bir devrimin iktisadi bir termometredir. Bu kredilerin d\u00fc\u015fmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, devrimin yak\u0131c\u0131 k\u0131zg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 kuvvetiy\u00fckselir.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, cumhuriyeti, anti-burjuva g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcnden kurtarmak istiyordu. \u015eu halde, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, bu yeni devlet bi\u00e7iminin de\u011fi\u015fim de\u011ferini, ve borsadaki kurunu (rayicini) sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. Cumhuriyetin borsadaki cari fiyat\u0131 ile birlikte \u00f6zel kredi de zorunlu olarak y\u00fckseldi.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendisine devretti\u011fi y\u00fck\u00fcmleri yerine getirmek istemedi\u011fi ya da getiremeyece\u011fi yolundaki ku\u015fkuyu bile uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmak, cumhuriyetin burjuva ahlak anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ve \u00f6deme g\u00fcc\u00fcne yeniden g\u00fcven kazand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00e7ocuk\u00e7a oldu\u011fu kadar, yak\u0131\u015f\u0131ks\u0131z, \u00f6v\u00fcngen bir palavrac\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ba\u015fvurdu. Yasal \u00f6deme vadesinin g\u00fcn\u00fcnden \u00f6nce devletten alacakl\u0131 olanlara %5, %4\u00bd, %4 faizler \u00f6dedi. Kendi g\u00fcvenlerini sat\u0131n almada g\u00f6sterilen bu tela\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnce, kapitalistlerdeki ba\u015f\u0131 dik burjuva rahatl\u0131\u011f\u0131, g\u00fcven duygusu birdenbire uyand\u0131, kendine geldi.
Elbette ki, kendisini kullan\u0131labilecek nakit paradan yoksun b\u0131rakan bu beklenmedik, apans\u0131z de\u011fi\u015fiklikle, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin mali s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 hafifletilmi\u015f olmad\u0131. Mali g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u011f\u00fc daha uzun s\u00fcre gizlemek olanak-d\u0131\u015f\u0131yd\u0131, ve devletin alacakl\u0131lar\u0131na haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olan bu ho\u015f s\u00fcrprizi \u00f6demek k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalara, memurlara ve
Tutar\u0131 100 frang\u0131 a\u015fmayan tasarruf sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 c\u00fczdanlar\u0131n\u0131n paraya \u00e7evrilemeyece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131. Tasarruf sand\u0131klar\u0131na yat\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f paralar m\u00fcsadere edildi ve kararname ile d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. (sayfa 263) \u00f6denmez devlet borcuna \u00e7evrildi. Zaten daha \u00f6nceden olduk\u00e7a yoksulla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi, bundan dolay\u0131 cumhuriyete kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6fkelendi. Tasarruf sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 c\u00fczdan\u0131n\u0131n yerine hazine bonolar\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131nca, bunlar\u0131 g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcp borsada satmak ve b\u00f6ylece de kendisi, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, \u015eubat devrimini kendilerine kar\u015f\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 borsa tefecilerinin eline teslim etmek zorunda kald\u0131.
Temmuz monar\u015fisi zaman\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrmekte olan mali aristokrasinin piskoposluk kilisesi, bankadayd\u0131. Nas\u0131l Borsa kamu kredisini y\u00f6netirse, Banka da ticaret kredisini \u00e7ekip \u00e7evirir.
Yaln\u0131zca egemenli\u011fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan de\u011fil ama varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile de \u015eubat devriminin do\u011frudan do\u011fruya tehdidi alt\u0131nda bulunan Banka, daha ba\u015f\u0131ndan, krediyi kesme i\u015flemini genelle\u015ftirerek cumhuriyeti itibardan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeyi i\u015f edindi. Aniden b\u00fct\u00fcn krediyi bankerlere, fabrikat\u00f6rlere ve t\u00fcccarlara verdi. Bu manevra tezelden bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim do\u011furmay\u0131nca, tepkisini, zorunlu olarak bankan\u0131n kendisinde g\u00f6sterdi. Kapitalistler bankan\u0131n mahzenlerine depo ettikleri paralar\u0131n\u0131 geri \u00e7ektiler. Ellerinde banknot bulunanlar, onlar\u0131 alt\u0131n ya da g\u00fcm\u00fc\u015fle de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in banka kasalar\u0131na ko\u015ftular.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, zora ba\u015fvurmadan, yasal yoldan, Bankay\u0131 iflas durumunda b\u0131rakabilirdi; pasif bir tutum g\u00f6stermesi ve Bankay\u0131 kendi kaderine b\u0131rakmas\u0131 yeterdi. Bankan\u0131n iflas\u0131, cumhuriyetin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve en tehlikeli d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n\u0131 Temmuz monar\u015fisinin alt\u0131ndan, ayakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali aristokrasiyi g\u00f6za\u00e7\u0131p kapay\u0131ncaya kadar Frans\u0131z topra\u011f\u0131ndan silip s\u00fcp\u00fcrecek tufan olacakt\u0131. Bir kez banka batt\u0131 m\u0131, burjuvazinin kendisi de, h\u00fck\u00fcmet taraf\u0131ndan ulusal bir banka kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 ve ulusal kredinin ulusun denetimi alt\u0131na konulmas\u0131n\u0131 son bir umutsuz kurtulu\u015f \u00e7aresi olarak kabul etmek zorunda idi.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, tam tersine, banknotlar\u0131 dola\u015f\u0131ma koydu, onlara zorunlu ge\u00e7erlik tan\u0131d\u0131. Hatta daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcn ta\u015fra bankalar\u0131n\u0131 Banque deFrance’\u0131n \u015fubeleri haline \u00e7evirdi, b\u00f6ylece Frans\u0131z Bankas\u0131na b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclke \u00fczerine a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kurma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Daha sonra, Frans\u0131z Bankas\u0131ndan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 borca kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k teminat olarak beylik ormanlar\u0131 bankaya rehin verdi. \u0130\u015fte b\u00f6ylelikle \u015eubat devrimi, (sayfa 264) do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, y\u0131kmas\u0131 gereken bankokrasiyi sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131 ve geni\u015fletti.
Bu arada, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, gittik\u00e7e artan bir b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kabusu alt\u0131nda k\u0131vran\u0131p duruyordu. Bo\u015fu bo\u015funa yurtseverce \u00f6zveriler dileniyordu. Yaln\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7iler sadakalar\u0131n\u0131 att\u0131lar ona. Kahramanca bir \u00e7areye ba\u015fvurmak, yeni bir vergi \u00e7\u0131kartmak gerekti. Ama kimi vergilendirmeliydi? Borsan\u0131n a\u00e7-kurtlar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131? Banka krallar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131? Devletin alacakl\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 m\u0131? Gelir sahiplerini mi? Sanayicileri mi? Bu, hi\u00e7 de, cumhuriyetin, burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan tatl\u0131l\u0131kla kabul ettirilmesini sa\u011flayacak bir yol de\u011fildi. Bu, bir yandan o kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klar, o kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmalar pahas\u0131na sat\u0131n al\u0131nmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan devlet kredisini ve ticaret kredisini, \u00f6te yandan tehlikeye sokmak demekti. Ama birinin okkan\u0131n alt\u0131na girmesi gerekiyordu. Burjuva kredisine kim kurban edildi? Jacques lebonhomme,[26*] k\u00f6yl\u00fc.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, dolays\u0131z d\u00f6rt vergi \u00fczerine frank ba\u015f\u0131na 45 kuru\u015fluk ek vergi koydu. H\u00fck\u00fcmet bas\u0131n\u0131, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131, bu verginin her \u015feyden \u00f6nce b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetine, Restorasyonun ba\u011f\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 milyarlar\u0131n sahiplerine[131] dokunaca\u011f\u0131na inand\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama, ger\u00e7ekte, vergi her \u015feyden \u00f6nce orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, yani Frans\u0131z halk\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu etkiliyordu. \u015eubat devriminin masraflar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6demek zorunda kalanlar k\u00f6yl\u00fcler oldu: ve kar\u015f\u0131-devrim ba\u015fl\u0131ca erat\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden sa\u011flad\u0131. 45 kuru\u015fluk vergi, Frans\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7in bir \u00f6l\u00fcm-kal\u0131m sorunu idi, k\u00f6yl\u00fc de, bunu, cumhuriyet i\u00e7in bir \u00f6l\u00fcm-kal\u0131m sorunu haline getirdi. Cumhuriyet, Frans\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7in, bundan b\u00f6yle 45 kuru\u015fluk vergi demekti ve Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131 kendi s\u0131rt\u0131ndan keyif \u00e7atan bir savurgan olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc.
1789 devrimi, k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri feodal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcklerden kurtarmakla i\u015fe ba\u015flam\u0131\u015fken, 1848 devrimi, geldi\u011fini, sermayeyi tehlikeye sokmamak ve devlet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fini g\u00fcven alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in k\u0131r halk\u0131 \u00fczerine y\u0131k\u0131lan bir vergi ile bildiriyordu.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin b\u00fct\u00fcn bu terslikleri, sak\u0131ncalar\u0131 uzakla\u015ft\u0131rabilece\u011fi ve devleti eski yolundan \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131karabilece\u011fi (sayfa 265) bir tek \u00e7are vard\u0131, o da, devletin iflas\u0131n\u0131 il\u00e2n etmekti. Ledru-Rollin’in, Ulusal Mecliste, sonradan Frans\u0131z Maliye Bakan\u0131 olan Yahudi borsac\u0131 Fould’un bu yoldaki telkinini reddetti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klarken, i\u015f i\u015ften ge\u00e7tikten sonra nas\u0131l erdemli bir \u00f6fkeye kap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 an\u0131lardad\u0131r. Fould ona, bilim a\u011fac\u0131n\u0131n elmas\u0131n\u0131 uzatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.
Eski burjuva toplumunun devletten \u00e7ekti\u011fi poli\u00e7eleri tan\u0131makla, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, kendini onun insaf\u0131na b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, bir\u00e7ok y\u0131llar\u0131n \u00f6tesine uzanan devrimci alacaklar\u0131 toplamak zorundaki korku veren bir alacakl\u0131 gibi davranaca\u011f\u0131 yerde, burjuva toplumunun, ba\u015f\u0131 darda bor\u00e7lusu durumuna d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Ancak burjuva ili\u015fkileri \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde yerine getirilebilecek y\u00fck\u00fcmlerin gere\u011fini yapmak i\u00e7in bu sallant\u0131l\u0131 burjuva ili\u015fkilerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 gerekti. Kredi onun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir ko\u015fulu, ve proletaryaya verilen \u00f6d\u00fcnler ve s\u00f6zler de kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken zincirler oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131, hatta basit bir s\u00f6z olarak bile yeni cumhuriyet i\u00e7in g\u00f6zyumulmaz bir tehlike haline geliyordu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, mevcut s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ekonomik ili\u015fkilerinin kesintisiz ve de\u011fi\u015fmez bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131n\u0131p kabul edilmesine dayanan kredinin yeniden eski haliyle kurulmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sonu gelmez bir protesto idi. O halde, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin hakk\u0131ndan gelmek, onlardan kurtulmak gerekiyordu.
\u015eubat devrimi, orduyu, Paris’in d\u0131\u015f\u0131na atm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ulusal muhaf\u0131z \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc, yani \u00e7e\u015fitli n\u00fcanslar\u0131 ile burjuvazi, tek g\u00fcc\u00fc olu\u015fturuyordu. Bununla birlikte, gene de, tek ba\u015f\u0131na kendini proletaryadan g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz hissediyordu. \u00dcstelik, her ne kadar en zorlu direnci g\u00f6stermeden yapamasa da, binbir \u00e7e\u015fit engel \u00e7\u0131karmadan yapamasa da, saflar\u0131n\u0131 yava\u015f yava\u015f a\u00e7mak ve k\u0131smen, silahl\u0131 proleterlerin bu saflara kat\u0131lmas\u0131na izin vermek zorunda idi. Geriye bir tek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu kal\u0131yordu: proleterleri birbirine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek.
Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, bu ama\u00e7la, herbiri 15-20 ya\u015flar\u0131nda gen\u00e7lerden olu\u015fmu\u015f, biner ki\u015filik 24 gezgin muhaf\u0131z taburu kurdu. Bu gen\u00e7lerin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu lumpen-proletaryadan geliyordu: evet, b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde sanayi proletaryas\u0131ndan kesinlikle ay\u0131rdedilen bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n olu\u015fturan lumpen-proletarya, toplumun \u00e7\u00f6pl\u00fcklerinde yasayan her \u00e7e\u015fitten h\u0131rs\u0131zlar, caniler fideli\u011fi, belli bir mesle\u011fi olmayan sokak serserileri, (sayfa 266) gens sans aveu et sans feu,[27*] ait olduklar\u0131 ulusun k\u00fclt\u00fcr derecesine g\u00f6re ba\u015fka ba\u015fka, ama hi\u00e7 bir zaman lazzaroni[132] niteli\u011fini yalanlamayan insanlar. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet bunlar\u0131 \u00e7ok gen\u00e7 ya\u015fta silah alt\u0131na ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, kolayca etki alt\u0131na al\u0131nabilecek, en rezilce haydutluklar\u0131 yapabilecek ve en pis pazarl\u0131klarla sat\u0131n al\u0131nabilecekleri gibi, en y\u00fcksek, kahramanca yararl\u0131klar\u0131 ve en co\u015fkunca \u00f6zveri \u00f6rnekleri de g\u00f6sterebilecek durumda idiler. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet onlara g\u00fcnde birbu\u00e7uk frank \u00f6d\u00fcyordu, yani onlar\u0131 sat\u0131n al\u0131yordu. Onlara \u00f6zel bir \u00fcniforma veriyordu, yani onlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015ftan bak\u0131\u015fta, g\u00f6mlekli i\u015f\u00e7ilerden ay\u0131rdediyordu. Kumandan olarak, ba\u015flar\u0131na, ya s\u00fcrekli ordudan al\u0131nan subaylar verildi ya da kendileri, vatan u\u011fruna \u00f6l\u00fcm ve cumhuriyete canlaba\u015fla ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k \u00fczerine palavralar\u0131 ile g\u00f6zlerini kama\u015ft\u0131ran gen\u00e7 burjuva \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7iyorlard\u0131.
\u0130\u015fte b\u00f6ylece, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, gene onun kendi ortam\u0131ndan \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, gen\u00e7, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc-kuvvetli, pekg\u00f6zl\u00fc, atak 24.000 adam kuvvetinde bir ordu vard\u0131. Gezgin muhaf\u0131z ordusunu, Paris sokaklar\u0131ndan ge\u00e7erken, proletarya, ya\u015fas\u0131n!’lar\u0131yla selamlad\u0131. Onlar\u0131, barikatlar \u00fczerindeki kendi \u00f6nc\u00fc sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Gezgin muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131, burjuva ulusal muhaf\u0131zlara kar\u015f\u0131 proleter muhaf\u0131zlar say\u0131yordu. Yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131, ba\u011f\u0131\u015flanmaz bir yan\u0131lg\u0131 idi.
p;\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 H\u00fck\u00fcmet, gezgin muhaf\u0131z\u0131n yan\u0131nda, kendi \u00e7evresinde bir de sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isi ordusu toplamaya karar verdi. Bunal\u0131m\u0131n ve devrimin kald\u0131r\u0131mlar \u00fczerine att\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fczbinlerce i\u015f\u00e7i, Bakan Marie taraf\u0131ndan, s\u00f6zde ulusal i\u015fliklerde askere al\u0131nd\u0131lar. Bu g\u00f6steri\u015fli ad\u0131n alt\u0131nda, sadece, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, 23 kuru\u015f1uk bir \u00fccret kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, tats\u0131z, tekd\u00fcze, ve \u00fcretici olmayan toprak d\u00fczleme i\u015flerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gizleniyordu. \u0130\u015fte bu ulusal i\u015flikler tam \u0130ngiliz a\u00e7\u0131k havaworkhouses’\u0131[133] idiler, ba\u015fka hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey de\u011fil. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet, bu i\u015fliklerle i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendilerine kar\u015f\u0131 ikinci bir proletarya ordusu kurmu\u015f oldu\u011funa inan\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler nas\u0131l gezgin muhaf\u0131z kuvvetleri konusunda aldand\u0131larsa, bu kez de burjuvazi, ulusal i\u015flikler konusunda yan\u0131ld\u0131. Burjuvazi, ayaklanma i\u00e7in bir (sayfa 267) ordu yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.
Ama bir ama\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti.
Ulusal i\u015flikler.\u00a0\u00a0 Louis Blanc taraf\u0131ndan Luxembourg’da \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclen halk i\u015fliklerinin ad\u0131 idi. Marie’nin i\u015flikleri ise, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya Luxembourg’a kar\u015f\u0131workhouses, onlarla birlikte aleme rezil edilen sosyalizmin ilk uygulamas\u0131 idiler.
Ulusal i\u015flikler, i\u00e7erikleri ile de\u011fil, ama adlar\u0131 ile proletaryan\u0131n burjuva sanayiine kar\u015f\u0131, burjuva kredisine kar\u015f\u0131, burjuva cumhuriyetine kar\u015f\u0131 protestosuna v\u00fccut veriyordu. Bu y\u00fczden burjuvazinin b\u00fct\u00fcn kini onlar \u00fczerinde topland\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, burjuvazi, \u015eubat hayalleri ile ili\u015fi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kesebilecek kadar g\u00fc\u00e7lenince, sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6neltece\u011fi noktay\u0131 da bu ulusal i\u015fliklerde bulmu\u015ftu. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin b\u00fct\u00fcn huzursuzlu\u011fu, b\u00fct\u00fcn ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fu, huysuzlu\u011fu, ayn\u0131 anda bu ulusal i\u015fliklere, bu orte ni\u015fan tahtas\u0131na do\u011fru \u00e7evrildi. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar, kendi kaderleri g\u00fcnden g\u00fcne katlan\u0131lmaz hale gelirken, bu proleter aylaklar\u0131n\u0131n yiyip yuttuklar\u0131n\u0131n neye maloldu\u011funu ger\u00e7ek bir \u00f6fke ile hesapl\u0131yorlard\u0131. Kendi kendilerine, “G\u00f6stermelik bir i\u015f kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda devletten maa\u015f, i\u015fte sana sosyalizm!” diye homurdan\u0131p duruyorlard\u0131. Yoksulluklar\u0131n\u0131n nedenini, ulusal i\u015fliklerde, Luxembourg’un tumturakl\u0131 s\u00f6zlerinde, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin Paris sokaklar\u0131 boyunca yapt\u0131klar\u0131 ge\u00e7itlerde ar\u0131yorlard\u0131. Ve kom\u00fcnistlerin s\u00f6zde tertiplerine kar\u015f\u0131 hi\u00e7 kimse, iflas\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde umutsuzca k\u00f6\u015feye k\u0131st\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvadan daha fazla ba\u011fnazla\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.
B\u00f6ylece, \u015eubat devriminin dalgalar\u0131 pe\u015fpe\u015fe gelip t\u00fcm Avrupa k\u0131tas\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7atlad\u0131\u011f\u0131; her yeni postan\u0131n, kimi \u0130talya’dan, kimi Almanya’dan, kimi Avrupa’n\u0131n g\u00fcney-do\u011fu s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131ndan yeni bir devrimci rapor getirdi\u011fi ve halka, tasarlanm\u0131\u015f olup, ortak tabelalar\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden, dayand\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00f6z\u00fcmona yan\u0131lmalar, \u0130spanyol komedilerinin u\u015faklar\u0131na yara\u015f\u0131r entrikalara yola\u00e7t\u0131. Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin kendisi, elalt\u0131ndan bu ulusal i\u015fliklerin Louis Blanc’\u0131n bir icad\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylentisini yayd\u0131, ki bu, ulusal i\u015flikler peygamberi Louis Blanc’\u0131n Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin bir \u00fcyesi olmas\u0131 nedeniyle daha da inan\u0131l\u0131r g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Paris burjuvazisinin yar\u0131-safl\u0131kla, yar\u0131-bilerek yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavram kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde, Fransa ve Avrupa’n\u0131n yapay olarak i\u00e7inde tutuldu\u011fu kan\u0131ya g\u00f6re bu (sayfa 268) kendisinin \u00e7oktan t\u00fcketmi\u015f oldu\u011fu bir zaferin s\u00fcrekli belirtilerini g\u00f6stererek, onun genel sarho\u015flu\u011funu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir anda bile, proletarya ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda, g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcs g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcse yak\u0131n sava\u015fta, burjuvazi b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckleri, b\u00fct\u00fcn kilit noktalar\u0131 ve toplumun b\u00fct\u00fcn orta tabakalar\u0131n\u0131 elinde tutuyordu.
17 Mart ve 16 Nisan g\u00fcnlerinde, burjuva cumhuriyetinin kanatlar\u0131 alt\u0131nda gizli b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ilk ileri karakol \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 oldu.
17 Mart, proletaryan\u0131n, hi\u00e7 bir kesin eyleme olanak vermeyen ikincil durumunu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n g\u00f6sterisinin, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmeti devrim yoluna \u00e7ekmek, ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin burjuva \u00fcyelerinin kabine-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak ve Ulusal Meclis ve ulusal muhaf\u0131z se\u00e7imlerinin ertelenmesini zorlamak gibi bir amac\u0131 vard\u0131. Ama 16 Mart g\u00fcn\u00fc, ulusal muhaf\u0131z taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilen burjuvazi, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanca bir g\u00f6steri yapt\u0131. \u00e0 bas Ledru-Rollin![28*] ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ile belediyeye y\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fc. 17 Martta, halk, Ya\u015fas\u0131n Ledru-Rollin! Ya\u015fas\u0131n Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmet! diye ba\u011f\u0131rmak zorunda kald\u0131. Burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131, kendisine, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlikede gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen burjuva cumhuriyetini tutmak zorunda kald\u0131. H\u00fck\u00fcmete boyun e\u011fdirece\u011fi yerde onun durumunu sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. 17 Mart g\u00fcn\u00fc melodrama d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve Paris proletaryas\u0131, o g\u00fcn, dev g\u00f6vdesini bir kez daha g\u00f6sterdi\u011finden, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin i\u00e7indeki ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki burjuvazi bu g\u00f6vdeyi par\u00e7alamakta daha da kararl\u0131 tutum ald\u0131.
16 Nisan, burjuvazi ile su\u00e7 ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulunan Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bir yanl\u0131\u015f anlama oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler, ulusal muhaf\u0131z\u0131n genelkurmay\u0131 se\u00e7imlerini haz\u0131rlamak \u00fczere, kalabal\u0131k olarak Champ-de-Mars’da ve hipodrumda toplanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Birdenbire, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, silahl\u0131 olarak, Champ-de-Mars’da Louis Blanc, Blanqui, Cabet ve Raspail’in y\u00f6netiminde topland\u0131klar\u0131, oradan belediye saray\u0131na gidip, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmeti devirip kom\u00fcnist bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet kuruldu\u011funu il\u00e2n edecekleri s\u00f6ylentisi, Paris’in bir ba\u015f\u0131ndan \u00f6b\u00fcr ba\u015f\u0131na y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m h\u0131z\u0131 ile yay\u0131ld\u0131. Seferberlik \u00e7anlar\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131nd\u0131. Ledru-Rollin, (sayfa 269) Marrast ve Lamartine, sonradan bu giri\u015fimin onurunu payla\u015famad\u0131lar;\u00a0\u00a0 bir saat i\u00e7inde 100.000 adam silah alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, belediye saray\u0131 d\u00f6rtbir yandan ulusal muhaf\u0131zlarca tutulmu\u015ftur; b\u00fct\u00fcn Paris’te, Kahrolsun Kom\u00fcnistler! Kahrolsun Louis Blanc, Blanqui, Raspall, Cabet! ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131\u015flar\u0131 g\u00fcrl\u00fcyor; bir delegasyonlar kalabal\u0131\u011f\u0131, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete sayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ve ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 sunmaya geliyor, hepsi yurdu ve toplumu kurtarmaya haz\u0131r. Ve sonunda, i\u015f\u00e7iler, Champ-de-Mars’da yurtseverlik duygular\u0131 ile toplanan para yard\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete teslim etmek \u00fczere belediye saray\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcnde g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fckleri zaman, hepsi, burjuva Paris’in, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir a\u011f\u0131z s\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve gizlilikle haz\u0131rlanan d\u00fczmece kavgada kendi g\u00f6lgelerini yendi\u011fini b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131kla \u00f6\u011freniyorlar. Korkun\u00e7 16 Nisan suikasti, ordunun Paris’e geri \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lmas\u0131na bahane sa\u011fl\u0131yor\u00a0\u00a0 ta\u015fradaki federalist gerici g\u00f6steriler gibi bu kabaca sahneye konan komedinin ger\u00e7ek amac\u0131 da bu idi.
4 May\u0131sta tek dereceli genel se\u00e7im ile se\u00e7ilen Ulusal Meclis[29*] toplan\u0131yor. Genel oy hakk\u0131, eski moda cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin ona y\u00fckledikleri b\u00fcy\u00fcleyici etkiye sahip de\u011fildi. Bunlar, b\u00fct\u00fcn Fransa’y\u0131, hi\u00e7 olmazsa Frans\u0131zlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu ayn\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlara ve ayn\u0131 se\u00e7me, ay\u0131rdetme yetisine vb. sahip yurtta\u015flar olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bunlar\u0131n derin halk sayg\u0131lar\u0131, halka tap\u0131\u015flar\u0131 b\u00f6yle idi. Ama, se\u00e7imler, onlar\u0131n imgesel halk\u0131 yerine, ger\u00e7ek halk\u0131, yani halk\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00e7e\u015fitli s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n temsilcilerini g\u00fcn\u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. K\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar\u0131n, neden sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n ate\u015fi i\u00e7indeki burjuvazinin ve eski d\u00fczeni yeniden kurmak i\u00e7in kuduran b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin \u00f6nderli\u011finde oy vermek zorunda kald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Ama, genel oy sistemi, iyi y\u00fcrekli cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin sand\u0131klar\u0131 gibi harikalar yaratan sihirli de\u011fnek de\u011fildiyse de, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131bo\u015f b\u0131rakmak gibi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva toplumun \u00e7e\u015fitli orta tabakalar\u0131n\u0131n, hayat deneyi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, hayallerini ve hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zla yitirmelerine yola\u00e7mak gibi, krall\u0131k, se\u00e7menlik vergisi sistemi ile burjuvazinin ancak belirli kesimlerinin i\u00e7y\u00fczlerini ortaya koyarak y\u0131pranmalar\u0131na izin verdi\u011fi ve \u00f6teki kesimleri ortak bir muhalefet halesi ile ku\u015fatarak perde arkas\u0131nda gizli tuttu\u011fu (sayfa 270) halde, bir hamlede s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm kesimlerini devletin en y\u00fcksek noktas\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karmak ve b\u00f6ylelikle aldat\u0131c\u0131 maskelerini kopar\u0131p almak gibi iyi bir yan\u0131 vard\u0131r.
4 May\u0131sta toplanan Kurucu Ulusal Mecliste, burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin, National’in cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerinin s\u00f6z\u00fc ge\u00e7iyordu. En ba\u015fta, me\u015fruiyet\u00e7iler ve orleanc\u0131lar bile, ancak burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ili\u011fi maskesi alt\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 g\u00f6ze alabildiler. Proletaryaya kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131ma ancak cumhuriyet ad\u0131na ge\u00e7ilebilirdi.
Cumhuriyetin, yani Paris proletaryas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmete kabul ettirilen cumhuriyetin de\u011fil, toplumsal kurumlar\u0131 olan cumhuriyetin de\u011fil, barikat sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6zleri \u00f6n\u00fcnde t\u00fcten serab\u0131n de\u011fil de, Frans\u0131z halk\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 cumhuriyetin tarihi, 25 \u015eubat de\u011fil, 4 May\u0131st\u0131r. Ulusal Meclis taraf\u0131ndan il\u00e2n edilen, yasal olan tek cumhuriyet; burjuva d\u00fczenine kar\u015f\u0131, devrimci bir silah olmayan, daha \u00e7ok burjuva toplumun siyasal bak\u0131mdan yeniden kurulu\u015fu, siyasal y\u00f6nden sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 demek olan cumhuriyettir, tek s\u00f6zc\u00fckle burjuva cumhuriyetidir. Ulusal Meclis k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden bunu, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a, kurumla olumlad\u0131lar ve b\u00fct\u00fcn burjuva bas\u0131n\u0131, cumhuriyet\u00e7i olsun, cumhuriyete kar\u015f\u0131 olsun, bunu aynen yank\u0131lad\u0131lar.
\u015eubat devriminin, ger\u00e7ekte, bir burjuva cumhuriyetinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6te yandan, Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin, proletaryan\u0131n do\u011frudan do\u011fruya bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda, toplumsal kurumlarla bezenmi\u015f bir cumhuriyet il\u00e2n etmek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n, ancak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede vehayalde burjuva cumhuriyetinden daha ileri gidebilece\u011fini, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc gidemeyece\u011fini, proletaryan\u0131n ger\u00e7ekten eyleme ge\u00e7ti\u011fi yerde burjuva cumhuriyetinin hizmetinde hareket etti\u011fini; kendisine yap\u0131lan vaatlerin yeni cumhuriyet i\u00e7in katlan\u0131lmaz tehlikeler haline geldiklerini ve Ge\u00e7ici H\u00fck\u00fcmetin b\u00fct\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, proletaryan\u0131n hak iddialar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrekli bir sava\u015f\u0131ma indirgendi\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fck.
Ulusal Mecliste, yarg\u0131\u00e7 olarak Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na dikilen b\u00fct\u00fcn Fransa idi. Ulusal Meclis, derhal, \u015eubat devriminin toplumsal hayalleri ile ili\u015fi\u011fini kesti ve s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc sak\u0131nmadan, dobra dobra burjuva cumhuriyetini, yaln\u0131z ve yaln\u0131z burjuva cumhuriyetini il\u00e2n etti. Ulusal Meclis, (sayfa 271) hemen, kendi atad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctme komisyonundan proletaryan\u0131n temsilcileri Louis Blanc ile Albert’i \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131, \u00f6zel bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nerisini geri \u00e7evirdi, bakan Tr\u00e9lat’n\u0131n beyanat\u0131n\u0131 bir alk\u0131\u015f tufan\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131: “Art\u0131k s\u00f6zkonusu olan, sadece, eme\u011fi eski ko\u015fullar\u0131na d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmektir.”
Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar yeterli de\u011fildi. \u015eubat Cumhuriyeti, i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan, burjuvazinin pasif yard\u0131m\u0131 ile kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Proleterler, kendilerini, hakl\u0131 olarak \u015eubat\u0131n galipleri say\u0131yorlard\u0131, ve yenenlerin b\u00fcy\u00fcklenen a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 iddialar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131. Sokakta yenilmeleri gerekiyordu, burjuvazi ile de\u011fil de, burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131burjuva cumhuriyetini\u015eubat zaferi de\u011fil, Haziran yenilgisidir.
Proletarya, 15 May\u0131sta, enerjik \u00f6nderlerini burjuvazinin zindanlar\u0131na teslim etmekten ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 elde edememeksizin, bo\u015funa, devrimci etkinli\u011fini yeniden kazanmaya kalk\u0131\u015farak Ulusal Meclisi ku\u015fatmakla, karar\u0131 \u00e7abukla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131.[134] Art\u0131k bu i\u015fe bir son vermek gerek! hayk\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile Ulusal Meclis, proletaryay\u0131 kesin bir kavgaya zorlama karar\u0131n\u0131, ba\u015f\u0131bo\u015f, olaylar\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na b\u0131rakt\u0131. Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komisyonu, sokak toplant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yasaklamak gibi birtak\u0131m k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 kararlar \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131. Kurucu Ulusal Meclis k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn tepesinden i\u015f\u00e7iler k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131ld\u0131, onlara k\u00fcfredildi, onlarla alay edildi. Ama, g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, ulusal i\u015flikler, as\u0131l sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n hedef noktas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturuyordu. Kurucu Ulusal Meclisin emir havas\u0131yla ve parma\u011f\u0131yla i\u015faret ederek Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komisyonuna g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi hedef, bu ulusal i\u015fliklerdi, zaten Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komisyonu da kendi tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n Ulusal Meclisin bir emri haline gelece\u011fi an\u0131 bekliyordu.
Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komisyonu, ulusal i\u015fliklere giri\u015fi g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015ftirmekle, g\u00fcndelik \u00fccret yerine par\u00e7a ba\u015f\u0131na \u00fccret koymakla, sava\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 anda bozguna u\u011frad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 onlara g\u00f6stermek gerekiyordu. Nas\u0131l \u015eubat Cumhuriyeti, sosyalist \u00f6d\u00fcnleri ile, proletaryan\u0131n burjuvaziyle birlikte krall\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131ld\u0131ysa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, cumhuriyeti sosyalist \u00f6d\u00fcnlerinden kurtarmak ve resmen iktidar\u0131 elinde bulunduran belirginle\u015ftirmek, ona \u00f6nem ve sayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazand\u0131rmak i\u00e7in ikinci bir sava\u015f zorunlu olmu\u015ftu. Burjuvazinin, proletaryan\u0131n hak iddialar\u0131n\u0131 silah elde \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmesi gerekiyordu. Ve i\u015fte, burjuva cumhuriyetinin ger\u00e7ek do\u011fum yeri (sayfa 272) Paris do\u011fumlu olmayan i\u015f\u00e7ileri kendilerine toprak d\u00fczleme i\u015fleri yapt\u0131rtma bahanesi ile Sologne’a s\u00fcrmekle i\u015fe ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu toprak d\u00fczleme i\u015fleri, ger\u00e7ekte, oradan t\u00fcm hayalleri k\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f d\u00f6nen i\u015f\u00e7ilerin arkada\u015flar\u0131na \u00f6\u011frettikleri gibi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edilmelerini s\u00fcsleyip p\u00fcsledikleri bir s\u00f6z tantanas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi. Sonunda, 21 Haziran g\u00fcn\u00fc, Moniteur’de, b\u00fct\u00fcn bekar i\u015f\u00e7ilerin derhal ulusal i\u015fliklerden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131 ya da orduda hizmete al\u0131nmalar\u0131n\u0131 emreden bir kararname yay\u0131nland\u0131.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin art\u0131k ba\u015fka \u00e7areleri yoktu: ya a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6lmeleri ya da sava\u015fa giri\u015fmeleri gerekiyordu. 22 Haziran g\u00fcn\u00fc, korkun\u00e7 bir ayaklanmayla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdiler buna; bu ayaklanmada, modern toplumu ikiye b\u00f6len iki s\u0131n\u0131f aras\u0131nda ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fma verildi. Bu, burjuva d\u00fczeninin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ya da ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 u\u011fruna sava\u015f\u0131md\u0131. Cumhuriyeti gizleyen perde y\u0131rt\u0131l\u0131yordu.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin, ba\u015fs\u0131z, ortak bir plandan, yard\u0131m kaynaklar\u0131ndan yoksun, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fuyla silahs\u0131z olarak, orduya, gezgin muhaf\u0131za, Paris ulusal muhaf\u0131z\u0131na, ve ta\u015fradan ak\u0131n eden ulusal muhaf\u0131za, be\u015f g\u00fcn boyunca nas\u0131l cesaretle ve e\u015fsiz bir deha ile kar\u015f\u0131 durduklar\u0131n\u0131 ve ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlediklerini hep biliyoruz. Burjuvazinin, bu ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl korkular\u0131, nas\u0131l duyulmam\u0131\u015f bir zalimlikle \u00f6detti\u011fini ve 3.000’den fazla sava\u015f tutsa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7tan ge\u00e7irdi\u011fini biliyoruz.
Frans\u0131z demokrasisinin resmi temsilcileri cumhuriyet\u00e7i ideolojiye \u00f6ylesine k\u00f6r\u00fc k\u00f6r\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 idiler ki, Haziran kavgas\u0131n\u0131n anlam\u0131n\u0131 sezmeye ba\u015flamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in haftalar ge\u00e7mesi gerekti. Kendi kafalar\u0131ndaki imgesel cumhuriyetin, i\u00e7inde yokolup gitti\u011fi barut duman\u0131yla serseme d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015flerdi.
Yeni Haziran yenilgisinin bizim \u00fczerimizde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 dolays\u0131z izlenime gelince, okur izin verirse, bunu, Neue Rheinische Zeitung’un terimleri ile betimleyelim:
“\u015eubat devriminin son resmi kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131, Y\u00fcr\u00fctme Komisyonu, olaylar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc oyunu gibi yokolup gitti. Lamartine’in \u0131\u015f\u0131k sa\u00e7an havai fi\u015fekleri, Cavaignac’\u0131n yang\u0131n f\u00fczeleri haline geldi. Biri \u00f6tekini s\u00f6m\u00fcren uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131t iki s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n karde\u015fli\u011finin, \u015eubatta il\u00e2n edilen, b\u00fcy\u00fck harflerle Paris’in aln\u0131na her cezaevinin, her k\u0131\u015flan\u0131n duvarlar\u0131 \u00fczerine yaz\u0131l\u0131 bu karde\u015fli\u011fin\u00a0\u00a0 onun, (sayfa 273) ger\u00e7ek, asl\u0131na uygun, alelade yal\u0131n ifadesi i\u00e7sava\u015ft\u0131r, en korkun\u00e7 bi\u00e7imiyle i\u00e7sava\u015f, emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f. Proletaryan\u0131n Paris’i yanar, kanar, \u00f6l\u00fcm h\u0131r\u0131lt\u0131lar\u0131 sa\u00e7arken, burjuvazinin Paris’i \u0131\u015f\u0131l \u0131\u015f\u0131l ayd\u0131nland\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, 25 Haziran ak\u015fam\u0131, bu karde\u015flik, Paris’in b\u00fct\u00fcn pencerelerinde alev alev tutu\u015fuyordu. Karde\u015flik, burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 proletaryan\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ile karde\u015f oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Halk i\u00e7in burjuvaziden sadaka dilenen, proletarya aslan\u0131n\u0131 uyutmak gerekti\u011fi s\u00fcrece uzun vaazlar vermelerine ve kendilerini y\u0131pratmalar\u0131na izin verilen 1793’\u00fcn eski devrimci gelene\u011finin ukala gevezeleri sosyalist metodistler, yaln\u0131z ta\u00e7l\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131 istemeyip de eski burjuva d\u00fczenini oldu\u011fu gibi isteyen cumhuriyet\u00e7iler; raslant\u0131n\u0131n oyunuyla bir kabine de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi yerine bir hanedan\u0131n devrilmesiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fan hanedan muhalefetinin adamlar\u0131; u\u015fak \u00fcniformalar\u0131ndan kurtulmak de\u011fil, bu \u00fcniformalar\u0131n kesimini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek isteyen me\u015fruiyet\u00e7iler, i\u015fte halk\u0131n \u015eubat devrimini birlikte yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcttefikleri bunlard\u0131. \u015eubat devrimi, g\u00fczel bir devrim, herkesin sempatisini kazanan bir devrim oldu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, bu devrimde krall\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 patlak veren uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, hen\u00fcz embriyon halinde uslu uslu yanyana uyuklamaktayd\u0131lar, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, onun arka plan\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan toplumsal sava\u015f\u0131m ancak hayal meyal belirimsiz bir varl\u0131k, ancak s\u00f6zde, kelamda bir varl\u0131k kazanabilmi\u015fti. Haziran devrimi nefret edilesi, i\u011fren\u00e7 bir devrimdir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu devrimde nesne, s\u00f6z\u00fcn yerini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc cumhuriyet, kendisini koruyan ve gizleyen tac\u0131 ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ederek canavar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ortaya koymu\u015ftur. D\u00fczen! Guizot’nun sava\u015f naras\u0131 buydu. D\u00fczen! diye ba\u011f\u0131rd\u0131 S\u00e9bastiani, G\u00e7izot’nun bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck kopyas\u0131, Var\u015fova Rus oldu\u011fu zaman[135] Frans\u0131z Ulusal Meclisinin ve cumhuriyet\u00e7i burjuvazinin kaba yank\u0131s\u0131 Cavaignac’ta, D\u00fczen! diye ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yor. Onun, proletaryan\u0131n g\u00f6vdesini delik de\u015fik eden makinelilerinin tarrakas\u0131 da D\u00fczen! diye g\u00fcrl\u00fcyor. Frans\u0131z burjuvazisinin 1789’dan bu yana bir\u00e7ok devriminden hi\u00e7 biri, d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131 bir suikast olmad\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu devrimlerin herbiri s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fini, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin k\u00f6leli\u011fini, burjuva d\u00fczenini oldu\u011fu gibi b\u0131rak\u0131yordu, bu egemenli\u011fin ve bu k\u00f6leli\u011fin siyasal bi\u00e7imi ne kadar de\u011fi\u015firse de\u011fi\u015fsin. Haziran bu d\u00fczene darbe indirdi. Vay haline Haziran\u0131n.” (Neue Rheinische (sayfa 274) Zeitung, 29 Haziran 1848.)
Vay haline Haziran\u0131n! diye ses verdi Avrupa’n\u0131n yank\u0131s\u0131.
Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131 Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131na zorlayan burjuvazi olmu\u015ftur. Onun mahkumiyet karar\u0131 bundan ileri gelmektedir. Proletaryan\u0131n dile getirilmi\u015f en yak\u0131n gereksinmeleri de de\u011fildi zor yoluyla burjuvaziyi devirme iste\u011fine onu iten, hen\u00fcz bu i\u015fi yapacak boyda de\u011fildi. \u015eimdiki zaman\u0131n art\u0131k, cumhuriyetin, proletaryan\u0131n hayallerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc o eski zaman olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Moniteur resmen ona \u00f6\u011fretmek zorunda kald\u0131 ve burjuva cumhuriyetinin ba\u011fr\u0131nda, kendi durumunda en ufak bir iyile\u015fmenin, bir \u00fctopya olarak, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek istenir istenmez cinayete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen bir \u00fctopya olarak kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fine onu yaln\u0131z yenilgi inand\u0131rabildi. \u015eubat devriminden \u00f6d\u00fcn olarak koparmak istedi\u011fi, bi\u00e7im bak\u0131m\u0131ndan abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, i\u00e7erik olarak \u00e7ocuksu, bu y\u00fczden de burjuvaca olan hak istemlerinin yerini devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcpek slogan\u0131 ald\u0131: Burjuvazinin devrilmesi! \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n diktatoryas\u0131!
Proletarya, kendi mezar\u0131n\u0131, burjuva cumhuriyetinin be\u015fi\u011fi yaparak burjuva cumhuriyetini, salt bi\u00e7imiyle, a\u00e7\u0131k amac\u0131 sermayenin egemenli\u011fini ve eme\u011fin k\u00f6leli\u011fini sonsuzla\u015ft\u0131rmak olan devlet olarak hemen ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya zorlad\u0131. G\u00f6zleri hep yara bere i\u00e7indeki, yat\u0131\u015fmak bilmez ve yenilmez\u00a0 onun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6tekinin kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fulu oldu\u011fundan yenilmez\u00a0 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine dikili burjuva egemenli\u011fi, b\u00fct\u00fcn engellerden kurtulur kurtulmaz, hemen burjuvater\u00f6rizmine, burjuva zorbal\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmek zorunda idi. Bir kez proletarya ge\u00e7ici olarak sahneden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p burjuvazinin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc resmen tan\u0131n\u0131nca, durumlar\u0131 dayan\u0131lmaz bir hale geldi\u011fi ve burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 muhalefetleri daha \u00e7etin oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, burjuva toplumunun orta tabakalar\u0131 i\u00e7in, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck i\u00e7in gittik\u00e7e proletaryaya daha \u00e7ok yakla\u015fmak zorunlu idi. Nas\u0131l daha \u00f6nce yoksulluklar\u0131n\u0131n nedenini proletaryan\u0131n at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131nda g\u00f6rmekten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapam\u0131yorlard\u0131ysa, \u015fimdi de yoksulluklar\u0131n\u0131n nedenini gene proletaryan\u0131n yenilgisinde buluyorlard\u0131.
Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u0131ta \u00fczerinde burjuvazinin g\u00fcvenli\u011fini art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve onu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a halka kar\u015f\u0131 feodal krall\u0131kla (sayfa 275) birle\u015ftirdi\u011fi zaman bu birle\u015fmenin ilk kurban\u0131 kim oldu? K\u0131ta burjuvazisinin kendisi. Haziran bozgunu, onu, egemenli\u011fini peki\u015ftirmekten, burjuva devriminin en a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 a\u015famas\u0131nda, yar\u0131-ho\u015fnut, yar\u0131-ho\u015fnutsuz halka mola verdirmekten al\u0131koydu.
Son olarak, Haziran bozgunu, Avrupa’n\u0131n zorba g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerine, Fransa’n\u0131n i\u00e7eride i\u00e7sava\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctebilmek i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015far\u0131da her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek zorunda oldu\u011fu s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 u\u011fruna sava\u015f\u0131ma ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f olan halklar, Rusya’n\u0131n, Avusturya’n\u0131n, Prusya’n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne teslim edildiler, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, kaderleri proletarya devriminin kaderine ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f olan ulusal devrimler, b\u00fcy\u00fck toplumsal alt\u00fcst olu\u015f kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fteki \u00f6zerkliklerinden ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131ndan yoksun kald\u0131lar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i k\u00f6le kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, ne Macar, ne Polonyal\u0131, ne \u0130talyan \u00f6zg\u00fcr olamayacakt\u0131r!
Nihayet, Kutsal \u0130ttifak\u0131n zaferleri Avrupa’n\u0131n \u00f6yle bir bi\u00e7im almas\u0131na yola\u00e7t\u0131 ki, Fransa’da her yeni proletarya ayaklanmas\u0131, hemen, bir d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flama i\u015fareti olacakt\u0131r. Yeni Frans\u0131z devrimi, derhal ulusal alandan ayr\u0131lmak, ve 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n toplumsal devriminin \u00fcst\u00fcn gelebilece\u011fi tek alan\u0131, Avrupa alan\u0131n\u0131ele ge\u00e7irmek zorunda olacakt\u0131r. \u015eu halde, Fransa’n\u0131n Avrupa devriminde inisiyatifi ele almas\u0131na olanak verecek ko\u015fullar ancak Haziran yenilgisi ile yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldular. Ve ancak Haziran isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kanlar\u0131na buland\u0131ktan sonrad\u0131r ki, \u00fc\u00e7renkli bayrak, Avrupa devriminin bayra\u011f\u0131, k\u0131z\u0131l bayrak olabilmi\u015ftir.
Ve biz ba\u011f\u0131r\u0131yoruz:
Devrim \u00f6ld\u00fc! Ya\u015fas\u0131n devrim!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

FRANSA’DA SINIF SAVA\u015eIMLARI1848-1850 Birka\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, 1848’den 1849’a kadar devrim y\u0131ll\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n her \u00f6nemli kesimi, “Devrimin Yenilgisi!” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.Ama bu yenilgilerde as\u0131l yenik d\u00fc\u015fen devrim olmad\u0131. Yenilgiye u\u011frayanlar, geleneksel devrim-\u00f6ncesi uzant\u0131lar, hen\u00fcz \u015fiddetli s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 haline gelecek kadar keskinle\u015fmemi\u015f olan toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu: devrimci partinin \u015eubat devriminden \u00f6nce kopamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u015eubat zaferi ile de kurtulamay\u0131p […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[34],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-266","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-fransa-da-sinif-savasimlari-karl-marx"},"yoast_head":"\nFransa'da S\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Karl Marks - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/02\/28\/fransada-sinif-savasimlari-1bolum-karl-marks\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Fransa'da S\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Karl Marks\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"FRANSA’DA SINIF SAVA\u015eIMLARI1848-1850 Birka\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, 1848’den 1849’a kadar devrim y\u0131ll\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n her \u00f6nemli kesimi, “Devrimin Yenilgisi!” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r.Ama bu yenilgilerde as\u0131l yenik d\u00fc\u015fen devrim olmad\u0131. 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