{"id":291,"date":"2009-03-01T16:47:05","date_gmt":"2009-03-01T13:47:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2009\/03\/01\/f-engels-fransada-ve-almanyada-koylu-sorunu\/"},"modified":"2009-03-01T16:47:05","modified_gmt":"2009-03-01T13:47:05","slug":"f-engels-fransada-ve-almanyada-koylu-sorunu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/03\/01\/f-engels-fransada-ve-almanyada-koylu-sorunu\/","title":{"rendered":"F. Engels: Fransa’da ve Almanya’da K\u00f6yl\u00fc Sorunu"},"content":{"rendered":"

Burjuva ve gerici partiler, sosyalistler aras\u0131nda k\u00f6yl\u00fc sorununu birdenbire ve her yerde g\u00fcndemde g\u00f6rmekle ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyorlar. Asl\u0131nda bu i\u015fin uzun zamandan beri b\u00f6yle olmamas\u0131na \u015fa\u015fmak daha do\u011fru olurdu. \u0130rlanda’dan Si\u00e7ilya’ya, Andaluzya’dan Rusya ve Bulgaristan’a kadar, k\u00f6yl\u00fc, n\u00fcfusun, \u00fcretimin ve siyasal iktidar\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir etkenidir. Sadece Bat\u0131 Avrupan\u0131n iki b\u00f6lgesi, bir ayr\u0131klama olu\u015fturur. B\u00fcy\u00fck-Britanya’da, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyeti ile b\u00fcy\u00fck tar\u0131m, topra\u011f\u0131 kendi hesab\u0131na i\u015fleyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc tamamen ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Prusya’n\u0131n, Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde de, ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7 y\u00fczy\u0131llardan beri s\u00fcrer, ve orada da, gitgide, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ya “kovulmu\u015f”, ya da [sayfa 407] iktisadi bak\u0131mdan arka plana at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Bug\u00fcne kadar, k\u00f6yl\u00fc, siyasal bir etken olarak, kendini sadece tarla ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayanan i\u00e7 s\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ile g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. N\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n bu i\u00e7 s\u00f6n\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, sadece Paris ve Roma parlamenter bozulmu\u015flu\u011funun de\u011fil, ama Rus despotlu\u011funun da en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc dayana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Ama hi\u00e7 de \u00fcstesinden gelinemez bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin do\u011fu\u015fundan beri, burjuvalar, Bat\u0131 Avrupa’da, \u00f6zellikle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin egemen oldu\u011fu yerlerde, sosyalist emek\u00e7ileri, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin imgeleme yetisine “payla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar” g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131nda g\u00f6stererek, onlar\u0131 ku\u015fkulu ve i\u011fren\u00e7 k\u0131lmakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekmemi\u015flerdir; onlar\u0131, k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyeti \u00fczerine kurgular kuran tembel ve a\u00e7g\u00f6zl\u00fc kentliler olarak g\u00f6stermek, burjuvalar i\u00e7in kolay olmu\u015ftur. 1848 \u015eubat devriminin bulan\u0131k sosyalist \u00f6zlemleri, Frans\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin geri\u00e7i oy pusulalar\u0131 sayesinde h\u0131zla silinip s\u00fcp\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Dinginli\u011fe sahip olmak isteyen k\u00f6yl\u00fc, an\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n hazinesinden k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin imparatoru Napol\u00e9on efsanesini \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131, ve ikinci \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu kurdu. K\u00f6yl\u00fclerin bu marifetinin Frans\u0131z halk\u0131na nelere maloldu\u011funu biliyoruz; Frans\u0131z halk\u0131 bug\u00fcn bile bunun sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekiyor.
Ama o \u00e7a\u011fdan bu yana, \u00e7ok \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fti. Kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin geli\u015fmesi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tar\u0131msal i\u015fletmeye \u00f6l\u00fcm yumru\u011funu indirdi. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tar\u0131msal i\u015fletme, kar\u015f\u0131 konmaz bir bi\u00e7imde \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcyor, \u00f6l\u00fcyor. Kuzey ve G\u00fcney Amerika ile Hindistan’\u0131n rekabeti, Avrupa pazar\u0131n\u0131 ucuz tah\u0131l bask\u0131n\u0131na bo\u011fdu; hem de \u00f6ylesine ucuz ki, hi\u00e7 bir yerli \u00fcreti\u00e7i, yabanc\u0131 rakipleri ile sava\u015f\u0131ma giremiyor. B\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibi ile k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, g\u00f6z g\u00f6re g\u00f6re y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011framalar\u0131n\u0131, her ikisi de ayn\u0131 g\u00f6zle g\u00f6rmektedirler. Ve her ikisi de toprak sahibi ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc olduklar\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibi, kendini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n savunucusu olarak g\u00f6steriyor, ve o da genel olarak onu \u00f6yle kabul ediyor.
Bununla birlikte, Bat\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i partisinin [sayfa 408] geli\u015fti\u011fini de g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u015eubat devrimi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n karanl\u0131k \u00f6nsezi ve duygular\u0131, t\u00fcm bilimsel gereklikleri yan\u0131tlayan, belgin ve elle tutulur istemleri kapsayan bir program durumuna gelmek \u00fczere, durula\u015fm\u0131\u015f, geli\u015fmi\u015f, derinle\u015fmi\u015flerdir. Bu istemler, durmadan artan bir say\u0131daki sosyalist milletvekilleri taraf\u0131ndan, Alman, Frans\u0131z, Bel\u00e7ika Parlamentolar\u0131nda orunlanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Siyasal iktidar\u0131n sosyalist parti taraf\u0131ndan fethi, gitgide daha yak\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Ama siyasal iktidar\u0131 fethetmesi i\u00e7in, bu partinin \u00f6nce kentten tarlalara ge\u00e7mesi, k\u0131rda bir g\u00fc\u00e7 durumuna gelmesi gerekiyor. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6b\u00fcr partiler \u00fczerinde, iktisadi nedenleri siyasal sonu\u00e7lara ba\u011flayan s\u0131k\u0131 ili\u015fkiyi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6rme \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sahip olan, kuzu postu alt\u0131nda saklanan kurdun, k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn o patavats\u0131z dostunun, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibinin maskesini de uzun zamandan beri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f bulunan bu parti, ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc savunucular\u0131n\u0131n elleri aras\u0131nda y\u0131k\u0131ma adanm\u0131\u015f k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc, onu sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isinin edilgin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 durumundan, etkin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmelerine kadar, kendi haline b\u0131rakmal\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r? Ve b\u00f6ylece, k\u00f6yl\u00fc sorununun \u00f6z\u00fcne gelmi\u015f bulunuyoruz.<\/p>\n

I
Kendisine y\u00f6nelebilece\u011fimiz tar\u0131msal n\u00fcfus, \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00f6lgelere g\u00f6re daha da de\u011fi\u015fken, \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 \u00f6\u011felerden bile\u015fmi\u015ftir.
Almanya’n\u0131n bat\u0131s\u0131nda, Fransa ve Bel\u00e7ika’da da oldu\u011fu gibi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprakl\u0131 (parcellaira) k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck yeti\u015ftirimi a\u011f\u0131r basar; bu k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, \u00e7o\u011funlukla topraklar\u0131n\u0131n sahipleri, ve az\u0131nl\u0131kla da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7iftlik kirac\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131rlar.
Kuzey-Bat\u0131da A\u015fa\u011f\u0131-Saksonya ve Schleswig-Holstein’da \u00e7iftlik u\u015faklar\u0131, hizmet\u00e7iler, hatta g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ilerden vazge\u00e7emeyen b\u00fcy\u00fck ve orta k\u00f6yl\u00fcler a\u011f\u0131r basar. Bavyera’n\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde de durum b\u00f6yledir. [sayfa 409]
Prusya’n\u0131n, Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ile Mecklembourg, yan\u0131s\u0131ra, g\u00f6rece g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz ve s\u00fcrekli olarak azalan bir orandaki orta ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ile birlikte, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyeti, ve \u00e7iftlik hizmetk\u00e2rlar\u0131 ve g\u00fcndelik\u00e7iler yard\u0131m\u0131yla yap\u0131lan b\u00fcy\u00fck yeti\u015ftirim alanlar\u0131d\u0131rlar.
Merkezi Almanya’da, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu m\u00fclkiyet ve i\u015fletme bi\u00e7imleri, aralar\u0131ndan birinin geni\u015f bir alan \u00fczerindeki \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, yerine g\u00f6re \u00e7e\u015fitli oranlarda birbirlerine kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f olarak bulunurlar.
Ayr\u0131ca, sahip bulunulan ya da kiralanan tarlan\u0131n aileyi beslemeye yetmedi\u011fi, sadece b\u00f6lgesel sanayiin kurulmas\u0131na temel hizmeti g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ve bu sonuncuya, t\u00fcm yabanc\u0131 rekabete kar\u015f\u0131n, \u00fcr\u00fcnlere s\u00fcrekli bir s\u00fcr\u00fcm sa\u011flayan son derece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler \u00f6denmesini olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan az\u00e7ok geni\u015f b\u00f6lgeler de bulunur.
Peki, k\u0131rsal n\u00fcfusun bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnt\u00fcleri aras\u0131nda, sosyal-demokrat partinin kazanabilece\u011fi b\u00f6l\u00fcnt\u00fcler hangileridir? Bu sorunu elbette ancak ana \u00e7izgileri i\u00e7inde irdeliyoruz. Ancak en g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpan bi\u00e7imleri g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutuyoruz: arac\u0131 a\u015famalar ve karma toplumsal n\u00fcfuslarla u\u011fra\u015fmak i\u00e7in yerimiz eksik.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcden ba\u015flayal\u0131m. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, genellikle, Bat\u0131 Avrupa i\u00e7in, sadece t\u00fcm k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin en \u00f6nemlisi olmakla kalmaz, ayr\u0131ca t\u00fcm bu sorun bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bize bunluklu \u00f6rne\u011fi (cas critique) de sa\u011flar. E\u011fer k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumumuzu saptarsak, k\u0131rsal n\u00fcfusun \u00f6b\u00fcr \u00f6\u011feleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutumumuzu belirlememizi sa\u011flayan i\u015faret noktas\u0131na da sahip oluruz.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcden, burada, onun ailesi ile birlikte d\u00fczenli olarak i\u015fleyebilece\u011finden daha b\u00fcy\u00fck, ve ailenin beslenmesi i\u00e7in zorunlu olandan da daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck olmayan bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131n sahibi ya da kirac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zellikle sahibini anl\u0131yoruz. \u00d6yleyse bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck zanaat\u00e7\u0131 gibi, modern proleterden, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 hen\u00fcz elinde bulundurmas\u0131 [sayfa 410] bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ayr\u0131lan bir emek\u00e7i, yani a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin bir kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Kendi atas\u0131 olan serf, ya da \u00e7ok ayr\u0131ks\u0131n bir bi\u00e7imde \u00f6zg\u00fcr, ama hara\u00e7 ve angaryaya ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f k\u00f6yl\u00fcden, \u00fc\u00e7 bak\u0131mdan ayr\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130lkin, Frans\u0131z Devrimi, onu, beyine bor\u00e7lu bulundu\u011fu feodal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck ve hizmetlerden kurtarm\u0131\u015f, ve \u00e7o\u011fu durumda, hi\u00e7 olmazsa Ren’in sol k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda, topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 onun kendi m\u00fclkiyetine vermi\u015ftir. \u0130kinci olarak, \u00f6zerkli ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n (communaut\u00e9) korumas\u0131n\u0131 yitirmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece eski ortakl\u0131ktaki [Mark -\u00e7.] yararlanma pay\u0131ndan yoksun kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ortakla\u015fa toprak, ya eski bey, ya da Roma hukukuna dayanan “ayd\u0131n” b\u00fcrokratik bir yasama taraf\u0131ndan el\u00e7abuklu\u011funa getirilmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, ot ve saman sat\u0131n almaks\u0131z\u0131n davar\u0131n\u0131 besleme olana\u011f\u0131ndan yoksun kalm\u0131\u015f bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Ama iktisadi bak\u0131mdan, ortakla\u015fa topraktan yararlanma haklar\u0131n\u0131n yitirilmesi, feodal y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fcklerin ortadan kalkmas\u0131n\u0131, hem de \u00e7o\u011fuyla, \u00f6d\u00fcnler. \u00c7ift hayvanlar\u0131n\u0131 besleyemeyen k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin say\u0131s\u0131 durmadan artar. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00f6yl\u00fc, bir de eski \u00fcretken \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yitirmekle ay\u0131rdedilir. Eskiden o, ailesi ile birlikte, \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcmiln\u00fc kendi \u00fcretmi\u015f bulundu\u011fu hammaddeler yard\u0131m\u0131yla, gereksindi\u011fi s\u0131nai \u00fcr\u00fcnleri kendi \u00fcretiyordu. Gene de eksik kalan \u015fey, tar\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir i\u015f daha yapan ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u00fccretleri trampa ya da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 hizmetler yoluyla \u00f6denmi\u015f bulunan k\u00f6y kom\u015fular\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan sa\u011flan\u0131yordu. Aile, ve hele k\u00f6y, kendi kendilerine yetiyorlar, ve kendileri i\u00e7in gerekli olan \u015feylerin hemen hepsini \u00fcretiyorlard\u0131. Hemen hemen ar\u0131 durumundaki do\u011fal ekonomiydi bu, para hemen hi\u00e7 kullan\u0131lm\u0131yordu. Kapitalist \u00fcretim, parasal iktisat ve b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi arac\u0131yla, bu duruma son verdi. Ama e\u011fer ortakla\u015fa topraktan yararlanma, bunun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n temel bir ko\u015fulu idiyse, bir sanayiin ikincil prati\u011fi de bir ba\u015fka temel ko\u015fulu idi. B\u00f6ylece k\u00f6yl\u00fc gitgide daha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Vergiler, k\u00f6t\u00fc hasatlar, payla\u015fmalar, duru\u015fmalar, k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri birbirleri arkas\u0131na tefecinin [sayfa 411] oca\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcrler, bor\u00e7lanma, herbiri i\u00e7in, gitgide daha genel ve gitgide daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u015fey olur; k\u0131sacas\u0131, bizim k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcm\u00fcz, a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin her t\u00fcr kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 gibi, \u00e7aresiz bir bi\u00e7imde y\u0131k\u0131ma mahk\u00fcmdur. Gelecekteki bir proleterdir.
Bu bak\u0131mdan, sosyalist propaganday\u0131 can kula\u011f\u0131 ile dinlemesi gerekir. Ama i\u00e7ine i\u015flemi\u015f bulunan m\u00fclkiyet duygusu, onu hen\u00fcz bundan al\u0131koyar. Kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in ne kadar sert bir bi\u00e7imde sava\u015f\u0131m verme zorunda kal\u0131r, umutsuzluk onu oraya ne kadar s\u0131k\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde kenetlerse, toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin ortakla\u015fa m\u00fclkiyete \u00e7evirilmesinden s\u00f6zeden sosyal-demokrat da, ona o kadar, t\u0131pk\u0131 tefeci ve avukat gibi, tehlikeli bir d\u00fc\u015fman olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Sosyal-demokrasi bu \u00f6nyarg\u0131y\u0131 nas\u0131l yokedebilii? Kendi kendine ihanet etmeksizin, \u00f6lmekte olan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcye ne verebilir?
Burada, marksist e\u011filimli Frans\u0131z sosyalistlerinin tar\u0131m program\u0131nda pratik bir dayanak noktas\u0131 buluyoruz: k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc iktisad\u0131n\u0131n klasik \u00fclkesinden geldi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde dikkate de\u011fer bir dayanak noktas\u0131.
Partinin ilk tar\u0131m program\u0131, 1892’de,[2]\u00a0 Marsilya Kongresinde kabul edildi. Bu program, varl\u0131ks\u0131z tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri (g\u00fcndelik\u00e7iler ve \u00e7iftlik u\u015faklar\u0131) i\u00e7in, \u015funlar\u0131 ister: tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri sendikalar\u0131 ve belediye meclisleri taraf\u0131ndan saptanm\u0131\u015f asgari \u00fccret; yar\u0131 yar\u0131ya i\u015f\u00e7ilerden bile\u015fen tar\u0131msal yarg\u0131 kurullar\u0131; kom\u00fcnal topraklar\u0131n sat\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n yasaklanmas\u0131 ve devlet topraklar\u0131n\u0131n, sahibi bulundu\u011fu ya da kiralam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu t\u00fcm topra\u011f\u0131, ortakla\u015fa i\u015fleme ere\u011fiyle, \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7i kullanma yasa\u011f\u0131 ve kom\u00fcn\u00fcn denetimi alt\u0131nda, varl\u0131ks\u0131z tar\u0131m emek\u00e7ilerinin ortak ailelerine kiralayacak olan kom\u00fcnlere kiralanmas\u0131; ya\u015fl\u0131lar ve sakatlar i\u00e7in, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyeti \u00fczerindeki \u00f6zel bir vergi ile beslenen emeklilik sand\u0131klar\u0131.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler i\u00e7in, aralar\u0131nda \u00f6zellikle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7iftlik [sayfa 412] kirac\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00f6zetilir, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere maliyet fiyat\u0131na kiralanacak tar\u0131msal makinelerin kom\u00fcn taraf\u0131ndan sat\u0131nal\u0131nmas\u0131; g\u00fcbre; aka\u00e7lama (drainage) borular\u0131, tohumluk, vb. al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin sat\u0131lmasi i\u00e7in tar\u0131m birliklerin [kooperatifler -\u00e7.] kurulmas\u0131: de\u011feri 5.000 frank\u0131 ge\u00e7meyen m\u00fclkler i\u00e7in fera\u011f ve intikal har\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131; \u0130rlanda’da oldu\u011fu gibi, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00e7iftlik kiralar\u0131n\u0131 indirmek, ve s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi biten kirac\u0131 ve ortak\u00e7\u0131lara, m\u00fclkte sa\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 de\u011fer art\u0131\u015f\u0131 nedeniyle verilecek \u00f6dentiyi saptamakla g\u00f6revli hakem komisyonlar\u0131; Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Yasas\u0131n\u0131n (Medeni Kanun)[3]
G\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor: K\u00f6yl\u00fcler yarar\u0131na ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen istemler burada \u015fimdilik i\u015f\u00e7iler yarar\u0131na ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen istemlerle u\u011fra\u015fm\u0131yoruz, pek ileri gitmiyor. Aralar\u0131ndan bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f bulunuyor. Kira hakem komisyonlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u0130rlanda modelinden geliyor. Tar\u0131msal birlikler, Ren \u00fclkelerinde hanidir var. Kadastronun g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilmesi, t\u00fcm liberallerin, ve hatta t\u00fcm Bat\u0131 Avrupa’daki b\u00fcrokratlar\u0131n s\u00fcrekli bir dile\u011fidir. \u00d6b\u00fcr noktalar da, kapitalist rejim bundan \u00f6nemli bir zarar g\u00f6rmeksizin, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilirler. Bunlar\u0131 sadece program\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum. B\u00f6yle s\u00f6ylemekle, kimseyi k\u0131nam\u0131yorum; tersine.
Bu program, Fransa’n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00f6lgelerindeki k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda partinin durumunu \u00f6ylesine d\u00fczeltti ki i\u015ftah yedik\u00e7e gelir, onu tar\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n be\u011fenisine daha da iyi uydurma zorunlulu\u011fu duyuldu. Gene de, bu i\u015fte, tehlikeli bir [sayfa 413] alan \u00fczerinde tehlikeye at\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 seziliyordu. Genel sosyalist program\u0131n temel ilkelerini \u00e7i\u011fnemeksizin, k\u00f6yl\u00fcye, gelecekteki proleter olarak de\u011fil, ama bug\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u0131rsal m\u00fclk sahibi olarak nas\u0131l yard\u0131m edilebilirdi? Genel sosyalist program\u0131n temel ilkelerini \u00e7i\u011fneme ele\u015ftirisinden kurtulmak i\u00e7in, yeni pratik \u00f6nerilerin \u00f6n\u00fcne, sosyalizm ilkesinin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclkiyeti, kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin tehdit etti\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131 korumay\u0131 gerektirdi\u011fini tan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir teorik gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 konuldu; hem de bu y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcle g\u00f6r\u00fcle. Eyl\u00fclde, Nantes Kongresinde kabul edilmi\u015f olduklar\u0131 bi\u00e7imleriyle, bu gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 ile istemlerin kendilerini, biraz daha yak\u0131ndan inceleyelim.
\u0130\u015fte gerek\u00e7eler: <\/p>\n

“Genel Parti program\u0131n\u0131n deyimlerine g\u00f6re, \u00fcreticilerin, ancak \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ellerine ge\u00e7irecekleri zaman \u00f6zg\u00fcr olabileceklerini g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan;
“Sanayi alan\u0131nda, bu \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131, her ne kadar \u00fcreticilere ancak kolektif ya da toplumsal bir bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda geri verilebilecek derecede bir kapitalist merkezile\u015fmeye eri\u015fmi\u015f bulunuyorlarsa da, hi\u00e7 de\u011filse, \u00fcretim arac\u0131 olan topra\u011f\u0131n bir\u00e7ok yerde bireysel olarak \u00fcreti\u00e7ilerin kendi ellerinde bulundu\u011fu Fransa’da, tar\u0131msal alanda ya da toprak alan\u0131nda, bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in durumun b\u00f6yle olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan;
“K\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyeti ile belirlenmi\u015f buiunan bu durum, her ne kadar ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazbirbi\u00e7imdeyokolmayaadaysa da, sosyalizmin rol\u00fc, m\u00fclkiyet ile eme\u011fi ay\u0131rmak de\u011fil, ama tersine, t\u00fcm \u00fcretimin, b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi proleter durumuna d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f bulunan emek\u00e7ilerin kulluk ve sefaletine yola\u00e7an bu iki etkenini ayn\u0131 ellerde birle\u015ftirmek oldu\u011fundan, sosyalizmin, bu yokolu\u015fu h\u0131zland\u0131rma durumunda olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan;
“Sosyalizrrin g\u00f6revi, t\u0131pk\u0131 demiryollar\u0131, madenler, fabrikalar vb. gibi, aylak sahiplerinden geri al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck topraklar arac\u0131yla, her ne kadar tar\u0131m proleterlerini, kolektif ya da toplumsal bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda, m\u00fclk sahibi durumuna [sayfa 414] getirmek ise de, topraklar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na i\u015fleyen toprak sahiplerinin, bu toprak par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetini, devlet hazinesine, tefeciye, ve yeni toprak beylerinin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 koruman\u0131n da, onun ayn\u0131 derecede ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir g\u00f6revi oldu\u011funu g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan;
“Bu korumay\u0131, kirac\u0131 ya da ortak\u00e7\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda, ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n topraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleyen, ve her ne kadar g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcyorlarsa da, kendilerinin de kurban\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc y\u00fcz\u00fcnden buna zorunlu bulunan \u00fcreti\u00e7ilere de yaymanin gerekli oldu\u011funu g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutan;
“Anar\u015fistlerin tersine, toplumsal d\u00fczenin de\u011fi\u015fmesini yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f sefaletten beklemeyen, ve emek ve toplum i\u00e7in kurtulu\u015fu, h\u00fck\u00fcmeti ele ge\u00e7iren ve yasa yapan k\u0131r ve kent emek\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve birle\u015ftirilmi\u015f \u00e7abalar\u0131ndan ba\u015fka hi\u00e7 bir \u015feyde g\u00f6rmeyen \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin t\u00fcm \u00f6\u011felerini, \u00e7e\u015fitli sanlarla ulusal topra\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlendiren t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131, ortak d\u00fc\u015fmana, toprak feodalitesine kar\u015f\u0131 ayn\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131mda birle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki tar\u0131m program\u0131n\u0131 kabul etm\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu gerek\u00e7eleri biraz daha yak\u0131ndan inceleyelim.
\u00d6nce Frans\u0131z program\u0131n\u0131n, \u00fcreticilerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na elkonmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ngerektirdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen t\u00fcmcesinin, hemen \u015fu t\u00fcmce ile tamamlanmas\u0131 gerekir: \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na elkonmas\u0131, ancak iki bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda olanakl\u0131d\u0131r; ya, hi\u00e7 bir zaman, hi\u00e7 bir yerde \u00fcreticiler i\u00e7in genel bir bi\u00e7im durumuna gelmemi\u015f bulunan, ve sinai ilerlemenin gitgide olanaks\u0131z k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bireysel m\u00fclkiyet olarak; ya da, maddi ve entelekt\u00fcel ko\u015fullar\u0131, kapitalist toplumun geli\u015fmesi taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunan ortak m\u00fclkiyet olarak. \u00d6yleyse, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kolektif m\u00fclkiyeti, proletaryan\u0131n elindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn ara\u00e7larla izlenmelidir.
Demek ki, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ortakla\u015fa m\u00fclkiyeti, burada ard\u0131ndan ko\u015fulacak tek ana erek olarak sunulmu\u015ftur. Sadece alan\u0131n hanidir haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bulundu\u011fu sanayide de\u011fil, ama [sayfa 415] genel olarak, \u00f6yleyse tar\u0131mda da. Bireysel m\u00fclkiyet, programa g\u00f6re, hi\u00e7 bir zaman ve hi\u00e7 bir yerde t\u00fcm \u00fcreticilere yay\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bu nedenle, ve \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00fcstl\u00fck, sanayiin geli\u015fmesi onu yoketti\u011fi i\u00e7in, sosyalizmin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 onu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekte de\u011fil, ama yokoldu\u011funu g\u00f6rmektedir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bireysel m\u00fclkiyet varoldu\u011fu yerde ve varoldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, ortak m\u00fclkiyeti olanaks\u0131z k\u0131lar. E\u011fer programa ba\u015fvuracaksak, bu i\u015fi, kendini programda dile getiren genel tarihsel do\u011frulu\u011fu, bug\u00fcn onun Bat\u0131 Avrupa ve Kuzey Amerika’da bir do\u011fruluk olarak kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan ko\u015fullar i\u00e7ine koydu\u011funa g\u00f6re, Nantes’da an\u0131lan t\u00fcmceyi \u00e7ok anlaml\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015ftiren t\u00fcm programa ba\u015fvurarak yapal\u0131m.
\u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n, tek tek \u00fcreticiler taraf\u0131ndan kendilerine maledilmesi, bug\u00fcn bu \u00fcreticilere ger\u00e7ek bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck kazand\u0131rmaz. Zanaat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; Londra gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck merkezlerde hatta tamamen yokolmu\u015f, yerini b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi, sweating-system [4]\u00a0 ve kusurlu batk\u0131 ile ge\u00e7inen sefil \u015farlatanlara b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r. Topra\u011f\u0131 kendi hesab\u0131na i\u015fleyen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, ne toprak par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flama ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f m\u00fclkiyetine sahiptir, ne de \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe. T\u0131pk\u0131 evi, avlusu, birka\u00e7 tarlas\u0131 gibi o da tefecinin mal\u0131d\u0131r; varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bor\u00e7lar\u0131n k\u00f6lesi olan k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn hi\u00e7 yapamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131p, \u015furada burada birka\u00e7 dingin g\u00fcn ge\u00e7irebilen proleterin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan daha da g\u00fcvensizdir. Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Yasas\u0131n\u0131n 2102’nci maddesini kald\u0131r\u0131n, haczedilemez bir tar\u0131m aletleri, davar vb. yedekli\u011fini yasa ile koruyun, onu, davar\u0131n\u0131 kendi “g\u00f6n\u00fcl r\u0131zas\u0131” ile sataca\u011f\u0131, kendini t\u00fcm varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla tefeciye verece\u011fi ve b\u00f6ylece kendisine yeni bir can\u00e7eki\u015fme s\u00fcresinin tan\u0131nmas\u0131ndan ho\u015fnut kalaca\u011f\u0131, bir bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alamazs\u0131n\u0131z. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc, kendi m\u00fclkiyeti i\u00e7inde koruma giri\u015fiminiz, onun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fil, ama sadece k\u00f6leli\u011finin \u00f6zel bi\u00e7imini korur; i\u00e7inde ne ya\u015fayabildi\u011fi, ne de \u00f6lebildi\u011fi bir durumu uzat\u0131r! \u00d6yleyse program\u0131n\u0131z\u0131n birinci paragraf\u0131na ba\u015fvurma zahmetine hi\u00e7 de de\u011fmezdi. [sayfa 416]
Gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131na g\u00f6re, \u00fcretim arac\u0131 olan toprak, bug\u00fcn Fransa’da, bir\u00e7ok yerde, bireysel olarak, \u00fcreticilerin kendi ellerinde bulunuyormu\u015f; oysa, sosyalizmin rol\u00fc, m\u00fclkiyet ile eme\u011fi ay\u0131rmak de\u011fil, ama tersine, t\u00fcm \u00fcretimin bu iki etkenini ayn\u0131 ellerde birle\u015ftirmekmi\u015f. Bu genel g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm alt\u0131nda, sosyalizmin rol\u00fcn\u00fcn bu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, tersine, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, kolektif olarak, \u00fcreticilere vermek oldu\u011funu daha \u00f6nce belirtmi\u015ftik. Bu durum g\u00f6zden yitirilir yitirilmez, yukarda an\u0131lan t\u00fcmce, sosyalizmin, bug\u00fcn sadece g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn m\u00fclk\u00fc olan \u015feyi, onun ger\u00e7ek m\u00fclk\u00fc haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye, yani k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7ift\u00e7iyi bir m\u00fclk sahibi durumuna getirmeye ve bor\u00e7lu m\u00fclk sahibinin bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6demeye y\u00f6nelik bir \u015fey oldu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 uyand\u0131rarak, bizi yan\u0131lg\u0131ya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr. Sosyalizm, k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyetinin bu yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ortadan kalkmas\u0131 ile elbette ilgilenir; ama bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f ortadan bu bi\u00e7imde kalkmayacakt\u0131r.
Ama ne olursa olsun, \u015fimdi i\u015fte tam da oraday\u0131z: Program gerek\u00e7eleri, sosyalizmin \u00f6devinin, onun ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz \u00f6devinin, “topraklar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na i\u015fleyen toprak sahiplerinin bu toprak par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetini, devlet hazinesine, tefeciye, ve yeni toprak beylerinin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 korumak” oldu\u011funu da d\u00fcped\u00fcz a\u00e7\u0131klayabilirler.
Buna g\u00f6re, bu gerek\u00e7eler, sosyalizmden, bir \u00f6nceki paragrafta olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131klar\u0131 bir \u015feyi yapmas\u0131n\u0131 isterler. Tar\u0131mc\u0131larn k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyetinin “ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde yokolmaya aday” oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledikten sonra, sosyalizmin bu m\u00fclkiyeti “korumas\u0131n\u0131” buyururlar. Devlet hazinesi, tefecilik, yeni toprak beyleri, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar kapitalist \u00fcretimin k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyetinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz yokolu\u015funu kendileri arac\u0131yla iyi bir sonuca vard\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 aletlerden ba\u015fka \u015feyler midirler? “Sosyalizm”in k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc bu teslise kar\u015f\u0131 hangi ara\u00e7lar yard\u0131m\u0131yla koruyaca\u011f\u0131 ilerde g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir.
Ama m\u00fclkiyetinde korunma hakk\u0131na sahip olan sadece k\u00f6yl\u00fc de\u011fil. [sayfa 417]
“Bu korumay\u0131, kirac\u0131 ya da ortak\u00e7\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda, ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n topraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleyen, ve her ne kadar g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcyorlarsa da, kendilerinin de kurban\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc y\u00fcz\u00fcnden buna zorunlu bulunan \u00fcreti\u00e7ilere de yaymak”, ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde “gereklidir”. \u0130\u015fte \u00e7ok garip bir alan \u00fczerinde bulunuyoruz. Sosyalizm, \u00f6zellikle \u00fccretlilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131r. Ve burada, sosyalizmin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz \u00f6devinin, bize… “g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fckleri” zaman, Frans\u0131z \u00e7iftlik kirac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenmi\u015f bulunuyor. S\u00f6ylenenleri t\u0131pat\u0131p aktar\u0131yorum! Ve bu, “kendilerinin de kurban\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc” y\u00fcz\u00fcnden buna zorunlu bulunduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in b\u00f6yle!
Bu yanl\u0131\u015f tutumu bir kez benimsedikten sonra, kay\u0131p gitmek ne kadar ho\u015f ve ne kadar kolay! B\u00fcy\u00fck ve Orta Alman k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri, Frans\u0131z sosyalistlerine Alman sosyalist partisi y\u00f6netim komitesi nezdinde kendilerine \u015fefaatte bulunmalar\u0131, hizmetk\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fckleri zaman, tefeciler, vergi al\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131, bu\u011fday spek\u00fclat\u00f6rleri ve hayvan tecimenleri taraf\u0131ndan “kendilerinin de kurban\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc”y\u00fc an\u0131msayarak, partinin onlar\u0131 da korumas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in ricaya gelsinler, onlara ne yan\u0131t verecekler? Ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerimizin, borsa, rant ya da bu\u011fday tefecileri taraf\u0131ndan “kendilerinin de kurban\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc”ye dayanarak, tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcnde onlardan sosyalist koruma istemek \u00fczere, (tah\u0131l ithalat\u0131n\u0131n ulusalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerine, onlar\u0131nkine benzer bir tasar\u0131 sunmu\u015f bulunan) kont Kanitz’i de onlara g\u00f6ndermeyecekleri konusunda Frans\u0131z sosyalistlerine kim g\u00fcvence verebilir?
Ama Frans\u0131z dostlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n, \u00f6yle g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fckleri kadar k\u00f6t\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmediklerini de hemen s\u00f6yleyelim! S\u00f6zkonusu par\u00e7a, sadece \u00e7ok \u00f6zel bir durumda uygulanacak: Kuzey Fransa’da, toprak, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, \u00e7ok elveri\u015fsiz ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde \u015feker pancar\u0131 ekme zorunlulu\u011fu ile kiralan\u0131r; bizde oldu\u011fu gibi, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, pancarlar\u0131, belli bir fabrikaya, bu fabrika taraf\u0131ndan [sayfa 418] saptanm\u0131\u015f fiyatlar \u00fczerinden satmak, \u00f6nceden saptanm\u0131\u015f belli bir tohumlu\u011fu almak, belli bir miktarda g\u00fcbre kullanmak zorundad\u0131rlar ve, \u00fcr\u00fcnleri teslim ederken de, ayr\u0131ca utan\u0131lacak bir bi\u00e7imde aldat\u0131l\u0131rlar. Bu, Almanya’da da b\u00f6yledir. Ama e\u011fer bu t\u00fcrl\u00fc k\u00f6yl\u00fcler korunmak isteniyorsa, bunu ka\u00e7amaks\u0131z s\u00f6ylemek gerekirdi! E\u011fer sadece, t\u00fcm genelli\u011fi i\u00e7inde, bu t\u00fcrl\u00fc kurulmu\u015f t\u00fcmceye g\u00f6re bir sonuca var\u0131l\u0131rsa, bunun sadece Frans\u0131z \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi program\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ama genel olarak sosyalizmin temel ilkesini de ayaklar alt\u0131na atd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmek gerekir; \u00f6yleyse, gerek\u00e7eleri a\u00e7\u0131klama yazarlar\u0131, e\u011fer gerek\u00e7elerin o \u00e7ok \u00f6zensiz yaz\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 kendi g\u00fcdeklerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7evreler taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrse, yak\u0131nmakta hakl\u0131 olmayacaklard\u0131r.
Ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde, gerek\u00e7elerin son s\u00f6zleri de bir yanl\u0131\u015f anlamaya yol a\u00e7abilirler. Buna g\u00f6re Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisinin g\u00f6revi: “tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin t\u00fcm \u00f6\u011felerini, \u00e7e\u015fitli sanlarla ulusal topra\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlendiren t\u00fcm \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131, ortak d\u00fc\u015fmana, toprak feodalitesine kar\u015f\u0131 ayn\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131mda birle\u015ftirmek”tir.
Ben, herhangi bir \u00fclkenin i\u015f\u00e7i partisinin, kendi saflar\u0131na, k\u0131rsal proleterler ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tar\u0131mc\u0131lar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, b\u00fcy\u00fck ya da orta k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri, ya da zengin \u00e7iftlik kirac\u0131lar\u0131, hayvan yeti\u015ftiricileri ve ulusal topra\u011f\u0131 i\u015fleyen \u00f6b\u00fcr kapitalistleri kabul etmesi gerekti\u011fine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m. Bunlar\u0131n hepsinin, toprak feodalitesini, kendi ortak d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerini, baz\u0131 sorunlarda onlarla ba\u011fda\u015fma durumunda bulundu\u011fumuzu, belirli erekler i\u00e7in belli bir zaman boyunca onlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda sava\u015fmam\u0131z\u0131 kabul ederim; ama, partimiz i\u00e7inde, her ne kadar toplumun her s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan gelen bireyleri kabul edebilirsek de, ister orta k\u00f6yl\u00fc, ister orta burjuva olsun, kapitalist \u00e7\u0131kar topluluklar\u0131n\u0131 ho\u015fg\u00f6remeyiz. Burada da anlam g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi de\u011fil; yazarlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmedikleri a\u00e7\u0131k; ama, ne yaz\u0131k ki, genelleme gereksinmesi onlar\u0131 \u00e7ok ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f; ve e\u011fer s\u00f6zleri onlar\u0131n hi\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmedikleri anlamda al\u0131n\u0131rsa, buna hi\u00e7 de \u015fa\u015f\u0131rmamalar\u0131 [sayfa 419]
Gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131, programa yeni katmalarla izlenmi\u015f. Bu katmalar da, gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 kadar geli\u015fig\u00fczel bir bi\u00e7imde kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f.
Kom\u00fcnlerin tar\u0131msal makineler sat\u0131nalacaklar\u0131 ve bu makineleri k\u00f6yl\u00fclere maliyet fiyat\u0131 \u00fczerinden kiralayacaklar\u0131 maddesi, kom\u00fcnlerin bu makineleri devlet yard\u0131m\u0131 ile sat\u0131nalmalar\u0131 ve, sonra, bunlar\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ekicilerin yarar\u0131na paras\u0131z olarak sunmalar\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015f. Bu yeni \u00f6d\u00fcn, tarlalar\u0131 ve toprak i\u015fleme bi\u00e7imleri ancak \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir makine kullan\u0131m\u0131na izin veren k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ekicileri pek de zengin etmeyecek.
Daha sonra: gerekecek.<\/p>\n

“T\u00fcm dolayl\u0131 vergilerin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve 3.000 Frank\u0131 ge\u00e7en gelirler \u00fczerindeki t\u00fcm dolays\u0131z vergilerin m\u00fcterakki vergi durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi.”<\/p>\n

Y\u0131llardan beri, hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn sosyal-demokrat programlar bunu ister. Ama yeni olan ve bu t\u00fcmcenin i\u00e7eri\u011fi \u00fczerinde ne kadar az d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6steren \u015fey, bunun \u00f6zellikle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler yarar\u0131na istenmesidir! \u0130ngiltere’de, sadece bir \u00f6rnek vermi\u015f olmak i\u00e7in s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum, devlet b\u00fct\u00e7esi 90 milyon sterlin liras\u0131d\u0131r. Gelir vergisi bunun, on\u00fc\u00e7bu\u00e7uk ond\u00f6rt milyonunu getirir, oysa geri kalan yetmi\u015f alt\u0131 milyon, k\u0131smen, ticarethanelerin vergilendirilmesinden (posta, telgraf, pul), ve en b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de, y\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcketimi \u00fczerindeki vergi ve har\u00e7lardan, yani t\u00fcm halk\u0131n, ve \u00f6zellikle yoksullar\u0131n gelirini, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u0131rpan, ama yava\u015f yava\u015f milyonlar olu\u015fturan o durmadan yinelenen kemirilmesinden gelir. Ve, g\u00fcncel toplumda, devlet harcamalar\u0131n\u0131n bir ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131 da hemen hemen olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r. \u0130ngiltere’de, en az 120 sterlin liras\u0131 (3.000 frank) olan gelirler \u00fczerindeki m\u00fcterakki bir verginin 90 milyon getirece\u011fini kabul edelim. Y\u0131ll\u0131k ortalama birikim, t\u00fcm ulusal zenginli\u011fin y\u0131ll\u0131k art\u0131\u015f\u0131, 1865’ten 1875’e kadar, Giffen’e g\u00f6re, 240 milyon sterlin liras\u0131 idi. E\u011fer [sayfa 420] bunun bug\u00fcn 300 milyon oldu\u011funu varsayarsak, 90 milyonluk mali y\u00fck\u00fcn, birikimin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7te-birini g\u00f6t\u00fcrece\u011fi sonucu \u00e7\u0131kar. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, sosyalist bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetten ba\u015fka hi\u00e7 bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet, b\u00f6yle bir i\u015fe giri\u015femez: ama sosyalistler iktidara ge\u00e7ecekleri zaman, onlar\u0131n, bu vergi reformunu gelip ge\u00e7ici, \u00f6nemsiz bir say\u0131\u015fmal\u0131k gibi g\u00f6sterecek, ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclere bamba\u015fka olanaklar a\u00e7acak ba\u015fka i\u015fleri olacakt\u0131r.
Bu mali reformun, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler i\u00e7in daha uzun zaman kendini bekletece\u011fi de kabul edilmi\u015fe benzer, ve onlara “bu arada”: “topraklar\u0131n\u0131 kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na i\u015fleyen toprak sahipleri i\u00e7in toprak vergisinin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, ve topra\u011f\u0131 ipotekli bor\u00e7lar alt\u0131nda bulunan kimseler i\u00e7in bu verginin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131” vaadedilir.
Bu t\u00fcmcenin ikinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, ancak bir tek ailenin i\u015fletemeyece\u011fi kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclklere uygulanabilir ve bunun sonucu da, bir kez daha, ancak “g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri s\u00f6m\u00fcren” k\u00f6yl\u00fclere bir yarar sa\u011flayabilir.
Daha sonra:<\/p>\n

“Av hayvanlar\u0131 ile bal\u0131klar\u0131n g\u00f6zetilmesi ve \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin korunmas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan gerektirilen tedbirlerden ba\u015fka bir s\u0131n\u0131rlama olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, avc\u0131l\u0131k ve bal\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc.”<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcmcenin \u00e7ok halk\u00e7\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc var, ama ba\u015ftaki s\u00f6zc\u00fckler sondakilerin t\u00fcm de\u011ferini ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131yor. K\u00f6yl\u00fc ailesi ba\u015f\u0131na, t\u00fcm av mevsimi i\u00e7inde, ka\u00e7 tane tav\u015fan, ka\u00e7 tane keklik, ka\u00e7 tane turna ya da sazan bal\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fer? Tastamam her k\u00f6yl\u00fc i\u00e7in y\u0131lda bir tek g\u00fcn avc\u0131l\u0131k ya da bal\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k yapma olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flanabildi\u011fi kadar!<\/p>\n

“Yasal ve saymaca faiz oran\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi.<\/p>\n

Yani tefecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 yeni yasalar, ikibin y\u0131ldan beri her zaman ve her yerde ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011fram\u0131\u015f bulunan bir polis tedbirini uygulama yolunda yeni bir giri\u015fim. E\u011fer k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc, tefeciyi ona “ehveni \u015fer” olarak g\u00f6sterecek ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde ise, tefeci, tefecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 yasan\u0131n yumru\u011fu alt\u0131na [sayfa 421]<\/p>\n

“Paras\u0131z bir hekimlik hizmeti ile maliyet fiyat\u0131na bir eczac\u0131l\u0131k hizmetinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi.”<\/p>\n

Bu tedbir, herhalde salt k\u00f6yl\u00fclere uygulanmaz; daha ileri giden Alman program\u0131, ila\u00e7lar\u0131n da paras\u0131z sa\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131 ister.<\/p>\n

“Asker ailelerine, hizmet s\u00fcresi boyunca, tazminat.”<\/p>\n

Bu, yetersiz bir bi\u00e7imde de olsa, Almanya’da ve Avusturya’da da vard\u0131r, ve ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde, sadece k\u00f6yl\u00fclere uygulanmaz.<\/p>\n

“G\u00fcbre, makine ve tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcnler i\u00e7in ta\u015f\u0131ma tarifelerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi.”<\/p>\n

Bu, Almanya’da, \u00f6zellikle… b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri yarar\u0131na, zaten yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunan bir \u015feydir.<\/p>\n

“Topra\u011f\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilmesini ve tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin geli\u015ftirilmesini g\u00f6zeten bir bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k i\u015fleri plan\u0131n\u0131n hemen irdelenmeye ba\u015flanmas\u0131.”<\/p>\n

Bir kez ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftikten sonra, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinden ba\u015fka kimseye yaramayacak \u00e7ok genel, \u00e7ok belirsiz, \u00e7ok g\u00fczel vaadler!
K\u0131sacas\u0131, gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc teorik at\u0131l\u0131mdan sonra, yeni tar\u0131msal program\u0131n pratik \u00f6nerileri de, Frans\u0131z \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisinin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri, hem de kendi s\u00f6zlerine g\u00f6re ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde yokolmaya aday bulunan o k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyetinin sahibi olarak tutmas\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l ba\u015faraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bize hi\u00e7 mi hi\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131klamazlar.<\/p>\n

II
Bir konuda, Frans\u0131z arkada\u015flar\u0131miz kesenkes hakl\u0131: [sayfa 422]
Fransa’da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 dayan\u0131kl\u0131 bir devrim yap\u0131lamaz. Sadece, bize k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri davaya kazanmak i\u00e7in gere\u011fince davranm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyorlar.
\u00d6yle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ki, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc bug\u00fcnden yar\u0131na, belki hatta gelecek genel se\u00e7imler i\u00e7in kazanmay\u0131 ama\u00e7 olarak alm\u0131\u015flar. Bu ere\u011fe de, ancak, kendilerini, onlar\u0131 savunmak i\u00e7in daha da at\u0131lgan teorik gerek\u00e7eler i\u00e7ine atmaya zorlayan \u00e7ok at\u0131lgan genel vaadlerde bulunarak eri\u015fmeyi umabilirler. Nedir ki, yak\u0131ndan bakar bakmaz, genel vaadlerin birbirleri ile \u00e7eli\u015fme durumunda bulunduklar\u0131 (ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde yokolmaya aday bir durumu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme vaadi), \u00f6zel tedbirlerin ya hi\u00e7 bir etkileri olmayaca\u011f\u0131 (tefecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 yasa), ya genel i\u015f\u00e7i istemlerinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmad\u0131klar\u0131, ya daha \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetine yarad\u0131klar\u0131, ya da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc yarar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6nemin son derece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck oldu\u011fu hemen g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr; \u00f6yle ki, program\u0131n do\u011frudan do\u011fruya pratik b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, ilk yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fczeltir ve gerek\u00e7eler a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131n tumturakl\u0131 s\u00f6zlerini tamamen masum bir tedbire indirger.
\u015eunu a\u00e7\u0131k y\u00fcrekle s\u00f6yleyelim: \u0130ktisadi durumuna, e\u011fitimine, ve burjuva bas\u0131n ile b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri taraf\u0131ndan beslenen tek ba\u015f\u0131na yasama bi\u00e7imine dayanan \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131 nedeniyle, bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcnden yar\u0131na ancak ona tutamayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 bildi\u011fimiz vaadlerde bulunarak kazanabiliriz. Ona sadece m\u00fclkiyetini her durumda ona sald\u0131ran t\u00fcm iktisadi g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 korumay\u0131 de\u011fil, ama hatta onu bug\u00fcn bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda tutan t\u00fcm y\u00fcklerden kurtarmay\u0131: k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7iftlik kirac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir m\u00fclksahibi durumuna getirmeyi, ve topra\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r ipotekler alt\u0131nda bulunan m\u00fclksahibinin bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6demeyi de vaadetmek zorunday\u0131z. E\u011fer bunu yapabilseydik, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde, zorunlu olarak bug\u00fcnk\u00fc duruma varm\u0131\u015f bulunan bir geli\u015fmenin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131na d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f olurduk. K\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc kurtarm\u0131\u015f olmaz, ama ona yeni bir can\u00e7eki\u015fme zaman\u0131 vermi\u015f olurduk! [sayfa 423]
Ama bizim \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131z, vaadlerimizi tutamay\u0131nca, bizi bug\u00fcnden yar\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131p gitmesi i\u00e7in, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc bug\u00fcnden yar\u0131na kazanmakta de\u011fil. Bizden k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmemizi isteyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcy\u00fc, hi\u00e7 bir zaman, sonuna kadar patron olarak kalmak isteyen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck patrondan daha \u00e7ok arkada\u015f edinemeyiz. Bu insanlar\u0131n yeri, Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131d\u0131r. B\u0131rak\u0131n onlar\u0131, onlar\u0131n yan\u0131na, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015fletmelerin kurtulaca\u011f\u0131 vaadini i\u015fitmeye gitsinler; orada bu cafcafl\u0131 s\u00f6zlerin ka\u00e7 para etti\u011fini, ve onlar\u0131n cennetini dolduran kemanlar\u0131n ne havalar \u00e7ald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenecekleri zaman, daha az vaadeden ve kurtulu\u015fu bir ba\u015fka yanda arayan bizlerin, daha g\u00fcvenilir insanlar olduklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131, say\u0131lar\u0131 gitgide b\u00fcy\u00fcyerek, anlayacaklard\u0131r. E\u011fer Frans\u0131zlar\u0131n karn\u0131 da, bizler gibi, g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcc\u00fc bir Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 demagojiye doymu\u015f olsayd\u0131, Nantes yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6yle kolay kolay yapmazlard\u0131.
\u00d6yleyse k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumumuz nedir? Ve iktidar\u0131 ele alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z g\u00fcn onlara kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l davranmal\u0131y\u0131z?
\u00d6nce, Frans\u0131z program\u0131n\u0131n \u015fu s\u00f6z\u00fc yerden g\u00f6\u011fe kadar do\u011fru: K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz yokolu\u015funu \u00f6nceden g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz, ama biz bu yokolu\u015fu \u00e7abukla\u015ft\u0131rmakla hi\u00e7 de y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc de\u011filiz.
Sonra, iktidara ge\u00e7ti\u011fimizde, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri i\u00e7in yapma zorunda kalaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri (kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ister \u00f6deyerek, ister \u00f6demeyerek) zorla kamula\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 akl\u0131m\u0131zdan bile ge\u00e7iremeyece\u011fimiz de bir o kadar a\u00e7\u0131k. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u00f6devimiz, ilkin, onu buna zorlayarak de\u011fil, ama \u00f6rnekler arac\u0131yla buna g\u00f6t\u00fcrerek, ve toplumun yard\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 onun buyru\u011fu alt\u0131na koyarak, onun bireysel m\u00fclkiyeti ve i\u015fletmesini, kooperatif i\u015fletmeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektir. Ve bu konuda, daha bug\u00fcnden g\u00f6zlerine \u00e7arpacak \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckleri, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcye belli belirsiz de olsa g\u00f6sterme ara\u00e7lar\u0131m\u0131z eksik de\u011fil.
A\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 yirmi y\u0131l \u00f6nce, t\u00fcm \u00fclkede bir tek ger\u00e7ek [sayfa 424] kente, Kopenhag’a sahip bulunan, ve bunun sonucu, bu kent d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda propagandadan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmayan Danimarka sosyalistleri, bu t\u00fcrl\u00fc tasar\u0131lar tasarlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bir k\u00f6y ya da bir bucak k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri Danimarka’da \u00e7ok say\u0131da b\u00fcy\u00fck yal\u0131t\u0131k \u00e7iftlikler vard\u0131r t\u00fcm topraklar\u0131n bir tek b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7iftlik durumunda birle\u015ftirecek, onu ortakla\u015fa i\u015fleyecek ve \u00fcr\u00fcnleri, getirilen topraklar, yat\u0131r\u0131lan para ve sa\u011flanan emekle orant\u0131l\u0131 olarak b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015feceklerdi. Danimarka’da, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclkiyet ancak ikincil bir rol oynar. Ama, e\u011fer biz bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin yayg\u0131n bulundu\u011fu bir \u00fclkeye uygularsak, \u015fu sonuca var\u0131r\u0131z: k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclkleri birle\u015ftirir ve onlar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck ekim y\u00f6ntemlerine g\u00f6re i\u015flersek o g\u00fcne kadar kullan\u0131lan i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc gereksiz bir duruma gelir; b\u00fcy\u00fck ekimin en \u00f6nemli \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerinden biri de i\u015fte bu emek tasarrufunun ta kendisidir. Bu i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc, iki bi\u00e7imde kullan\u0131labilir: ya, b\u00fcy\u00fck kom\u015fu m\u00fclklerden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ba\u015fka topraklar k\u00f6yl\u00fc kooperatifinin buyru\u011funa konulur, ya da ona, elden geldi\u011fince ve \u00f6ncelikle ki\u015fisel kullan\u0131m i\u00e7in, yard\u0131mc\u0131 bir sanayiin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ara\u00e7lar\u0131 verilir. Her iki durumda da, k\u00f6yl\u00fc kooperatifi daha iyi bir durum i\u00e7ine konmu\u015f, ve ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumun genel y\u00f6netimine, k\u00f6yl\u00fc kooperatifini kerteli bir bi\u00e7imde daha y\u00fcksek bir bi\u00e7ime ge\u00e7irmek ve t\u00fcm kooperatifin oldu\u011fu kadar tek tek \u00fcyelerinin de hak ve \u00f6devlerini, b\u00fcy\u00fck toplulu\u011fun \u00f6b\u00fcr kollar\u0131n\u0131n hak ve \u00f6devleri ile dengelemek i\u00e7in zorunlu etki g\u00fcc\u00fc de sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f olur. Her \u00f6zel durumun ko\u015fullar\u0131 ile, erkli\u011fi i\u00e7lerinde ele ge\u00e7irece\u011fimiz ko\u015fullar, bu \u00f6zel durum i\u00e7inde nas\u0131l davranaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 bize g\u00f6stereceklerdir. B\u00f6ylece bu kooperatiflere belki ba\u015fka kolayl\u0131klar da sa\u011flayabilece\u011fiz: \u00f6rne\u011fin, faiz oran\u0131n\u0131 yeterince d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrerek, t\u00fcm ipotekli bor\u00e7lar\u0131n ulusal bankaya devri; topra\u011f\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apta i\u015flenmesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kamu fonlar\u0131ndan \u00f6ndelikler sa\u011flanmas\u0131 (bu \u00f6ndelikler zorunlu olarak ve \u00f6ncelikle para bi\u00e7iminde de\u011fil, ama makine, g\u00fcbre vb. zorunlu \u00fcr\u00fcnler bi\u00e7iminde sa\u011flanacakt\u0131r) ve daha ba\u015fka [sayfa 425] kolayl\u0131klar gibi.
As\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan\u0131, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, onlar\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetini, bu m\u00fclkiyeti ancak kooperatif bir m\u00fclkiyet ve i\u015fletme durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek kurtar\u0131p koruyabilece\u011fimizi anlatmakt\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri y\u0131k\u0131ma g\u00f6t\u00fcren \u015fey, bireysel m\u00fclkiyet sonucu olan bireysel i\u015fletmenin ta kendisidir. E\u011fer bireysel i\u015fletmeyi korumak isterlerse, onlar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunan \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi yerini b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist i\u015fletmeye b\u0131rak\u0131rken, onlar da, zorunlu olarak, kendi topraklar\u0131ndan kovulacaklard\u0131r. Durum g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcndedir; ve biz, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, kapitalist hesab\u0131na de\u011fil, ama kendi ortak hesaplar\u0131na, b\u00fcy\u00fck i\u015fletmeye girme olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sundu\u011fumuz zaman, bunun kendi yararlar\u0131na oldu\u011funu, bunun tek kurtulu\u015f yolu oldu\u011funu onlara anlatmak olanaks\u0131z m\u0131 olacakt\u0131r?
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck topraklar \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, kapitalist \u00fcretimin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, onlar\u0131 bireysel m\u00fclk ve i\u015fletmelerinin sahipleri olarak koruyaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z vaadinde bulunamay\u0131z. Onlara, sadece, onlar\u0131n m\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerine, onlar\u0131n iste\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131, kaba g\u00fc\u00e7 yard\u0131m\u0131yla kar\u0131\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 vaadebiliriz. Ayr\u0131ca, kapitalistler ile b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n daha bug\u00fcnden itibaren, daha d\u00fcr\u00fcst ara\u00e7larla y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi, ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc dolays\u0131z soygun ve doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n olanak \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde engellenmesi i\u00e7in, elimizden geleni de yapabiliriz. Bu, ancak, baz\u0131 ayr\u0131ks\u0131n durumlarda ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi i\u00e7inde, d\u00fcr\u00fcstl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn nerede bitip doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n nerde ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kimse bilmez. Ama kamu erkli\u011finin aldat\u0131lan ya da aldanan yanda olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, i\u015fler her zaman birbirinden \u00e7ok ba\u015fka olacakt\u0131r. Ve biz kesinlikle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcden yana olaca\u011f\u0131z; yazg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 daha katlan\u0131labilir k\u0131lmak, e\u011fer akl\u0131 yatm\u0131\u015fsa kooperatife ge\u00e7i\u015fini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmak, ve hatta, e\u011fer akl\u0131 yatmam\u0131\u015fsa, ona kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcc\u00fck toprak par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131n sahibi olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme zaman\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rakmak i\u00e7in, elden gelen her \u015feyi yapaca\u011f\u0131z. \u00d6nce kendi hesab\u0131na \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn, [sayfa 426] g\u00fcc\u00fcl olarak bizden oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz, sonra da partimizin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, b\u00f6yle davran\u0131yoruz. Proletarya i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015flerini \u00f6nleyece\u011fimiz, hen\u00fcz k\u00f6yl\u00fc olarak kazanabilece\u011fimiz k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin say\u0131s\u0131 ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck olursa, toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm de o kadar h\u0131zl\u0131 ve kolay olacakt\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm i\u00e7in, kapitalist \u00fcretimin her yerde son varg\u0131lar\u0131na kadar geli\u015fmesine, son k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck zanaat\u00e7\u0131n\u0131n, son k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn, b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist i\u015fletmenin kurbanlar\u0131 durumuna d\u00fc\u015fmelerine dek beklemeye zorlanmak, bize hi\u00e7 bir yarar sa\u011flamaz. Bu y\u00f6nde, k\u00f6yl\u00fcler yarar\u0131na, kamu fonlar\u0131 yard\u0131m\u0131yla yap\u0131labilen maddi sungulara, kapitalist ekonomi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, sadece soka\u011fa at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir para olarak bak\u0131labilir; ama gene de bu paralar iyinin iyisi bir yat\u0131r\u0131md\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc toplumsal yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme harcamalar\u0131nda belki on kez daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir pay tasarruf ederler. \u00d6yleyse, biz, bu y\u00f6nde, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerle birlikte b\u00fcy\u00fck bir el a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile davranabiliriz. Buras\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131lara girmenin, bu y\u00f6nde belgin \u00f6nerilerde bulunman\u0131n yeri de\u011fil; sadece genel ilkeler s\u00f6zkonusu olabilir.
\u00d6yleyse partiye de, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere de, niyetimizin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetini s\u00fcrekli bir bi\u00e7imde korumak oldu\u011fu izlenimini uyand\u0131ran a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda bulunmaktan daha k\u00f6t\u00fc bir hizmette bulunamay\u0131z. Bu k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin kurtulu\u015f yolunu kapamak, partiyi g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcc\u00fc bir Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczeyine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek olur. Tersine, Partimizin \u00f6devi, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, kapitalizm iktidarda, olaca\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, o mutsuz durumlar\u0131n\u0131 durup dinlenmeden a\u00e7\u0131klamak; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclkiyetlerini, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclkiyet olarak korumas\u0131n\u0131n kesenkes olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011funu, b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist \u00fcretimin, t\u0131pk\u0131 bir demiryolunun bir elarabas\u0131n\u0131 ezdi\u011fi gibi, onlar\u0131n o g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz ve g\u00fcn\u00fc ge\u00e7mi\u015f k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015fletmeleri \u00fczerinden ge\u00e7mesinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bulundu\u011funu onlara g\u00f6stermektir. E\u011fer b\u00f6yle davran\u0131rsak, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz iktisadi geli\u015fme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde davranm\u0131\u015f olaca\u011f\u0131z, ve bu geli\u015fme, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, s\u00f6zlerimizin do\u011frulu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015f olacak.
Bununla birlikte, Nantes program\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n, i\u015fin [sayfa 427] \u00f6z\u00fcnde benimle ayn\u0131 kan\u0131y\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131klar\u0131 yolundaki inanc\u0131m\u0131 dile getirmeksizin bu konuyu b\u0131rakamam. Onlar, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fclkiyetinin kolektif m\u00fclkiyete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeye aday oldu\u011funu bilmeyecek kadar ak\u0131ls\u0131z de\u011filler!
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin yokolmaya aday bulundu\u011funu kendileri s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Lafargue taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131l\u0131p Nantes kongresine sunulan Ulusal Komite raporu, bu kan\u0131 ile t\u0131pat\u0131p uyu\u015fur. Bu raporun Almancas\u0131, Berlin Sozialdemokrat’\u0131n\u0131n son 18 Ekim g\u00fcnl\u00fc say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mland\u0131. [5 Nantes program\u0131n\u0131n deyimleri i\u00e7indeki \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, yazarlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekte dedikleri \u015feyi deme niyetinde olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. E\u011fer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini a\u00e7\u0131klama bi\u00e7imleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden, daha \u00f6nce de olmu\u015f bulundu\u011fu gibi, ne dedikleri anla\u015f\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f ya da yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015fsa, bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc kendilerinden ba\u015fka kimseye k\u0131zamazlar. Her halde, programlar\u0131n\u0131 daha iyi a\u00e7\u0131klayacaklar, ve gelecek Frans\u0131z kongresi de, kendini bu program\u0131 adamak\u0131ll\u0131 g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irme zorunda g\u00f6recektir.
\u015eimdi daha zengin k\u00f6yl\u00fclere gelelim. Bu kategoride, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce kal\u0131t\u0131m sonucu, ama bor\u00e7land\u0131rma ve topraklar\u0131n zorunlu sat\u0131\u015flar\u0131 arac\u0131yla da, kullanma hakk\u0131ndan yararland\u0131klar\u0131 t\u00fcm eski topraklar\u0131 (tenure) ve hatta daha da \u00e7o\u011funu elinde tutan, ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprakl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcden b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcye kadar uzanan t\u00fcm bir arac\u0131 a\u015famalar \u00f6rneklemesini buluyoruz. Orta k\u00f6yl\u00fc, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda oturdu\u011fu zaman, onlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ile, kendi \u00e7\u0131kar ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri aras\u0131nda pek bir ayr\u0131m olmayacakt\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc deneyi, benzerlerinden ne kadar\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7inde bat\u0131p gittiklerini ona s\u00f6yleyecektir. Ama orta ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin a\u011f\u0131r bast\u0131klar\u0131, \u00e7iftlik i\u015fletmesinin, genellikle \u00e7iftlik u\u015faklar\u0131 ile hizmet\u00e7ilerin yard\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 gerektirdi\u011fi yerlerde, durum bundan ba\u015fkad\u0131r. Bir \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi do\u011fal olarak, ilkin \u00fccretlileri, yani hizmetk\u00e2rlar\u0131, \u00e7iftlik hizmet\u00e7ilerini ve g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri koruyup savunacakt\u0131r; bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccretlilik s\u00fcreklili\u011fini i\u00e7eren vaadlerde bulunmay\u0131 [sayfa 428] kendine yasaklar. Orta ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, orta ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler olarak varolduklar\u0131 s\u00fcrece, \u00fccretliler olmaks\u0131z\u0131n i\u015flerini y\u00fcr\u00fctemezler. \u00d6yleyse, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprakl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fclere varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcreceklerini vaadetmek, e\u011fer bizim i\u00e7in sadece bir budalal\u0131ksa, ayn\u0131 \u015feyi orta ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclere vaadetmek, hemen hemen dolays\u0131z bir ihanet olur.
Kentlerin zanaat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 ile yeniden bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma yapabiliriz. Ger\u00e7i bunlar, sonlar\u0131na k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden de yak\u0131nd\u0131rlar, ama gene de sadece \u00e7\u0131rak de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i de \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ranlar\u0131, ya da \u00e7\u0131raklar\u0131na bir i\u015f\u00e7inin i\u015fini yapt\u0131ranlar\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 vard\u0131r. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck patronlar aras\u0131nda, sonuna kadar patron kalmak isteyenlerin o yanda da kurtulu\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmeleri i\u00e7in, Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine girmekten ba\u015fka bir yapacaklar\u0131 yoktur. Kendi \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imlerinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz yokolu\u015funun bilincine varm\u0131\u015f bulunanlar\u0131 bizim yan\u0131m\u0131za gelirler ve daha sonra t\u00fcm \u00f6b\u00fcr i\u015f\u00e7ileri bekleyen yazg\u0131y\u0131 payla\u015fmaya da haz\u0131rd\u0131rlar. Durum, b\u00fcy\u00fck ve orta k\u00f6yl\u00fcler i\u00e7in de ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc de\u011fildir. Hizmetk\u00e2rlar\u0131, hizmet\u00e7ileri ve g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri, do\u011fal olarak bizi onlar\u0131n kendilerinden daha \u00e7ok ilgilendirirler. E\u011fer bu k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, bizim onlara, i\u015fletmelerinin olduklar\u0131 gibi kalacaklar\u0131 yolunda g\u00fcvence vermemizi isterlerse, biz, bunu, hi\u00e7 bir bi\u00e7imde yapamay\u0131z. Bunlar\u0131n yeri, her \u015feyi vaadettikten sonra hi\u00e7 birini tutmamaktan daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir zevkleri bulunmayan Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n aras\u0131nda, K\u00f6yl\u00fcler Birli\u011fi ya da bu t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u00f6b\u00fcr partilerin i\u00e7indedir. \u0130ktisadi bak\u0131mdan, kapitalist rekabet ve deniza\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ucuz tah\u0131l \u00fcretimi nedeniyle, orta ve b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin de kesenkes ezileceklerine inan\u0131yoruz; zaten durmadan artan bor\u00e7lanma ile t\u00fcm bu k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 da bunu kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r. Bu y\u0131k\u0131ma kar\u015f\u0131, m\u00fclklerin, \u00fccretlilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc gitgide ortadan kald\u0131racak ve yava\u015f yava\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck ulusal \u00fcretim kooperatifinin ayn\u0131 hak ve ayn\u0131 \u00f6devlere sahip kollar\u0131 durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecek kooperatif bir i\u015fletme i\u00e7inde toplanmas\u0131n\u0131 sal\u0131k vermekten [sayfa 429] ba\u015fka, hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey yapamay\u0131z. E\u011fer bu k\u00f6yl\u00fcler bug\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imlerinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 anlarlar, e\u011fer bundan gerekli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131rlarsa, bize geleceklerdir, ve onlar\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imine ge\u00e7i\u015flerini elimizden geldi\u011fince kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmak da bizim i\u015fimiz olacakt\u0131r. B\u00f6yle olmazsa, onlar\u0131 kendi yazg\u0131lar\u0131na b\u0131rakmak, ve bizim de, onlar\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131za kulak verecek olan \u00fccretlilerine y\u00f6nelmemiz gerekecektir. \u00c7ok olanakl\u0131d\u0131r ki, zorla kamula\u015ft\u0131rma burada da s\u00f6zkonusu olmayabilecek, ve bu biraz kal\u0131nca kafalar\u0131 sa\u011fduyuya a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in burada da iktisadi geli\u015fmeye g\u00fcvenebilece\u011fiz.
Ancak b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclkiyete ili\u015fkin olarakt\u0131r ki, her \u015fey \u00e7ok yal\u0131nd\u0131r. Burada kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda a\u00e7\u0131k bir kapitalist i\u015fletmeden ba\u015fka hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey yok, ve herhangi bir i\u00e7 tedirginli\u011fi de s\u00f6zkonusu olamaz. \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczde tar\u0131msal proleter y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz, ve bu da \u00f6devimizi \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k duruma getiriyor. Partimiz iktidara ge\u00e7er ge\u00e7mez, yapmas\u0131 gereken \u015fey, t\u0131pk\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayiciler gibi, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerini de m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirmektir. Bu kamula\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6denerek ya da \u00f6denmeyerek yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ise, \u00f6z\u00fcnde bize de\u011fil, ama iktidara ge\u00e7me ko\u015fullar\u0131m\u0131za, ve \u00f6zellikle de b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibi efendilerin tutumuna ba\u011fl\u0131 bulunacakt\u0131r. Bir zarar \u00f6dentisinin her durumda kabul edilmez bir \u015fey oldu\u011funu hi\u00e7 mi hi\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyoruz; e\u011fer t\u00fcm bu \u00e7eteden kurtarmal\u0131k vererek kurtulursak, kendisine g\u00f6re bunun bize daha ucuza malolaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Marx bana ka\u00e7 kez s\u00f6yledi bilimem. Ama bizim buradaki i\u015fimiz bu de\u011fil. B\u00f6ylece toplulu\u011fa maledilen b\u00fcy\u00fck m\u00fclkler, toplulu\u011fun denetimi alt\u0131nda, kooperatifler bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f olarak, daha o andan itibaren onlar\u0131 i\u015fleyen tar\u0131msal i\u015f\u00e7ilere verilmelidirler. Bunun hangi bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda olaca\u011f\u0131 daha bug\u00fcnden saptanamaz. Ne olursa olsun, kapitalist i\u015fletmenin sosyalist i\u015fletme bi\u00e7imine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc \u015fimdi iyiden iyiye haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r, ve \u00f6rne\u011fin Bay Krupp ya da Bay Stumm’un fabrikalar\u0131ndaki gibi, bir g\u00fcnden \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fcne [sayfa 430] ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilir. Ve bu tar\u0131msal kooperatifler \u00f6rne\u011fi, h\u00e2l\u00e2 ayak direyen son k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprakl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fclere, ve belki baz\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclere bile, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kooperatif i\u015fletmede ne kadar \u00e7ok yarar bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6sterecektir.
Demek ki bu durumda, tar\u0131m proleterlerine, en az\u0131ndan sanayi proleterlerininki kadar parlak baz\u0131 perspektifler g\u00f6sterebiliriz. Ve bunun yard\u0131m\u0131yla, Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki Prusya tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ilerini kazanma sorunu, bir zaman, hem de en k\u0131sa bir zaman sorunundan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Ama e\u011fer bunlar\u0131 bizimkiler aras\u0131na bir katarsak, t\u00fcm Almanya’da yepyeni bir r\u00fczgar esecektir. Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki Prusya tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin edimsel yar\u0131-serfli\u011fi, Prusya’daki topraka\u011falar\u0131 egemenli\u011fi, ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Almanya’daki \u00f6zg\u00fcl Prusya \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca temelidir. \u0130\u015fte bu yoksulla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, gitgide bor\u00e7lar i\u00e7ine batm\u0131\u015f, devletin ya da \u00f6zel ki\u015filerin s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ge\u00e7inen topraka\u011falar\u0131d\u0131r ki, egemenliklerine t\u00fcm g\u00fc\u00e7leri ile \u00f6ylesine sar\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar; b\u00fcrokrasisi ve subaylar toplulu\u011funun salt Prusya’l\u0131 niteli\u011fini olu\u015fturup s\u00fcrd\u00fcrenler onlard\u0131r; kibirleri, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kafalar\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fcklenmeleri sayesinde, Prusya ulusunun Kutsal Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011funa (6)kar\u015f\u0131 bunun \u015fu anda Alman birli\u011finin olanakl\u0131 tek bi\u00e7imi oldu\u011fu kabul edilse de Almanya’daki o nefreti yaratm\u0131\u015f ve gene de \u00f6ylesine muzaffer bu \u00fclke i\u00e7in yabanc\u0131 \u00fclkelerde sayg\u0131 kazand\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc bilememi\u015f olanlar onlard\u0131r. Bu topraka\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131, eski Prusya’n\u0131n yedi eyaletinden yani t\u00fcm imparatorlu\u011fun a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7te-birinden olu\u015fmu\u015f bir alan i\u00e7inde, burada siyasal ve toplumsal iktidara yola\u00e7an toprak m\u00fclkiyetine, ve sadece toprak m\u00fclkiyetine de\u011fil, ama \u00f6rne\u011fin pancar \u015fekeri ve lik\u00f6r fabrikalar\u0131 gibi, ayr\u0131ca bu alan\u0131n en \u00f6nemli sanayilerini de ellerinde tutmalar\u0131 olgusuna dayan\u0131r. B\u00f6ylesine elveri\u015fli bir duruma, ne Almanya’n\u0131n geri kalan b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri, ne de b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayicileri sahiptir; bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fturan bir krall\u0131\u011fa, ne birileri sahiptir, ne de \u00f6b\u00fcrleri. Onlar geni\u015f alanlara yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r, ve [sayfa 431] kendilerini \u00e7evreleyen toplumsal \u00f6\u011feler ile, siyasal ve iktisadi \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck kavgas\u0131 yaparlar. Ama Prusya’l\u0131 topraka\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n bu egemen durumu, iktisadi temelini gitgide yitirir. Bor\u00e7lanma ve yoksulla\u015fma, hem de t\u00fcm devlet yard\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n (ve Frederic I’den itibaren, bu yard\u0131m her topraka\u011fas\u0131 b\u00fct\u00e7esinin az bu\u00e7uk d\u00fczenli bir \u00f6\u011fesidir), durmadan yay\u0131l\u0131r; topraka\u011falar\u0131na batmama yetene\u011fini, sadece tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin t\u00f6re ve yasa taraf\u0131ndan onanm\u0131\u015f bulunan ve s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flayan edimsel yar\u0131-serfli\u011fi kazand\u0131r\u0131r. Sosyalist teoriyi bu i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131na ekin, onlara cesaret verin, haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u0131mda onlar\u0131 biraraya getirin, i\u015fte o zaman topraka\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n egemenli\u011fi hap\u0131 yuttu demektir! Almanya i\u00e7in, Rus \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm Avrupa i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu kadar barbar ve fatih bir \u00f6\u011fesini temsil eden b\u00fcy\u00fck gerici iktidar, i\u015fte o zaman delinmi\u015f bir sidik torbas\u0131 gibi \u00e7atlayacakt\u0131r. Prusya’n\u0131n “ilk alaylar”\u0131 sosyalist oluyor, ve bunun sonucu, g\u00fc\u00e7lerin, ba\u011fr\u0131nda t\u00fcm bir devrimi ta\u015f\u0131yan bir yerde\u011fi\u015ftirmesidir. Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki Prusya tar\u0131m proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n fethi, i\u015fte bu nedenle Bat\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri ya da G\u00fcneyin orta k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin fethinden \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nemlidir. Bizim kesin sava\u015f alan\u0131m\u0131z, i\u015fte burada, Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki bu Prusya’dad\u0131r, ve hem h\u00fck\u00fcmet, hem de toprak a\u011falar\u0131, i\u015fte bu nedenle, ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun, bizim oraya girmemizi engellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015facaklard\u0131r. Ve e\u011fer tehditlerin bize anlatt\u0131klar\u0131 gibi partimizin geli\u015fmesini engellemek i\u00e7in yeni zor tedbirleri al\u0131nacaksa, bu tedbirler \u00f6zellikle propogandam\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bulunan Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki Prusya tar\u0131m proletaryas\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in al\u0131nacakt\u0131r.. Ama bize v\u0131z gelir: biz onu ne olursa olsun, kazanaca\u011f\u0131z.[sayfa 432]
Fransa’da ve Almanya’da K\u00f6yl\u00fc Sorunu<\/p>\n

F. Engels taraf\u0131ndan 15-22 Kas\u0131m 1894 yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u0130lk kez 1894-1895’de Neue Zeit, Bd 1, N\u00b0 10’da yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (T\u00fcrk\u00e7esi, “Almanya’da Burjuva Demokratik Devrim”, s: 407-432, Sol Yay., Kas\u0131m 1975) <\/em><\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong>
(1) Engels’in, 15-22 Kas\u0131m 1894’te yaz\u0131l\u0131p, Neue Zeit, Bd. 1. No 10, 1894-1895’te yay\u0131mlanan Fransa’da ve Almanya’da K\u00f6yl\u00fc Sorunu ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131, tar\u0131m sorunu \u00fczerine \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir marksist yap\u0131tt\u0131r. Bu yap\u0131t\u0131n yaz\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n dolays\u0131z nedeni \u015fu olay oldu: 1894 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Main-\u00fcst\u00fc-Frankfurt’ta, Alman Sosyal-Demokrat Partisinin, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde tar\u0131m program tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n da incelendi\u011fi bir kongresi topland\u0131. Vollmar ve \u00f6b\u00fcr oport\u00fcnistler, tart\u0131\u015fmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda, \u00f6rne\u011fin b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin sosyalizme kerteli ge\u00e7i\u015fi \u00fczerine, marksizme kar\u015f\u0131t teorileri kabul ettirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Engels, Frans\u0131z sosyalistleri taraf\u0131ndan, 1892 Marsilya Kongresinde kabul edilip 1894 Nantes Kongresinde tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bulunan tar\u0131m programlar\u0131nda yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fczeltmek i\u00e7in de ba\u015f\u0131nda sesini duyurmak istiyordu. Oport\u00fcnistlere baz\u0131 \u00f6d\u00fcnler veren Frans\u0131z sosyalistleri, b\u00f6yle yapmakla marksist konumlardan beri bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Engels, bu yap\u0131tta, \u00e7e\u015fitli k\u00f6yl\u00fc guruplar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki proletarya siyasas\u0131n\u0131n devrimci temellerini de a\u00e7\u0131klar ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n emek\u00e7i k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck ile birli\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcne var\u0131r. s. 407
(2) Frans\u0131z \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisinin X. Kongresi 24-28 Eyl\u00fcl 1892’de, Marsilya’da topland\u0131. Kongre, partinin durumu ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na, Bir May\u0131s\u0131n kutlanmas\u0131na, 1893 Z\u00fcrih uluslararas\u0131 sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i kongresine kat\u0131lmaya, parlamento se\u00e7imlerine girmeye ili\u015fkin sorunlar\u0131 inceledi.
K\u00f6yl\u00fc devriminin \u00fclkedeki y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve parlamento se\u00e7imlerinde k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin deste\u011fini sa\u011flama iste\u011fi g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulursa, kongre g\u00fcndeminin en \u00f6nemli konusu, k\u0131rdaki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma oldu. Kongre, k\u0131rsal proleterler ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler yarar\u0131na baz\u0131 somut istemler form\u00fcle eden bir tar\u0131m programi benimsedi. Ama bu program, sosyalist ilkelere bir\u00e7ok ayk\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva d\u00fc\u015flere ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn m\u00fclkiyet e\u011filimine, hatta k\u0131r\u0131n zengin katmanlar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc \u00f6zlemlerine bir\u00e7ok \u00f6d\u00fcnler de i\u00e7eriyordu. Bu yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar, oport\u00fcnist e\u011filimlerin etkisini yans\u0131t\u0131yorlard\u0131. Nantes Kongresinde bu yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar, program\u0131 gerek\u00e7eleyen b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn ve baz\u0131 eklerin kabul edilmesi ile, daha da a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131lar. s. 412
(3)Burada Code Napol\u00e9on’dan s\u00f6zeden Engels, sadece Napol\u00e9on I d\u00f6neminde 1804’te kabul edilen ve bu ad alt\u0131nda tan\u0131nan Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Yasas\u0131’n\u0131 (Code civil) de\u011fil, ama Napol\u00e9on I d\u00f6neminde 1804-1810 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda kabul edilen be\u015f yasadan (yurtta\u015fl\u0131k (medeni), yurtta\u015fl\u0131k usul, tecim, ceza, ceza usul yasalar\u0131) olu\u015fan t\u00fcm burjuva t\u00fcrel sistemini g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutmaktad\u0131r. Bu yasalar, Almanya’n\u0131n, Napol\u00e9on Fransas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilen Bati ve G\u00fcney-Bat\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde ve Renanya’da uyguland\u0131lar,hatta Renanya’n\u0131n 1815’te Prusya’ya kat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra bile. s. 413
(4)Emek\u00e7ileri ezip suyunu \u00e7\u0131karma sistemi. s. 416
(5)Sozialdemokrat, Almanya Sosyal-Demokrat Partisinin, 1894-1895 aras\u0131 Berlin’de yay\u0131mlanan g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetesi.
Lafargue’\u0131n K\u00f6yl\u00fc M\u00fclkiyeti ve iktisadi Geli\u015fme ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 raporu, 18 Ekim 1894 g\u00fcn\u00fc, bu gazetenin ekinde yay\u0131mland\u0131. s. 418
(6)Engels, “Prusya ulusunun Kutsal Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu”ndan s\u00f6zederek, Kutsal Roma-Cermen \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu adland\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletir, ve Almanya’n\u0131n birle\u015fmesinin, yani 1871 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Fransa \u00fczerindeki zaferden sonra, Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun kurulu\u015funun, Prusya’n\u0131n egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini ve Alman topraklar\u0131n\u0131n Prusyal\u0131layt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile izlendi\u011fini vurgular. s. 431<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Burjuva ve gerici partiler, sosyalistler aras\u0131nda k\u00f6yl\u00fc sorununu birdenbire ve her yerde g\u00fcndemde g\u00f6rmekle ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyorlar. Asl\u0131nda bu i\u015fin uzun zamandan beri b\u00f6yle olmamas\u0131na \u015fa\u015fmak daha do\u011fru olurdu. \u0130rlanda’dan Si\u00e7ilya’ya, Andaluzya’dan Rusya ve Bulgaristan’a kadar, k\u00f6yl\u00fc, n\u00fcfusun, \u00fcretimin ve siyasal iktidar\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir etkenidir. Sadece Bat\u0131 Avrupan\u0131n iki b\u00f6lgesi, bir ayr\u0131klama olu\u015fturur. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[33],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-291","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-karl-marx-friedrich-engels-arsivi"},"yoast_head":"\nF. 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