{"id":2901,"date":"2009-12-21T22:49:20","date_gmt":"2009-12-21T19:49:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2009\/12\/21\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-1bolum-thomas-conte\/"},"modified":"2009-12-21T22:49:20","modified_gmt":"2009-12-21T19:49:20","slug":"nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-1bolum-thomas-conte","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/12\/21\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-1bolum-thomas-conte\/","title":{"rendered":"Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte"},"content":{"rendered":"

Yazar olarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son zamanlar\u0131nda, Nietzsche kendisini bir \u201cafet adam\u0131\u201d olarak tarif eder. Ba\u015fka bir yerde ise kendi d\u00f6neminden \u201ctoplumun ge\u00e7 ve son derece \u0131slah edilmi\u015f bir hali\u201d olarak s\u00f6z eder.Modernlik ve kendisinin modernlik i\u00e7indeki rol\u00fcyle ilgili bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin gerisindeki ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctme, yazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk d\u00f6neminden sonra kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanl\u0131k ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ortak \u00e7\u0131kmazlar\u0131 \u00fczerine yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendirir.Nietzsche\u2019nin geleneksel de\u011fer sistemlerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn geri \u00e7ekili\u015fi olarak tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti\u011fi \u015fey, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bir \u201catomistik devrim\u201d, anlaml\u0131 davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n parametrelerini tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015f siyasal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ikonlar\u0131n \u00f6zsel bir erozyonu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan nitelemeye sevk eder.<\/p>\n

Ve bu g\u00f6zlemden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7ok rahats\u0131z edici sonucun aras\u0131nda hi\u00e7biri, enerjisini, t\u00fcm otorite teorilerinin olgunla\u015fmakta olan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc kadar \u00e7ok me\u015fgul etmemi\u015fti. \u00c7ok yak\u0131n bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fe kadar, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 Nietzscheci yorumlar ana hatlar\u0131yla ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki modele uyum g\u00f6sterdi. Birinci \u00f6rnekte, toplumsal yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak k\u00fcstah\u00e7a apolitikle\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7inde siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi felsefi, psikolojik ya da estetik alanlara s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Burada Nietzscheci siyaset sorunu yaln\u0131zca \u00fczerinde daha \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ba\u015fka meselelerin uzant\u0131s\u0131 olarak bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130kinci modelde, siyasal ya da \u00f6n-siyasal bir proje onaylanm\u0131\u015f fakat otoriter, ya da daha seyrek olarak liberal demokratik bir yorumla s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu okumalarda Alman yazar, se\u00e7kinci ve realpolitik\u2019in ac\u0131mas\u0131z bir savunucusu olarak ya da liberal ideale se\u00e7ici bir destek veren birisi olarak resmedilir. Bu ele al\u0131\u015flar\u0131n her biri eserinin \u00f6nemli bir boyutunu ayd\u0131nlat\u0131rken, beraberinde, Nietzsche\u2019nin siyasi kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fli\u011fini dile getirmekte ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olurlar. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, onun siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin anti-otoriter y\u00f6nleri b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ke\u015ffedilmemi\u015f kal\u0131r.1<\/p>\n

Bu deneme onun toplumsal yeniden in\u015fa g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn uygun bir anlat\u0131m\u0131 olarak Nietzscheci anar\u015fizmin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tespit etme \u00e7abas\u0131ndad\u0131r. Ancak bu yorumu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerken, onun y\u00f6ntembilimsel deneyselcili\u011fini uygun bir etiket iste\u011fine kurban ederek \u201cNietzsche\u2019nin siyaseti\u201dni a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00f6nceki yorumcular\u0131n hatalar\u0131ndan uzak durmay\u0131 umuyorum. Belirtildi\u011fi gibi, onun eserinin se\u00e7ici bir \u015fekilde kendine mal edilmesi, Nietzsche\u2019nin birbirine benzemeyen bir dizi ba\u015f d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc siyasal ideolojinin savunucusu olarak resmedilmesi i\u00e7in kullan\u0131labilir. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, insan onun yaz\u0131lar\u0131ndan, kolayl\u0131kla bu \u00f6\u011fretilerin her birini birbirine rapteden ilkelere dair i\u011fneli iftiralar sunan b\u00f6l\u00fcmler saptayabilir. Nietzshe\u2019nin, epistemolojik \u00f6ncelikleri pahas\u0131na, onun proje(ler\/s)ine dair kapal\u0131 bir model yerine Connolly\u2019nin Nietzsche\u2019nin eserini, \u201c\u00e7e\u015fitli etik ve siyasal imkanlar k\u00fcmesi\u201d bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor olarak sunu\u015funu izlemeyi tercih ediyorum. Bu tutum bize, bir siyasal y\u00f6r\u00fcngeler \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini ku\u015fatan dinamik bir sorunsal olarak Nietzsche\u2019nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine ba\u011flanma f\u0131rsat\u0131 sa\u011flar.2<\/p>\n

Bu anlamda, benim konuyu ele al\u0131\u015f tarz\u0131m, alternatif ve kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan siyasal yorumlar\u0131 dikkate almak anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Bunun yerine, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f Nietzscheci yorumlar i\u00e7inde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan bo\u015flu\u011fa i\u015faret etmeye ve b\u00f6ylece ilerici siyasal s\u00f6yleme potansiyel baz\u0131 katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Benim soru\u015fturmam, Nietzsche\u2019nin kendi eserinin, muhafaza etmek istedi\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6nceliklere z\u0131t d\u00fc\u015fmeyen olumlu bir siyasal tahayy\u00fcl\u00fc nas\u0131l i\u00e7erdi\u011fini g\u00f6stermeye y\u00f6nelik dikkatini yakalayan bu siyasal teorilerin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7iziyor. Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n parametrelerini \u015fekillendiren ba\u015fl\u0131ca temalar\u0131n k\u0131sa bir tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ile ba\u015fl\u0131yorum. Daha sonra eserinin siyaset kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 niteli\u011fini, onun devlet\u00e7ilik kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vas\u0131tas\u0131yla de\u011ferlendiriyorum. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc k\u0131s\u0131m, onun yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda faal olan anti otoriter ilkeler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Nietzscheci siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7iriyor. Son k\u0131s\u0131m, onun g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc, meritokratik D\u0130PNOT \u0130LK GE\u00c7T\u0130\u011e\u0130 BURAYA ALINMALI DE\u011e\u0130L M\u0130 bir toplumsal modele dair onay\u0131n\u0131 birbirine ba\u011flayan failler ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel yap\u0131lar \u00fczerine odaklanarak \u00e7evredeki toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fime dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc inceliyor. Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal ontolojisinin ele\u015ftirel \u00f6zelliklerine ayr\u0131cal\u0131k tan\u0131yan ki\u015filere kar\u015f\u0131, onun siyasi ve siyaset-kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir e\u015fitlik teorisi ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 zenginle\u015fmeye (enhancement) dayand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olumlu bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn d\u0131\u015f hatlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi\u011fini savunuyorum.<\/p>\n

Bir ve Bir\u00e7ok
Nietzsche\u2019nin t\u00fcrlerin zenginle\u015fmesiyle ili\u015fkilendirdi\u011fi ko\u015fullar, onun kendi siyaseti ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde siyaset kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in temel bir de\u011fer \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc olarak kal\u0131r ve bu y\u00fczden insan birli\u011finin modern tarzlar\u0131na dair ele\u015ftirisinin \u00f6nemli y\u00f6n\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ondaki bireyci temalar bir dereceye kadar ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, bunlar\u0131n, toplulu\u011fun zorunlu ve arzulanabilir rol\u00fc \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleriyle olan ba\u011f\u0131na \u00e7ok az dikkat edilmi\u015ftir. Ne var ki, onun toplumsala dair par\u00e7al\u0131 soyk\u00fct\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden hareketle, yarat\u0131c\u0131 giri\u015fimin asli unsuru olarak kalan insan dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 onaylad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ay\u0131rt edilebilir.
Nietzsche insan birli\u011finin k\u00f6kenini payla\u015f\u0131lan korkulara ve ac\u0131lara ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131yla grupla\u015fman\u0131n yarar\u0131na yerle\u015ftirir. Ne var ki insanlar\u0131n bir araya geli\u015fleriyle birlikte toplumsal ili\u015fkiler bireye ek bir fayda sunar. \u201cHaz ve Toplumsal \u0130\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir pasajda toplumsal ili\u015fkilerde hazz\u0131n t\u00fcrler \u00fczerinde faydal\u0131 bir etkisi oldu\u011funu belirtir. Toplumsal i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc bireysel g\u00fcvenlik sunar, insan olu\u015funun hissini tecr\u00fcbe edip ona tan\u0131k olmas\u0131na, ait olman\u0131n, \u201cbir ba\u015fka \u015feyin par\u00e7as\u0131 olman\u0131n\u201d hazz\u0131na izin vererek \u201conu iyi tabiatl\u0131 k\u0131lar, \u015f\u00fcpheyi ve haseti uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r\u201d.3<\/p>\n

Hazz\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u201cilk g\u00fcnah\u0131n\u0131n\u201d kendinin \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck hazlar\u0131na izin vermekte yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler bize. Bu, \u201cne\u015fe duymay\u0131 daha iyi \u00f6\u011frenmek i\u00e7in di\u011ferlerini incitmemeyi ya da onlar\u0131 incitme plan\u0131 yapmay\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi \u00f6\u011frenmemiz\u201ddedir.4<\/p>\n

Burada Nietzsche, \u201cprincipium individuationis (bireyle\u015fme ilkesi)\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn\u201d ba\u015f d\u00f6nmesinde i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131nda olan Dionysoscu g\u00fcc\u00fc alg\u0131lar ve kom\u015fumuzla \u201csadece birle\u015fmi\u015f, uzla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve erimi\u015f de\u011fil\u201d fakat \u201conunla bir ve ayn\u0131 olmam\u0131z\u0131\u201d hissetmemize izin veren anlar\u0131 \u00f6ver.5<\/p>\n

Bu pasajlarda, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 deneyimlerin olumlay\u0131c\u0131 alanlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7an bireysel ve ortak yararlar\u0131n ontolojik ikili\u011fine meydan okuyan bir sosyal kimlik teorisi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.6<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr, \u00f6yleyse, birey taraf\u0131ndan tehdit edilen toplumsal i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc de\u011fildir. Ancak, modernlikteki s\u00fcr\u00fc ahlak\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k zaferine ra\u011fmen, Nietzsche bir elde homojenli\u011fin ve s\u0131radanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ile yarat\u0131c\u0131 fark i\u00e7in \u00e7abalayanlar\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi aras\u0131nda gerekli bir ba\u011f tan\u0131mlar. En sayg\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri, bah\u015fedilmi\u015f erdemi g\u00f6steren y\u00fcksek cins, daha \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ifadesinde, toplumun par\u00e7as\u0131 olan, onun ilerlemesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde hareket eden bir varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131 potansiyelini somutla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Bu \u201ckolektif-birey\u201d, toplumsal zenginle\u015fme ve ki\u015fisel-geli\u015fim aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131n izini s\u00fcrer ve \u2018\u201cher\u015fey benim i\u00e7in\u2019 diyen yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f duygunun\u201d, hazc\u0131 i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcylerini \u00fcrpertmek i\u00e7in Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fcn bask\u0131s\u0131na bi\u00e7im verir.7<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, bireysel cins a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a halk kitlelerinin t\u00fcrleri geli\u015ftirme ve zenginle\u015ftirme kapasitesi \u00fcst\u00fcnde y\u00fccelmesine ra\u011fmen, bu, onun yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ayd\u0131nlatan kritik ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k k\u00fcresini bozan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcnme gibi kolektif kimli\u011fin her \u015fekline kar\u015f\u0131 olan radikal bireycili\u011fin genel bir tasdiki de\u011fildir. Nietzsche\u2019nin birey olma anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131k ve m\u00fc\u015fterek kabul i\u00e7in bir arena sa\u011flayan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alanda \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 bir gerilim oldu\u011funu varsayar ve s\u0131rayla yarat\u0131c\u0131 eylemin geni\u015flemesini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lar. O zaman, Dionysos\u00e7u, kom\u00fcnal an, \u201cpolitikan\u0131n arzu edilir ve zorunlu bir zemini\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr,8<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin bireysele olan ilgisinin boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek, bireylere duyulan bir ilgi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Buna ra\u011fmen, Nietzsche \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cb\u0131rak\u0131n dostlar\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fal\u0131m, ama ancak bu i\u015fteki en y\u00fcksek \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 ke\u015ffedecek derecede…\u201d9<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin di\u011ferk\u00e2m ki\u015fi gelene\u011fi ele\u015ftirisinin mant\u0131ksal yans\u0131mas\u0131, insan potansiyelinin k\u00f6t\u00fcc\u00fcl bir budanmas\u0131 gibidir. \u201cKi\u015finin kendisini tam bir ki\u015filik (persona) yapmas\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ki\u015finin en y\u00fcksek derecede iyili\u011fi i\u00e7in bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc korudu\u011fundan merhamet duymaktan ve di\u011ferleri i\u00e7in davranmaktan \u00e7ok daha de\u011ferli oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Nietzsche, \u201ciyi huyluluktan\u201d, \u201cdostluktan\u201d ve \u201ckalbin nezaketinden\u201d t\u00fcretti\u011fi insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yararlar\u0131n\u0131 merhamet ve fedakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde tuttu\u011fundan toplumun de\u011ferlerine iftira etmez, fakat yaln\u0131zca durgun ve tekbi\u00e7imli standartlar empoze etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bu ahlaki yap\u0131lar\u0131 su\u00e7lar. Burada, Nietzsche, merhametin \u00f6rnek bir davran\u0131\u015f olarak daha tercih edilebilir bir bi\u00e7imini tan\u0131mlar ve bu y\u00fczden dar g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc ve fakirle\u015fmi\u015f karakter tiplerinin y\u00fcceltilmesi yoluyla geleneklerin geli\u015fmesinin yasaklanmas\u0131nda bireyler ve toplumlar \u00fczerinde giderek azalan bir etki sarfeden evrensel yasaklar\u0131 reddeder.10<\/p>\n

Bu \u0131\u015f\u0131k alt\u0131nda, Nietzsche\u2019nin ahlaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 onaylamas\u0131 yeni yasaklay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6\u011fretileri gerektirmez ve de bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaz, fakat ilham veren y\u00fcce k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin ve \u00f6rnek bireylerin h\u0131zla \u00e7o\u011falmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7layan ahlaki bir \u00e7o\u011fulculu\u011fu destekler.11<\/p>\n

Nietzsche, modern toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne zorunlu bir cevap olarak bireyin geri \u00e7ekilmesini ilan ederken alternatif \u00f6rg\u00fctsel modelleri reddetmez. Soylu birisinin \u201calt\u0131n parolas\u0131\u201d t\u00fcm di\u011ferleri i\u00e7in tehlikeli olabilir, \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, \u201cher taraf\u0131mda bar\u0131\u015f ve bana en yak\u0131n olan her\u015fey i\u00e7in iyi olacak.\u201d Ancak, bizi uyar\u0131r, bu ilke tek ba\u015f\u0131na bireyler i\u00e7in anlaml\u0131d\u0131r ve onu zaman\u0131nda \u00f6nce genellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 yok edecektir. \u201cT\u00fcm insanlar\u0131n, onlar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnden g\u00f6ky\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn parlakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6ren bu \u00f6nderlerin deneyimlerini payla\u015faca\u011f\u0131 zaman, \u00f6yle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ki, h\u00e2l\u00e2 gelmedi,\u201d ve bu g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kelimeler duyuldu. Nietzsche i\u00e7in, \u201cZaman h\u00e2l\u00e2 bireyin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d Ayn\u0131 zamanda, O\u2019nun bu tonlamas\u0131nda ba\u015fka bir \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n beklentisi sezilir.12<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, bu ger\u00e7e\u011fe ra\u011fmen, zenginle\u015fme bireyler taraf\u0131ndan ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ekilecek bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr, bu t\u00fcm topluluklar\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla engellenemez. Ger\u00e7ekten, \u201cZerd\u00fc\u015ft, hastal\u0131kla hassast\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda, o, onlar\u0131n konforu ve nank\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc y\u00fcz\u00fcnden k\u0131zg\u0131n de\u011fildir. Belki iyile\u015firler, \u00fcstesinden gelen insanlar ve kendileri i\u00e7in daha y\u00fcksek bedenler yarat\u0131rlar!\u201d13<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin Siyaset Kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131
Nietzsche, politican\u0131n \u201czorunlu kiri\u201d \u00fczerine konu\u015fur. Bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak, kendi \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc gizlemek i\u00e7in yapmac\u0131k davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n t\u00fcm bi\u00e7imlerini gerektiren \u201ckaralama sanat\u0131\u201d gibi resmedilmi\u015ftir. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fcn bilge uykusu, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k g\u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fczenleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki itaatin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir: \u201cHakimleri -hatta namussuz hakimleri \u015fereflendirmek ve onlara itaat etmek. \u0130yi uyku onu talep eder. G\u00fcc\u00fcn \u00e7arp\u0131k bacaklar \u00fczerinde y\u00fcr\u00fcmeyi sevmesi benim su\u00e7um mu?\u201d Ancak, Nietzsche\u2019nin bu polemikle iletmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedir? Toplumsal g\u00f6zlemlerinin i\u00e7inde sakl\u0131 olan ger\u00e7ek ve potansiyel politik anlamlar pek \u00e7ok kabul g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 ele\u015ftirmenler Nietzsche\u2019nin politik bir teorisyen olarak durumuyla uzla\u015fmakta g\u00f6n\u00fcls\u00fczd\u00fcler.14<\/p>\n

O h\u00e2l\u00e2, belirli \u00f6rg\u00fctsel modellerini i\u015faret eden keskin bir toplumsal g\u00f6zlemler dizisi sunar, bununla birlikte, politik olan\u0131 sistematik, kurumsal g\u00fcndemlere hapsetmek isteyenlere bunlar politik-\u00f6ncesi g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilirdi.<\/p>\n

Bu problemi ifade etme \u00e7abas\u0131nda, iktidar\u0131n da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla ilgisi olan \u00f6rg\u00fctler, simgeler ve pratiklerin bir toplam\u0131 olarak politik olan\u0131n ge\u00e7ici bir tan\u0131m\u0131yla ba\u015fl\u0131yorum. \u00c7ok kapsaml\u0131 faaliyet alan\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n bir avantaj\u0131, kurumsal arenan\u0131n dar s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bize ahlak\u0131n, bilginin, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn politikas\u0131n\u0131, g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131n \u201cdaha \u00f6nemsiz\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131 konu\u015fma olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flayarak politik alan\u0131n geni\u015fli\u011finden t\u00fcrer.15<\/p>\n

Yine de, bu betimleme bize politik akt\u00f6rler hakk\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir \u015fey anlatmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, tabii ki pek \u00e7ok s\u00f6ylenmedik \u015fey b\u0131rakacakt\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece, g\u00fc\u00e7 dinamiklerinin kurucu bile\u015fenlerini daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131mlayabilmek i\u00e7in, onunla ilgili m\u00fccadele ve tepki s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini de eklemeye ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyorum.16<\/p>\n

Bu eklemeler, politikay\u0131, temsilcili\u011fin temel bile\u015feni olarak kendini-yorumlama ile toplumsal m\u00fczakerenin bir ko\u015fulu olarak ele\u015ftirici s\u00f6ylemin \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi aras\u0131nda bir bo\u015flu\u011fa yerle\u015ftirmeye hizmet eder. Fakat, Nietzsche\u2019nin politikan\u0131n bu modelini do\u011frulamas\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in, Nietzsche\u2019nin devlet\u00e7ilik politikas\u0131n\u0131 reddinin etraf\u0131ndaki ko\u015fullar\u0131 ke\u015ffetmeye ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z var.<\/p>\n

Nietzsche \u015f\u00f6yle yazar, h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201cinsanlar ve hayvan s\u00fcr\u00fcleri\u201d varken, biz modernler devlet i\u00e7inde ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu kurum, yaln\u0131zca bir parazit gibi i\u015flerken hak iddias\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n mevkisine b\u0131rakan \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn so\u011fuk canavarlar\u0131n en so\u011fu\u011fu\u201d olarak tarif edilir. Onun hilekar bildirisi olan \u201cBen, devlet, halk\u0131m,\u201d kitlelerin su\u00e7 ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve kendi kendini onurland\u0131ran \u201ckahramanlar\u0131n ve \u015ferefli adamlar\u0131n\u201d paha bi\u00e7ilmez deste\u011fini garantiye alarak, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcy\u00fc ve benzer bi\u00e7imde zay\u0131f\u0131 kaydetmek i\u00e7in tasarland\u0131. Toplumsal de\u011ferlerin gaspedilmesi i\u00e7in, kendi imgesinde toplumsal\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesini ama\u00e7layan eylemlerinin otoriter karakterini saklamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.17<\/p>\n

Modernitede, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, laik kimliklerin zorla kabul edilmesi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00f6nceleri kilise taraf\u0131ndan sa\u011flanan tepkisel ve kom\u00fcnal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in devlete yolu a\u00e7an H\u0131ristiyan ahlaki d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00e7\u00f6kertilmesi yoluyla kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.18<\/p>\n

Yine de, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k ve zorba karakterinin \u00f6tesinde, Nietzsche devleti, \u00e7ok derin boyutlarda \u00f6rg\u00fctsel bir ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k olarak resmeder. Onun etkisinin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi yerel haklara ve geleneklere kar\u015f\u0131 bir tecav\u00fcz gibi alg\u0131lan\u0131r. O nerede egemenli\u011fe ula\u015fsa, b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle bireysel ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddia etmekte ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z, beceriksiz bir h\u00fck\u00fcmdar olarak kal\u0131r. G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc destek olmadan, itaat, temsil sahnesi, aldat\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flevler ve zorlay\u0131c\u0131 \u015fiddet vaadi yoluyla g\u00fcven alt\u0131na al\u0131nmak zorundad\u0131r. Ancak, onun modernitedeki \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ra\u011fmen, Nietzsche dikkatimizi, b\u00f6yle d\u00fczenlemelerin g\u00fcvenilmez ko\u015fullar\u0131na y\u00f6nlendirir. \u015e\u00f6yle yazar, \u201cDevlet, ulus, ekonomi, ticaret, adalet teorileri \u2013hepsi \u015fimdi haz\u0131rlay\u0131c\u0131 savunman\u0131n (preparatory apologia) karakterine sahipler…birisi \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131k i\u00e7inde soruyor, \u00f6nce su\u00e7layan kim? Onun kendi k\u00f6t\u00fc vicdan\u0131ndan \u00f6nce.\u201d19<\/p>\n

Devlet gibi, parti de kendi ger\u00e7ek ilgilerini reddetme ve gizleme ile resmedilir. Liderleri, ger\u00e7ek yarat\u0131c\u0131 kapasitenin yoklu\u011funa kar\u015f\u0131n g\u00f6steri sanat\u0131n\u0131n heyecanl\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00fcretti\u011fi mutluluk hissi ile iktidar\u0131 arzular. B\u00f6yle etkiler alt\u0131nda, parti, iktidar-a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve dar kafal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir tiyatrosuna indirgenir. Nietzsche, kritik kavray\u0131\u015f ve ki\u015fisel giri\u015fimin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 yoluyla insanlar\u0131n potansiyelinin fark\u0131na varmaya en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdidi cisimle\u015ftiren bu yalanc\u0131l\u0131k ustalar\u0131na, \u201cbu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck insanlara\u201d \u00fcst\u00fcn gelmek i\u00e7in insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r. Taraftar\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, parti yap\u0131s\u0131 ba\u015fka herhangi bir otoriteden farkl\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u0130taat mutlakt\u0131r, b\u00f6yle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerde, korku do\u011frudan muhalefetten \u00e7ok bir ko\u015fullu kabullenmedir. Yine devlet gibi, parti de dostlar\u0131n ve benzer bi\u00e7imde d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n \u00e7evresinde geli\u015fmeyi farzeder; bununla birlikte, ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lara m\u00fcsamaha g\u00f6stermez.20<\/p>\n

Bu kurumlar birlikte, modernitenin ahlaks\u0131z y\u00f6netsel rejimleri i\u00e7indeki su\u00e7 orta\u011f\u0131 partnerler olarak resmedilir, parti temsilin cilas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayarak, devlet ise kolektif ama\u00e7lar\u0131n yan\u0131lsamas\u0131 olarak.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, e\u011fer devlet yaln\u0131zca toplum i\u00e7inde ho\u015fa gitmeyen bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel modeli korumak i\u00e7in varsa, o zaman resmi politik kat\u0131l\u0131m sadece yarat\u0131c\u0131-olmayan e\u011filimleri a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurur. Nietzsche, \u00e7evrelerine insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ilerlemesinin yollar\u0131 i\u00e7in bak\u0131p, \u00f6z-belirlenimcilik taraf\u0131ndan k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131lanlar\u0131n bu eylemlerden \u00e7ekilmelerine izin verilmesinde \u0131srar eder. Bu \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma at\u00f6lyesinin\u201d basit\u00e7e ayr\u0131l\u0131p d\u00fc\u015fmesi, bizim en y\u00fcksek ki\u015fisel enerjilerimizi me\u015fgul etmesinden daha iyidir. Yine de, devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na izin veremez. O ya askere almak, ya da en az\u0131ndan boyun e\u011fdirmek zorundad\u0131r. Nietzsche\u2019nin devlet\u00e7ilik ele\u015ftirisi, o zaman k\u0131smen, politik ki\u015finin donmu\u015f potansiyeli \u00e7evresindeki tehlike anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Ancak devlet, ayn\u0131 zamanda di\u011fer tehlikeleri de tedarik eder.
Do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi devlet\u00e7i bir hareket olarak milliyet\u00e7ilik, en \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hastal\u0131k\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r, bu y\u00fczden Nietzsche, bu \u201caz\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fa \u00fczerindeki zorla dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ku\u015fatma ve kendini savunma durumunu\u201d yererken anar\u015fistlerle birle\u015fir.21<\/p>\n

O zaman, d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011fa ve ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011fa temay\u00fcl\u00fc nedeniyle, haset nefret ve korku zihniyeti nedeniyle militarist duru\u015ftan uzak durulacakt\u0131r. Uluslar aras\u0131 ili\u015fkileri niteleyen g\u00fcvensizlik ve rekabet, uluslar\u0131, sava\u015f alanlar\u0131ndaki bir zafer ya da en az\u0131ndan g\u00fcvenilir bir savunma haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 israf etmeye zorlar. Nietzsche yurtsever militarizmin y\u00fckselmesini Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n gelece\u011finin u\u011fursuz bir belirtisi olarak bulur. Devletin \u201cevrensel g\u00fcvenli\u011fi\u201d temin etmek yerine aksi durumu do\u011furdu\u011funu yazar: \u201csevgili y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n ispatlamaya giri\u015fti\u011fi bir hakikat: sanki ispatlanmas\u0131 gerekliydi!\u201d22<\/p>\n

Nietzsche, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ortak miras\u0131n\u0131 zikrederek, \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck siyaset\u201d olarak nitelendirdi\u011fi bir devlet\u00e7ilik-sonras\u0131 model i\u00e7inde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kaynaklar\u0131n yak\u0131nsamas\u0131n\u0131 talep eder. Bu kavram\u0131n Roma imparatorluklar\u0131 ya da Bonapartist \u00e7e\u015fitlemelerine g\u00f6nderme olarak okunmalar\u0131 gerekmez, ama Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n bireysel devletlerin ba\u015farabildi\u011finden daha y\u00fcksek hedeflere do\u011fru birle\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7irici bir ilke olarak i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr.23<\/p>\n

B\u00fcy\u00fck siyaset, \u00f6zg\u00fcl siyasal ama\u00e7lar\u0131 tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 ara\u00e7sal bir \u00f6\u011fretiden ziyade, bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar dizisi olarak, \u00f6zne-yurtta\u015f\u0131n olu\u015fumunun etraf\u0131ndaki bunal\u0131mla gelen ilerici ve gerici bireyler aras\u0131ndaki \u201cbir ruhlar sava\u015f\u0131\u201d olarak vuku bulur. Bu noktada daha y\u00fcksek de\u011ferlerin do\u011fmas\u0131, modern siyasal kimlikler etraf\u0131ndaki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar yeni siyasal faillik modellerini harekete ge\u00e7irdik\u00e7e, alternatif toplumsal siyasal d\u00fczenlemeler i\u00e7in verilen kolektif m\u00fccadelelerin i\u00e7eri\u011fini sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n

Nietzsche, \u00f6zg\u00fcl devlet modellerine bakarken, demokratik devletin bireysel ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k do\u011furmaktaki ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, iktidar\u0131n d\u00fczmece merkezsizle\u015fmesinin maskesini nas\u0131l d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6zlemler. Bireyin erklenmesinin, h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren devletin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, demokratik devletin misyonunu tamamlamaya yetersiz olu\u015funun, onu eski y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imlerine pek fazla benzer halde b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur. Demokrasi, bireysel inisiyatifin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla birlikte burjuva garnizon devletine var\u0131p ona hizmet edecek yeni bir insan t\u00fcr\u00fc ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r: onun ter\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn ve ayartmas\u0131n\u0131n z\u00fcrriyetinden olan l\u00fczumsuz kalabal\u0131k, \u201cfazlal\u0131k.\u201d25<\/p>\n

Yine de demokratik devlet\u00e7ilik, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131pranm\u0131\u015f monar\u015fileri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki zaferine ra\u011fmen, Nietsche\u2019ye g\u00f6re k\u0131r\u0131lgan ve nihayetinde savunmas\u0131z bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme teorisi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Siyasal hayat\u0131n sek\u00fcrle\u015fmesinin kazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131sa d\u00f6nemli yararlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda, devletin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fcnyevi olan\u0131n \u00f6tesindeki bir tasdikin zorlay\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kaybolu\u015fu y\u00fcz\u00fcnden eninde sonunda tehlike alt\u0131na girer. Bu e\u011filim, onu, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7iminden \u015f\u00fcphe duyman\u0131n neticede devleti b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kald\u0131rma iste\u011fine yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tahmin etmeye sevk etti.26<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin potansiyel sosyalist devletlere dair ele\u015ftirisi onun devlet kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka bir ele\u015ftirel boyutunu ayd\u0131nlat\u0131r ve bu esnada Bakunin\u2019in polemi\u011fini tekrarlar. Alman yazar bu insaniyet\u00e7ili\u011fi, devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ka\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131 isteyerek bireyin imha edili\u015finde daha \u00f6nceki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc siyasal \u00f6\u011fretiden daha ileriye giden despotizmin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck biraderi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Nietzsche, gelece\u011fe dikkatle bakarak, devlete \u015fimdiye dek bilinen en b\u00fcy\u00fck boyun e\u011fi\u015fi gerektiren sosyalizmin yeni bir mutlakiyet\u00e7ilik bi\u00e7imi do\u011furmak zorunda oldu\u011fu \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcnde Bakunin\u2019le birle\u015fir. Bu \u201ckusursuz devlet\u201di \u00f6nererek her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131kardan \u00f6nce bu kurumun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc teslim eden kusursuz yurtta\u015f\u0131 tasarlamaya zorland\u0131. Bu noktada, devlet sosyalizmi demokratik s\u00fcreci, \u201cen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcklerin ve en sersemlerin zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d alt\u0131ndaki t\u00fcrlerin tektiple\u015ftirilmesinde tamamlarken \u201ce\u015fit haklar\u0131n ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n bodur hayvan\u0131\u201d ile y\u00fczy\u00fcze geliriz.<\/p>\n

Nietzsche, bu \u201ce\u015fitleyiciler\u201din, olduklar\u0131n\u0131 iddia ettikleri gibi hay\u0131rsever kurtar\u0131c\u0131lar olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler bizlere. Onlar\u0131n evrensel \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme \u00f6\u011fretisinin gerisinde, sadece zay\u0131flar\u0131n galibiyetine \u015fahit olur. Burada, h\u0131n\u00e7 duygusu, kaderin yetenekleri da\u011f\u0131tmas\u0131na katlanmaya ya da onun karar\u0131na yap\u0131c\u0131 \u015fekilde meydan okumaya raz\u0131 olmamakta insani zenginliklerin yozla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131zland\u0131rarak kendisini t\u00fcm toplumsal de\u011ferlerin ard\u0131ndaki d\u00fcrt\u00fc olarak \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. Ne var ki, bunun \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, emek\u00e7ilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin, \u201cbiraz aptall\u0131k, bedelini gelece\u011fin \u00f6deyece\u011fi bir ka\u00e7ak in\u015faat, toplumun tehlikeye at\u0131lmas\u0131\u201d oldu\u011funu belirtirken i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sosyalistlerden ay\u0131rt edildi\u011fine dikkat \u00e7ekmek \u00f6nemli. Kapitalizmin miras\u0131 Bat\u0131\u2019y\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n e\u015fi\u011fine getirmi\u015ftir, diye yazar, ve bu tarihi sarmalay\u0131c\u0131 haf\u0131zadan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n maliyeti \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olacakt\u0131r. Hatta daha \u00fcst bir kast\u0131n me\u015fru y\u00fckseli\u015finin temsili olarak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin burjuvazi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki muhtemel zaferi \u00fcst\u00fcne tahminde bile bulunacak kadar uza\u011fa gitmi\u015ftir.28<\/p>\n

Devlet sosyalizmi, kimi \u00fcst\u00fcn katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131maktaki yetersizli\u011finde, bireysel ve toplumsal e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olarak bo\u011far, bu sebeple \u201cdevlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fc birikmesinin\u201d tehliklerinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir tasviri haline gelir. Ne var ki Nietzsche bu modelin, kilisenin deste\u011fi olmadan, \u00f6zl\u00fc ve yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00f6rneklerde ve yaln\u0131zca a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ter\u00f6r\u00fcn yard\u0131m\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceden tahmin eder. O zaman, bu t\u00fcr hareketlerin tek de\u011feri g\u00f6n\u00fcl rahatl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan koruyan bir diken olarak i\u015flevleridir. Devlet sosyalizminin kendi ba\u015f\u0131na \u201cumutsuz ve tats\u0131z bir hadise\u201d oldu\u011fu sonucuna var\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yazar olarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son zamanlar\u0131nda, Nietzsche kendisini bir \u201cafet adam\u0131\u201d olarak tarif eder. Ba\u015fka bir yerde ise kendi d\u00f6neminden \u201ctoplumun ge\u00e7 ve son derece \u0131slah edilmi\u015f bir hali\u201d olarak s\u00f6z eder.Modernlik ve kendisinin modernlik i\u00e7indeki rol\u00fcyle ilgili bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin gerisindeki ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctme, yazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk d\u00f6neminden sonra kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanl\u0131k ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ortak \u00e7\u0131kmazlar\u0131 \u00fczerine yaz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[73],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-2901","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-friedrich-wilhelm-nietzsche"},"yoast_head":"\nNietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/12\/21\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-1bolum-thomas-conte\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (1.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Yazar olarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n son zamanlar\u0131nda, Nietzsche kendisini bir \u201cafet adam\u0131\u201d olarak tarif eder. 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