{"id":378,"date":"2009-03-10T15:02:20","date_gmt":"2009-03-10T12:02:20","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2009\/03\/10\/f-engels-blankici-komun-multecilerinin-programi\/"},"modified":"2009-03-10T15:02:20","modified_gmt":"2009-03-10T12:02:20","slug":"f-engels-blankici-komun-multecilerinin-programi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2009\/03\/10\/f-engels-blankici-komun-multecilerinin-programi\/","title":{"rendered":"F. Engels: Blankici Kom\u00fcn M\u00fcltecilerinin Program\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"
HER ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z devrimden ya da kar\u015f\u0131-devrimden sonra, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na ka\u00e7an m\u00fclteciler aras\u0131nda ate\u015fli bir faaliyettir geli\u015fir. Birbirlerini arabay\u0131 \u00e7amura saplam\u0131\u015f olmakla, ihanetle ve \u00f6teki \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl g\u00fcnahlarla su\u00e7layan \u00e7e\u015fitli tonlarda parti gruplar\u0131 kurarlar. Bunlar anavatanla etkin ili\u015fkileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrler, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenirler, tertiplere giri\u015firler, bildirirler ve gazeteler basarlar, yirmid\u00f6rt saat i\u00e7erisinde her \u015feyin yeniden ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131na, zaferin kesin oldu\u011funa yemin ederler, ve bu umutlara kap\u0131larak h\u00fck\u00fcmet koltuklar\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131rlar. Anlamak istemedikleri ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz tarihsel ko\u015fullara de\u011fil de, bireylerin raslansal hatalar\u0131na ba\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 do\u011fal olarak birbirini izler, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 yak\u0131nmalar \u00fcst\u00fcste y\u0131\u011f\u0131l\u0131r ve genel \u00e7eki\u015fmelere yola\u00e7ar. 1712’nin kralc\u0131 m\u00fcltecilerinden bug\u00fcnk\u00fclere kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fclteci (sayfa 453) derneklerinin tarihi budur; ve m\u00fclteciler aras\u0131nda sa\u011fduyu sahibi ve, akl\u0131ba\u015f\u0131nda olanlar, f\u0131rsat bulur bulmaz, bu verimsiz h\u0131r-g\u00fcr\u00fc b\u0131rak\u0131rlar ve daha yararl\u0131 \u015feylere y\u00f6nelirler.
Kom\u00fcn\u00fc izleyen Frans\u0131z m\u00fcltecileri de bu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz yazg\u0131dan ka\u00e7\u0131namam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Herkese e\u015fit bir bi\u00e7imde sald\u0131ran Avrupa’daki iftira kampanyas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden ve \u00f6zellikle Frans\u0131z m\u00fcltecilerinin ortak merkezinin Entemasyonalin Genel Konseyinin i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu Londra’da, kendi i\u00e7 \u00e7eki\u015fmelerini, hi\u00e7 de\u011filse d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyadan, bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7in saklamak zorunda kald\u0131lar. Ama son iki y\u0131ld\u0131r, saflar\u0131nda h\u0131zla geli\u015fmekte olan da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcrecini daha fazla saklayamam\u0131\u015flar ve her yerde a\u00e7\u0131k bir sava\u015f patlak vermi\u015ftir. \u0130svi\u00e7re’de, m\u00fcltecilerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131, \u00f6zellikle gizli ittifak\u0131n kurucular\u0131ndan Malon’un etkisi alt\u0131nda, bakunincilere kat\u0131ld\u0131lar. Derken Londra’da blankici denilenler Enternasyonalden ayr\u0131ld\u0131lar ve kendisine Devrimci Kom\u00fcn ad\u0131n\u0131 veren bir grup kurdular. Daha sonra, durmadan birle\u015fen ve yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen ve yay\u0131nladiklar\u0131 manifestolar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bile di\u015fe dokunur bir \u015fey \u00fcretmeyen birka\u00e7 grubun daha ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada, blankiciler de, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n g\u00f6zlerini kendi programlar\u0131na \u00e7evirmesini isteyen ve “Cominuneux”a[1] seslenen duyurular\u0131n\u0131 yay\u0131nlad\u0131lar.
Bunlara, Blanqui taraf\u0131ndan kurulmu\u015f bir grup olduklar\u0131ndan de\u011fil \u2014program\u0131 imzalam\u0131\u015f olan otuz\u00fc\u00e7 ki\u015fiden olsa olsa yaln\u0131zca birka\u00e7\u0131 Blanqui ile bizzat konu\u015fmu\u015ftur\u2014, onun anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 do\u011frultusunda ve kurdu\u011fu gelene\u011fe uygun olarak hareket etmek istediklerinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc blankiciler denmi\u015ftir. Blanqui, \u00f6z\u00fcnde bir siyasal devrimcidir, yaln\u0131zca duygular\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, halk\u0131n \u00e7ekti\u011fi \u00e7ilelere kar\u015f\u0131 sempati duydu\u011fundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc sosyalisttir, ama ne sosyalist teoriye, ne de toplumsal reformlar i\u00e7in kesin pratik \u00f6nerilere sahiptir. Siyasal eylemlerinde, Blanqui, \u00f6z\u00fcnde, iyi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n do\u011fru bir anda bir devrimci ayaklanmay\u0131 ba\u015flatma giri\u015fiminde bulunmas\u0131 halinde, bunun ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta birka\u00e7 ba\u015far\u0131 elde etmesiyle, halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 pe\u015finden s\u00fcr\u00fckleyece\u011fine ve b\u00f6ylece muzaffer bir devrimi ba\u015farabilece\u011fine (sayfa 454) inanan bir “eylem adam\u0131” idi. Louis-Philippe y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131nda, bu \u00e7ekirde\u011fi, do\u011fal olarak, ancak gizli bir dernek bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctleyebildi ve genellikle komplocular\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na gelen \u015fey bunun da ba\u015f\u0131na geldi: \u00e7ok yak\u0131nda ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131 yolundaki ard\u0131arkas\u0131 gelmez bo\u015f vaatlerden b\u0131kan insanlar\u0131n sab\u0131rlar\u0131 sonunda ta\u015ft\u0131 ve isyank\u00e2r oldular, ve geriye yaln\u0131zca komplodan vazge\u00e7me ya da hi\u00e7 bir d\u0131\u015fsal neden olmaks\u0131z\u0131n vurmak se\u00e7ene\u011fi kald\u0131. Vurdular (12 May\u0131s 1839), ama ayaklanma derhal bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Kald\u0131 ki, Blanqui komplosu polisin i\u00e7erisine hi\u00e7 bir zaman girmeyi ba\u015faramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tek komploydu; dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, polis i\u00e7in ayaklanma, bulutsuz havada d\u00fc\u015fen y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m oldu. \u2014 Blanqui, her devrimi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir devrimci az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ani bir darbesi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, bundan \u00e7\u0131kan do\u011fal sonu\u00e7, b\u00f6yle bir \u015feyin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonucunun bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131 oldu\u011fudur: \u015furasi iyice anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131 ki, t\u00fcm devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, proletaryan\u0131n de\u011fil, ayaklanmay\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren ve ilkin bizzat kendileri bir-iki ki\u015finin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc alt\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f az say\u0131da ki\u015finin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc.
Blanqui’nin bir eski ku\u015fak devrimcisi oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bu g\u00f6\u00e7ler devrimci olaylar\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde, hi\u00e7 de\u011filse Alman i\u015f\u00e7i partisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, \u00e7oktan eskimi\u015flerdir ve Fransa’da da, ancak daha az olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ya da daha sab\u0131rs\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda yank\u0131 uyand\u0131rabilir. S\u00f6zkonusu programda bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere belirli s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar getirilmi\u015f oldu\u011funu da g\u00f6rece\u011fiz. Ne var ki, devrimlerin kendili\u011finden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131p, yap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131; devrimlerin g\u00f6rece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131k taraf\u0131ndan ve \u00f6nceden haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bir plan uyar\u0131nca yap\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131; ve, son olarak, her an “hemen \u015fimdi ba\u015flayabilece\u011fi” ilkesi, bizim Londra blankicileri i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Bu gibi ilkelerle insanlar do\u011fal olarak m\u00fcltecilerin kendi kendilerini aldatmalar\u0131n\u0131n tel\u00e2fi edilmez kurbanlar\u0131 oluyorlar ve bir delilikten \u00f6tekine saplanmak zorunda kal\u0131yorlar. Her \u015feyden \u00e7ok da, Blanqui rol\u00fcn\u00fc \u2014”eylem adam\u0131” rol\u00fcn\u00fc\u2014 oynamak istiyorlar. Ama, burada, salt iyi niyet pek az \u015fey halleder; ama ne yaz\u0131k ki, Blanqui’nin devrimci i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fc, acele kararlar alma yetene\u011fi, herkese nasip olmuyor, ve Hamlet eylemden ne kadar s\u00f6zederse etsin, gene de bir Hamlet olarak kal\u0131yor. Dahas\u0131, bizim otuz\u00fc\u00e7 eylem (sayfa 455) adam\u0131 kendilerinin eylem alan\u0131 diye adland\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 alanda yapacak hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnce, bizim otuz\u00fc\u00e7 Br\u00fct\u00fcs, kendi kendileriyle, trajedi olmaktan \u00e7ok komedi olan bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyorlar, sanki kat\u0131ks\u0131z “zuladaki han\u00e7er M\u00f6ros”mu\u015flarcas\u0131na[2] tak\u0131nd\u0131klar\u0131 as\u0131k suratl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bu trajediyi art\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7eli\u015fki, ve, yeri gelmi\u015fken s\u00f6yleyelim, bunu da bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc anlamazlar. Ne yapabilirler? Kom\u00fcne kat\u0131lanlar\u0131n saflar\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131tmak (\u00e9pur\u00e9) i\u00e7in gelece\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fck re\u00e7eteler \u00e7izi\u015ftirerek bir sonraki “patlama” i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlan\u0131yorlar; \u00f6teki m\u00fcltecilerin onlar\u0131 kat\u0131ks\u0131zlar (les purs) diye adland\u0131rmalar\u0131 bundand\u0131r. Bu ad\u0131 benimseyip benimsemediklerini bilmiyorum, ama bu ad aralar\u0131ndan baz\u0131lar\u0131na uymuyor. Toplant\u0131lar\u0131 kapal\u0131d\u0131r, ald\u0131klar\u0131 kararlar gizli tutulur, ama bu, bu kararlar\u0131n ertesi sabah b\u00fct\u00fcn Frans\u0131z mahallesinde yank\u0131lanmas\u0131na engel de\u011fildir. Yapacak bir \u015feyleri olmayan bu gibi ciddi eylem adamlar\u0131n\u0131n hep ba\u015flar\u0131na geldi\u011fi gibi, bunlar, Kom\u00fcn s\u0131ras\u0131nda H\u00e9bert’in 1793’te \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 gazetenin zavall\u0131 bir karikat\u00fcr\u00fc olan P\u00e8re Duch\u00eane’i[270] yay\u0131nlayan ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Paris bas\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n en \u00fcnl\u00fc mensuplar\u0131ndan olan Vermersch ad\u0131nda sayg\u0131de\u011fer bir has\u0131mla ilkin ki\u015fisel, ard\u0131ndan yaz\u0131nsal bir \u00e7eki\u015fmeye girdiler. Bu say\u0131n bay, bunlar\u0131n ahl\u00e2ki \u00f6fkelerine yan\u0131t olarak, onlar\u0131 “doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar ya da doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n su\u00e7 ortaklar\u0131” diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve a\u011f\u0131r k\u00fcf\u00fcrlerle dolu olan bir bro\u015f\u00fcr yay\u0131nlad\u0131:<\/p>\n

Her s\u00f6zc\u00fck bir oturak
\u00dcstelik bo\u015f da de\u011fil.[271]<\/p>\n

Ve bizim otuz\u00fc\u00e7 Br\u00fct\u00fcs, i\u015fte b\u00f6yle bir has\u0131mla a\u00e7\u0131k kavgaya girmeyi zahmete de\u011fer buluyorlar!
E\u011fer bir \u015fey kesinse, o da, derman b\u0131rakmayan sava\u015ftan sonra, Paris’teki a\u00e7l\u0131ktan ve \u00f6zellikle 1871’deki o feci kand\u00f6k\u00fcc\u00fc may\u0131s g\u00fcnlerinden sonra, Paris proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n toparlanmak i\u00e7in uzun bir dinlenmeye gerek duydu\u011fu ve zamans\u0131z her ayaklanma giri\u015fiminin ancak yeni ve belki de daha korkun\u00e7 bir yenilgiyle sonu\u00e7lanabilece\u011fidir. Bizim blankiciler ise farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fteler. Versailles’daki monar\u015fist \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131, bunlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne g\u00f6re, “Versailles’\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmesine, Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn intikam\u0131n\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131na” (sayfa 456) yola\u00e7maktad\u0131r. “Bunun nedeni, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tarihsel ana, sefalet i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrr\u00fcnd\u00fckleri ve \u00f6l\u00fcme mahkum olduklar\u0131 apa\u00e7\u0131ik ortada olan halk\u0131n yenilenmi\u015f bir g\u00fc\u00e7le devrimci at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 tekrar ba\u015flataca\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bunal\u0131mlardan birine yakla\u015f\u0131yor olmam\u0131zd\u0131r.”
Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle, tekrar ba\u015fl\u0131yor, hem de derhal. “Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn intikam\u0131n\u0131n” derhal al\u0131nmas\u0131 umudu salt bir m\u00fclteci kuruntusu de\u011fildir, bu, onlar\u0131n anlad\u0131klar\u0131 anlamda, yani alelacele bir devrim yapmak anlam\u0131nda yapacak hi\u00e7 bir \u015feyin bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131ra, kafalar\u0131na “eylem adamlar\u0131” olmay\u0131 koymu\u015f olanlar i\u00e7in zorunlu bir dogmad\u0131r. Ama hepsi ayn\u0131 kap\u0131ya \u00e7\u0131kar. Nas\u0131l olsa ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, “ya\u015fam belirtilerine h\u00e2l\u00e2 sahip b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fcltecilerin durumlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmalar\u0131n\u0131n zaman\u0131n\u0131n geldi\u011fini” d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar. Ve b\u00f6ylece, otuz\u00fc\u00e7ler, kendilerinin 1) tanr\u0131tan\u0131maz, 2) kom\u00fcnist, 3) devrimci olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar.
Bizim blankiciler bakunincilerle ortak bir temel \u00f6zelli\u011fe sahipler, o da, en u\u00e7, en a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 e\u011filimi temsil etmeyi istemeleridir. Yeri gelmi\u015fken, i\u015fte bu nedenledir ki, blankiciler, ama\u00e7lar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bakunincilere kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karken, ara\u00e7lar bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00e7o\u011fu kez onlarla birliktirler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sorun, tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazc\u0131l\u0131kta b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6tekilerden daha radikal olmakt\u0131r. \u015e\u00fck\u00fcr ki, bug\u00fcnlerde tanr\u0131tan\u0131maz olmak \u00e7ok kolay. Avrupa’daki i\u015f\u00e7i partilerinde tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazc\u0131l\u0131k az\u00e7ok kendili\u011finden anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r; baz\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazl\u0131k, Tanr\u0131ya inanmak her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sosyalizme kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r, ama Meryem Anaya inanmak \u00e7ok ba\u015fkad\u0131r ve her do\u011fru-d\u00fcr\u00fcst sosyalist do\u011fal olarak ona inanmal\u0131d\u0131r, diyen \u0130spanyol bakunincilerinkine benzese de, bu b\u00f6yledir. Alman sosyal-demokrat i\u015f\u00e7ilere gelince, tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bunlar i\u00e7in art\u0131k yararl\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir; bu kat\u0131ks\u0131z yads\u0131nma onlar i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar Tanr\u0131ya olan her t\u00fcrl\u00fc inanca art\u0131k teorik olarak de\u011fil, pratik olarak kar\u015f\u0131 duruyorlar: Tanr\u0131yla olan i\u015flerini tamam\u0131yla bitirmi\u015flerdir, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyada ya\u015f\u0131yorlar ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar ve, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, materyalisttirler. Ayn\u0131 \u015fey herhalde Fransa i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. E\u011fer de\u011filse, ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n enfes Frans\u0131z materyalist yaz\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n, Frans\u0131z anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n hem bi\u00e7im ve hem de i\u00e7erik olarak en heybetli ifadesini buldu\u011fu, ve bilimin o (sayfa 457) s\u0131radaki d\u00fczeyi g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, i\u00e7erik olarak bug\u00fcn bile e\u015fi bulunmaz olan, ve bi\u00e7im olarak da h\u00e2l\u00e2 a\u015f\u0131lamam\u0131\u015f olan yaz\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda geni\u015f bir bi\u00e7imde da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlemekten daha basit bir \u015fey olamaz. Ama bu bizim blankicilere uymaz. Herkesten daha radikal olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek i\u00e7in, Tanr\u0131n\u0131n, 1793’teki gibi, varolmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 buyuruldu:
“Kom\u00fcn, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ge\u00e7mi\u015f sefaletin bu hayaletinden” (Tanr\u0131dan), “bu davadan” (varolmayan Tanr\u0131 dava oluyor!) “mevcut sefaletlerinden ilelebet kurtaracakt\u0131r. \u2014 Kom\u00fcnde papazlara yer yoktur; her t\u00fcrl\u00fc dinsel g\u00f6steri, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc dinsel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme yasaklanmal\u0131d\u0131r.”
\u0130nsanlar\u0131 par ordre du mufti[3] tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazlar haline getirmek yolundaki bu istem, Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn iki \u00fcyesi taraf\u0131ndan imzalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bunlar\u0131n iki \u015feyi ke\u015ffetmek i\u00e7in yeterli olana\u011fa kesinlikle sahip bulunmalar\u0131 gerekirdi: birincisi, k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde her \u015fey buyurulabilir, ama bu onun uygulanaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez; ikincisi, arzulanmayan inan\u00e7lar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmenin en emin yolu bask\u0131d\u0131r; \u015fu kadar\u0131 kesin: Tanr\u0131ya bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 yapilabilecek en b\u00fcy\u00fck hizmet, tanr\u0131tan\u0131mazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorunlu bir dogma yapmak ve dini genel olarak yasaklayarak Bismarck’\u0131n anti-klerikal Kulturkampf’ini,[272] da ge\u00e7mektir.
Program\u0131n ikinci maddesi kom\u00fcnizmdir. Burada kendimizi, i\u00e7erisinde yolculuk yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gemi i\u00e7in, \u015eubat 1848’de yay\u0131nlanan “Kom\u00fcnist Parti Manifestosu” i\u00e7in, daha tan\u0131d\u0131k bir zemin \u00fczerinde buluyoruz. Enternasyonalden ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan be\u015f blankici, daha 1872 sonbahar\u0131nda, belliba\u015fl\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn noktalar\u0131yla bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Alman kom\u00fcnizminin program\u0131 olan bir sosyalist program kabul ettiler ve bu ayr\u0131l\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131, devrim oyununa Enternasyonalin bu be\u015f ki\u015fi tarz\u0131nda kat\u0131lmay\u0131 reddetmi\u015f olmas\u0131na dayand\u0131rd\u0131lar. Blankici Frans\u0131zcaya yap\u0131lan \u00e7evirisi, \u00f6rne\u011fin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki t\u00fcmcede oldu\u011fu gibi, “Manifesto”nun \u00fcslubuna s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 kal\u0131nmayan yerlerde “ke\u015fke \u015f\u00f6yle olsayd\u0131” dedirtebilecek \u00e7ok \u015fey i\u00e7eriyor olsa bile, bu otuz\u00fc\u00e7ler konseyi, \u015fimdi, bu program\u0131, tarih konusundaki b\u00fct\u00fcn materyalist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleriyle (sayfa 458) birlikte, kabul etmi\u015flerdir.
“Burjuvazi, k\u00f6leli\u011fin b\u00fct\u00fcn bi\u00e7imlerinin en son ifadesi olan emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc gizlemekte olan mistik pe\u00e7eyi kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin, dinlerin, ailenin, yasalar\u0131n, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin ve bug\u00fcn\u00fcn kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n, burjuvazinin egemenli\u011fini onlar\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve proletaryay\u0131 ezdi\u011fi bask\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olduklan, kapitalistler ile \u00fccretli emek\u00e7ilerin yal\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 temeline dayanan bu toplumda nihayet a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.”
Bunu “Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto”, Birinci Kesim ile k\u0131yaslayal\u0131m: “Tek s\u00f6zc\u00fckle, dinsel ve siyasal yan\u0131lsamalarla perdelenmi\u015f s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn yerine, a\u00e7\u0131k, utanmaz, dolays\u0131z, kaba s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc koydu. Burjuvazi, \u015fimdiye dek sayg\u0131 duyulan ve sayg\u0131l\u0131 bir korkuyla bak\u0131lan b\u00fct\u00fcn mesleklerin halelerini s\u00f6k\u00fcp att\u0131. Doktoru, avukat\u0131, rahibi, \u015fairi, bilim adam\u0131n\u0131 kendi \u00fccretli emek\u00e7isi durumuna getirdi. Burjuvazi, aile ili\u015fkisindeki duygusal pe\u00e7eyi y\u0131rt\u0131p att\u0131 ve bunu salt bir para ili\u015fkisine indirgedi”, vb..
Ama teoriyi bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131p da prati\u011fe indik mi, otuz\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00f6zg\u00fcl konumlar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor:
“Biz kom\u00fcnistiz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc hedefimize, olsa olsa zaferi erteleyen ve k\u00f6leli\u011fi uzatan ara istasyonlarda aktarmalar yapmaks\u0131z\u0131n, uzla\u015fmalara girmeksizin ula\u015fmak istiyoruz.”
Alman kom\u00fcnistleri kom\u00fcnisttirler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendilerinin de\u011fil, tarihsel \u00e7eli\u015fkinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn ara istasyonlar\u0131n ve uzla\u015fmalar\u0131n aras\u0131ndan nihai hedefi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a se\u00e7mektedirler: s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, toprak ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin bulunmayaca\u011f\u0131 bir toplumun kurulmas\u0131. Otuz\u00fc\u00e7ler kom\u00fcnisttirler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar kendilerinin ara istasyonlar\u0131 ve uzla\u015fmalar\u0131 atlama konusunda bir kez iyiniyete sahip olur olmaz her \u015feyin hallolaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ve, iyice inand\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, bir-iki g\u00fcn i\u00e7inde “ba\u015flayacak” olursa ve kendileri de ba\u015fa ge\u00e7ecek olurlarsa, “kom\u00fcnizmin ertesi g\u00fcn getirilece\u011fini” san\u0131yorlar. Ve e\u011fer bu derhal yap\u0131lamazsa, kendileri de kom\u00fcnist de\u011fildir. Sab\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 teorik bir sav olarak ortaya s\u00fcrmek ne kadar da \u00e7ocuk\u00e7a bir safl\u0131k! (sayfa 459)
Son olarak, bizim otuz\u00fc\u00e7ler “devrimcidirler”. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, bakuninciler, b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6zler savurmak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, bir insan\u0131n yapabilece\u011fi her \u015feyi yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r; ama bizim blankiciler onlar\u0131 ge\u00e7mek zorunlulu\u011funu duyuyorlar. Ama nas\u0131l? Lizbon’dan ve New York’tan Budape\u015fte’ye ve Belgrad’a kadar t\u00fcm sosyalist proletaryan\u0131n, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn eylemlerinin en bloc[4] sorumlulu\u011funu derhal \u00fcstlendi\u011fi an\u0131msanacakt\u0131r. Ama bizim blankiciler i\u00e7in bu yeterli de\u011fildir:
“Bize gelincel”, (Kom\u00fcn s\u0131ras\u0131nda) “halk d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n idam edilmelerinin sorumlulu\u011fundan \u00fczerimize d\u00fc\u015feni \u00fcstleniyoruz” (idam edilenlerin bir listesi veriliyor), “monar\u015fik ya da burjuva bask\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 yokeden ya da sava\u015fanlar\u0131 koruyan kundak\u00e7\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n sorumlulu\u011fundan \u00fczerimize d\u00fc\u015feni \u00fcstleniyoruz.”
Ba\u015fka zamanlarda oldu\u011fu gibi, her devrimde de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak bir\u00e7ok hata yap\u0131l\u0131r, ve nihayet, insanlar olaylar\u0131 ele\u015ftirel bir bi\u00e7imde yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irebilecek kadar yat\u0131\u015f\u0131nca, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak \u015fu sonuca var\u0131rlar: yap\u0131lmadan kalmas\u0131 \u00e7ok daha iyi olacak bir\u00e7ok \u015fey yapt\u0131k, ve yap\u0131lsa \u00e7ok daha iyi olacak bir\u00e7ok \u015feyi yapamad\u0131k, ve i\u015fte i\u015flerin sarpa sarmas\u0131 bundand\u0131r. Ama Kom\u00fcn\u00fc kusursuz ve yan\u0131lmaz ilan etmek ve her ev yak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ya da bir tutsak kur\u015funa dizildi\u011finde bunun, hakedilen bir ceza, tam da yerinde bir i\u015f oldu\u011funu iddia etmek ne b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ele\u015ftirel tutum yoksunlu\u011fudur. Bu, may\u0131s ay\u0131ndaki hafta boyunca kur\u015funa dizilen insanlar\u0131n, ne eksik ne fazla, kesenkes kur\u015funa dizilmesi gereken kimseler oldu\u011funu, ate\u015fe verilen evlerin, ne eksik ne fazla, kesenkes ate\u015fe verilmesi gereken evler oldu\u011funu iddia etmekle ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fil midir? Bu, birinci Frans\u0131z Devrimi konusunda \u015funu s\u00f6ylemekle ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fil midir: her boynu vurulan haketti\u011fini buldu, ilkin Robespierre’in boyunlar\u0131n\u0131 vurdurduklar\u0131, ard\u0131ndan da Robespierre’in kendisi? \u00d6z\u00fcnde \u00e7ok iyi huylu kimselerin ac\u0131mas\u0131zca gaddar g\u00f6r\u00fcnme hevesine kap\u0131lmalar\u0131 i\u015fte b\u00f6yle \u00e7ocukluklara neden olur.
Yeter. M\u00fcltecilerin giri\u015ftikleri b\u00fct\u00fcn aptalca eylemlere ve \u00e7ocuk Karl’\u0131 (ya da Eduard’\u0131?)[5] deh\u015fet verici g\u00f6sterme (sayfa 460) yolundaki maskaral\u0131klara kar\u015f\u0131n, bu programda belirli bir ilerleme de g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Bu, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Alman kom\u00fcnizminin davas\u0131n\u0131 kabullendikleri ilk manifestodur. \u00dcstelik bu i\u015f\u00e7iler, Frans\u0131zlar\u0131, devrinin se\u00e7kin kimseleri ve Paris’i de devrimci Kud\u00fcs olarak g\u00f6ren bir ak\u0131mdan gelmektedirler. Onlar\u0131n bu noktaya ula\u015fmalar\u0131, ku\u015fkusuz, imza sahiplerinden biri olan ve, bilindi\u011fi gibi, Almancay\u0131 ve Alman sosyalist yaz\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok iyi bilen Vaillant’\u0131n eseridir. Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusal \u015fovenizmin kendilerine yabanc\u0131 oldu\u011funu 1870’te tan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015f olan Alman sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7iler, Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, bunlar Almanya’dan geliyor olsa bile, do\u011fru teorik ilkeleri benimsiyor olu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 iyi bir belirti olarak g\u00f6rebilirler. (sayfa 461)<\/div>\n

Haziran 1874’te Engels taraf\u0131ndan yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r
26 Haziran 1874 tarihli Der Volksstaat, n\u00b0 73’te ve F. Engels, Internationales aus dem “Volksstaat” (1871-1875), Berlin, 1894’te yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/em><\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong>
<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

[1] “Kom\u00fcnc\u00fcler”e. -\u00e7.
[2] M\u00f6ros \u2014- Schiller’in bir \u015fiirinde ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en bir ki\u015fi. -Ed.
[3] M\u00fcft\u00fc buyru\u011fu ile. -\u00e7.
[4] Bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak, toptan. -\u00e7.
[5] Edouard Vaillant. -Ed.<\/p>\n

[269] Bu, Engels’in yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Fl\u00fcchtlingsliterat\u00fcr ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan ve Haziran 1874’ten Nisan 1875’e kadar Der Volksstaat’ta yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f olan dizinin II. makalesidir. Engels, Frans\u0131z sosyalist hareketindeki yeni geli\u015fmeleri anlatarak, blankici Kom\u00fcn m\u00fcltecilerinin kendi yay\u0131nlad\u0131klar\u0131 Aux commeneux adl\u0131 bro\u015f\u00fcre yans\u0131yan belliba\u015fl\u0131 eksikliklerini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Londra’daki blankici m\u00fcltecilerin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerindeki \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklere (bunlar\u0131n tekrar bilimsel kom\u00fcnizme y\u00f6neliyor olmalar\u0131na) i\u015faret ederken, ayn\u0131 zamanda bunlar\u0131n komplocu taktiklerini, ivediciliklerini, proleter devrimci m\u00fccadele i\u00e7ersinde her t\u00fcrl\u00fc uzla\u015fmay\u0131 kesenkes reddedi\u015flerini de sert bir bi\u00e7imde ele\u015ftirmektedir. -453.
[270] Le P\u00e9re Duchesne \u2014 1790-94 aras\u0131nda Jacques H\u00e9berts’in Paris’te yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Frans\u0131z gazetesi; kentli yar\u0131-proleter y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini yans\u0131tmaktayd\u0131.
Le P\u00e9re Duch\u00e9ne \u2014 6 Mart-21 May\u0131s 1871 tarihleri aras\u0131nda Eugen Vermersch’in Paris’te yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazete; blankici bas\u0131n\u0131n tutumuna benzer bir tutum tak\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. -456.
[271] Heinrich Heine, “Romanzero, Drittes Buch, Heb\u00e2ische Melodien. Disputation”, M\u0131sra 86. -456
[272] Kulturkampf”. \u2014 1870’te Bismarck h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin lay\u0131k k\u00fclt\u00fcr kampanyas\u0131 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemler sistemine burjuva liberallerinin verdikleri ad. Bu \u00f6nlemler, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin, burjuvazinin ve Prusya’n\u0131n ve G\u00fcney-Bat\u0131 Alman devletlerinin katoluk b\u00f6lgelerindeki k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn baz\u0131 kesimlerinin ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 ve anti-Prusya e\u011filimlerini destekleyen katolik kilisesini ve Merkez Partisini hedefliyordu. Bismarck h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, anti-katolik m\u00fccadele bahanesi ile, Prusya’n\u0131n egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131na girmi\u015f olan Polonya topraklar\u0131ndaki ulusal bask\u0131y\u0131 da \u015fiddetlendirdi. Bu politika da, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, dinsel arzular\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckleyerek, i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden uzak tutmay\u0131 ama\u00e7l\u0131yordu. Bismarck, geli\u015fmekte olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketini g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcne alarak, 1880’lerin ba\u015flar\u0131nda, gerici g\u00fc\u00e7leri peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in, bu \u00f6nlemlerin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131rd\u0131. -458.<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

HER ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z devrimden ya da kar\u015f\u0131-devrimden sonra, yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na ka\u00e7an m\u00fclteciler aras\u0131nda ate\u015fli bir faaliyettir geli\u015fir. Birbirlerini arabay\u0131 \u00e7amura saplam\u0131\u015f olmakla, ihanetle ve \u00f6teki \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl g\u00fcnahlarla su\u00e7layan \u00e7e\u015fitli tonlarda parti gruplar\u0131 kurarlar. Bunlar anavatanla etkin ili\u015fkileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrler, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenirler, tertiplere giri\u015firler, bildirirler ve gazeteler basarlar, yirmid\u00f6rt saat i\u00e7erisinde her \u015feyin yeniden ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131na, zaferin kesin oldu\u011funa yemin ederler, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[33],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-378","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-karl-marx-friedrich-engels-arsivi"},"yoast_head":"\nF. 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