![](\"http:\/\/photos3.hi5.com\/0095\/285\/110\/qwzXNb285110-02.jpg\")
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Sava\u015f\u0131n ilk d\u00f6nemi kapitalizmin krizini de\u011fil (sadece burjuvazi ve proletaryan\u0131n en izanl\u0131 zihinlerince g\u00f6r\u00fclen belirtileri) fakat “Sosyalist” enternasyonalin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc do\u011furdu. Bir\u00e7oklar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u00addece her \u00fclkedeki i\u00e7 ili\u015fkileri incelemekle a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu olgu, bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tatmin edici bir \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz. \u00c7\u00fcn\u00adk\u00fc Proletarya hareketinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin s\u0131n\u0131rlan i\u00e7indeki “kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6stlerinin” e\u015fitsiz durumlar\u0131n\u0131n bir so\u00adnucudur. Nas\u0131l ki d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin e\u011filimlerini analiz etmeden modern kapitalizmi ve bunun emperyalist politikas\u0131n\u0131 anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011filse, d\u00fcnya kapitalizmini analiz etmeden Proletarya hareketinin temel e\u011filimlerini de anlamak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n
Sermaye eme\u011fin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, emek de sermayenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gerek\u00adtirir. Kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131, her biri bir di\u011ferinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gerekti\u00adren ki\u015fi ve sosyal s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki belli ili\u015fkidir. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131l\u00add\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, hem kapitalistler ve hem de i\u015f\u00e7iler ayn\u0131 kapitalist toplu\u00admun \u00fcyeleri, tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 par\u00e7alar\u0131 ve kutuplar\u0131d\u0131r. Kapitalist top\u00adlum var oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, bu z\u0131t s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k da s\u00f6z konusudur. Bu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k, \u00f6zetle birbirine z\u0131t olan nisp\u00ee \u00e7\u0131karlar dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 \u015feklinde kendini g\u00f6sterir.Bu \u00e7\u0131karlar”dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131” ge\u00e7ici bir dayan\u0131\u015fma olup, ayn\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00fcyelerini bir araya getiren kal\u0131c\u0131 bir dayan\u0131\u015fma de\u011fildir. Burjuva ekonomi poli\u00adti\u011fi ve onun “sosyalist” izleyicileri s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in sosyal \u00f6l\u00ad\u00e7ekte ge\u00e7ici, anl\u0131k alan\u0131 gerekli olarak belirtiyorlar, ormandaki a\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fcyorlar ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak sadece finans kapitalin basit uydular\u0131 g\u00f6revini yerine getiriyorlar.<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015fte size bir \u00f6rnek. Herkes, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yava\u015f yava\u015f ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ve kendilerini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015fletmelerden koparmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve patronlar ve i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fcya peder\u015fahi ili\u015fkilerin h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kapitalist \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, kendini s\u00f6\u00adm\u00fcrenin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirdi\u011fi bilinmektedir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zetle, birbiriyle tamamen z\u0131t olan bu \u00e7\u0131kar \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi ku\u015f\u00adkusuz tesad\u00fcfi de\u011fildi. Bunun tam da ger\u00e7ek bir temeli vard\u0131. “Kendi i\u015fletmemiz ne kadar iyiyse, benim i\u00e7in de o kadar iyi ola\u00adcakt\u0131r”, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin gerek\u00e7eleri o zaman b\u00f6yleydi. Bu gerek\u00e7e, verili i\u015fletmenin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplam de\u011ferlerdeki art\u0131\u015fla birlikte \u00fccretlerin de artaca\u011f\u0131 ihtimaline dayan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n
Ayn\u0131 psikozu di\u011fer varyasyonlarda da g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ger\u00e7ekte, \u0130n\u00adgiliz i\u015f\u00e7i sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n, “zanaat ideolojisi” diyelim, s\u00f6yledikleri nedir? Burada da temelde ayn\u0131 fikri g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz: \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri ve sanayi\u00adcileri i\u00e7ine alan \u00fcretimimiz, \u00fcretim alan\u0131m\u0131z her \u015feyden \u00f6nce b\u00fc\u00ady\u00fcy\u00fcp geli\u015fmelidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler b\u00f6yle demektedir. D\u0131\u015ftan gelecek m\u00fc\u00addahalelere m\u00fcsamaha edilmemelidir.<\/p>\n
Son zamanlarda olduk\u00e7a vas\u0131fl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bulundu\u011fu i\u015fletmeler\u00adde bu p\u00fcr mant\u0131ki patronizme benzer durumlar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. \u00d6rne\u00ad\u011fin bu gibi i\u015fletmeler tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f Amerikal\u0131 pasifist (ve, akl\u0131ma gel\u00admi\u015fken, sava\u015f m\u00fcteahhidi) Ford’un fabrikalar\u0131d\u0131r. Fabrikaya i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00f6zenle se\u00e7ilmi\u015ftir. \u00c7ok y\u00fcksek \u00fccret al\u0131rlar, kendilerini fabrikaya adamak ko\u015fuluyla \u00e7e\u015fitli primler ve k\u00e2rdan pay al\u0131rlar. Sonu\u00e7 ola\u00adrak, aldat\u0131lan i\u015f\u00e7iler patronlar\u0131 u\u011fruna kendilerini feda ederler.<\/p>\n
Daha geni\u015f bir \u00f6l\u00e7ekte ele al\u0131rsak, ayn\u0131 olguyu, “ulusal sanayi\u00adin”, “ulusal eme\u011fin” vs. korunmas\u0131 politikalar\u0131na sahip olan g\u00fcya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 korumac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 denen kavramda buluruz. Bu ideoloji A-vustralyal\u0131 ve Amerikan i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n beynini y\u0131kamaktad\u0131r: “Biz”, (yani hem kapitalistler ve hem de i\u015f\u00e7iler) de\u00admektedirler, ulusal sanayimizle ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ilgilenmekteyiz. \u00c7\u00fcn\u00adk\u00fc i\u015fverenlerimiz ne kadar \u00e7ok k\u00e2r elde ederse, \u00fccretlerimiz de o kadar \u00e7ok artacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u00c7e\u015fitli i\u015fletmeler aras\u0131ndaki rekabet\u00e7i m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinde, hepsinin durumu her yerde ayn\u0131 de\u011fildir. Olduk\u00e7a vas\u0131fl\u0131 eme\u011fe sahip olan i\u015fletmeler her zaman ilk s\u0131ray\u0131 al\u0131rlar, her zaman ayr\u0131ca\u00adl\u0131kl\u0131d\u0131rlar. Toplumda yarat\u0131lan art\u0131 de\u011ferin i\u00e7indeki paylar\u0131 olduk\u00ad\u00e7a b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. Zira bir yandan diferansiyel k\u00e2r, di\u011fer yandan da (g\u00fc\u00adn\u00fcm\u00fczde) kartel rant\u0131 elde ederler. B\u00f6ylece verili bir \u00fcretim dal\u0131n\u00adda sermaye ve eme\u011fin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7ici kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na temel olu\u015fturulur. Bu \u00f6yle bir durumdur ki eme\u011fin sermayeye ver\u00addi\u011fi, g\u00f6revi nedeniyle de\u011fil fakat a\u015fk\u0131 ve sadakati nedeniyledir.<\/p>\n
Kapitalistler ve i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6ylesi bir “\u00e7\u0131kar dayan\u0131\u015fma\u00ads\u0131n\u0131n” ge\u00e7ici bir karakterde oldu\u011fu ve (ne “olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi” a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u00addan) proletaryan\u0131n tutumunu belirleyemeyece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortadad\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00ad\u00e7iler sonsuza kadar patronlar\u0131n\u0131n eteklerine tutunsalard\u0131, greve gide\u00admezler ve i\u015fverenler de onlar\u0131 tek tek ayartarak sindirebilirlerdi.<\/p>\n
Bununla beraber proletarya, tek ve ge\u00e7ici \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, genel ve ka\u00adl\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlardan ay\u0131rt etmeyi \u00f6\u011frenemeyece\u011finden, beyni bu dar kavramla y\u0131kanacakt\u0131r. Beyninin y\u0131kanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcstesinden gelmek ancak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin alan\u0131 geni\u015fledi\u011finde, i\u015fyerine olan ba\u011f\u00adl\u0131l\u0131k y\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7iler biraraya geldi\u011finde ve kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda keskin bir z\u0131t g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturuldu\u011funda gelinir. Bu yolla pe\u00adder\u015fahi d\u00f6nemin \u00fcstesinden, tekil i\u015fletmenin i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve patronlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f koptu\u011funda gelindi. Bu yolla vas\u0131fl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u00f6rg\u00fctle\u00adyen sendikalar\u0131n “zanaat ideolojisi” ortadan kalkt\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bununla beraber, kapitalist ve i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00ad\u00e7\u00fcde koparan ve ilke olarak bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini birbirine d\u00fc\u015fman s\u0131n\u0131f ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler halinde kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getiren 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla, burjuvazinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olan kapitalist devlet aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flan ortadan kald\u0131ramam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcyle olan ba\u011f\u0131, ifadesini i\u015f\u00e7ilerin vatansever\u00adli\u011fi ideolojisinde (“sosyal-patronizm”) ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n hizmet ede\u00adce\u011fi vatan fikrinde bulur.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcm bu belirttiklerimizden sonra bu olgunun maddi temeli, dikkati\u00admizi d\u00fcnya ekonomisine \u00e7evirdi\u011fimizde daha belirgin hale gelecektir.<\/p>\n
19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonu ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren rekabet\u00e7i m\u00fccadelenin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde d\u0131\u015f pazarlara ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yani bu reka\u00adbetin d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir rekabet halini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck. B\u00f6ylece, kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6st\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen sermayenin devlet \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc, “vatan”, tekil i\u015fletmelerin yerini ald\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya are\u00adnas\u0131nda t\u00fcm a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, \u00f6ncelikle emperyalist \u00fclkelerin koloni politikas\u0131na g\u00f6z atmal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcnlerde \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 enternasyonalistler aras\u0131nda koloni politika\u00ads\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na zarardan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey getirmeyece\u011fine ve bu ne\u00addenle reddedilmesine inananlar vard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kolonilerin hi\u00e7\u00adbir surette k\u00e2rl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve hatta burjuvazi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan masrafl\u0131 ol\u00addu\u011funu ispatlama arzusundad\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6rne\u011fin Ka-utsky taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
Ne yaz\u0131k ki teorinin yetersizli\u011fi s\u00f6z konusudur. O da yanl\u0131\u015f bir teori olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Koloni politikas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7in \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck gelir kayna\u011f\u0131d\u0131r, yani hakim s\u0131n\u0131flar “kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6stleri” i\u00e7in. Bur\u00adjuvazinin koloni politikas\u0131n\u0131 izlemesi i\u015fte bu nedenledir. Durum bu oldu\u011funda, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen kolonilerin ve fethedilen yerlerdeki insanlar pahas\u0131na i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccretlerinin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ihtimali ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n
Bu gibi hususlar tamam\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin koloni politikalar\u0131\u00adn\u0131n bir sonucudur. Bu politikan\u0131n faturas\u0131 k\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131n\u0131n ve \u0130n\u00adgiltere’nin i\u015f\u00e7ilerince de\u011fil ama kolonilerde ya\u015fayanlarca \u00f6denir. Kapitalizmin t\u00fcm kan ve pisli\u011fi, korku ve utanc\u0131 ve modern de\u00admokrasinin h\u0131rs ve vah\u015fili\u011fi kolonilerde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u015eu ah i\u00e7in Avrupal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler kazan\u00e7l\u0131d\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc “end\u00fcstriyel refah” nedeniyle i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccretlerinde az da olsa bir art\u0131\u015f sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Avrupa ve Amerika sanayilerinin nisp\u00ee “refah\u0131”, koloni politi\u00adkas\u0131 \u015feklindeki g\u00fcvenlik valfinin a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu yolla “\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ki\u015filerin” (prekapitalist \u00fcreticiler) ve koloni eme\u011fi\u00adnin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi Avrupal\u0131 ve Amerikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccretlerinde bir art\u0131\u015f meydana getirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli olan bir hususu burada belirtmemiz gerekir: “kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6stlerinin” hepsinin koloniler, s\u00fcr\u00fcm pazarlar\u0131, hammadde pazar\u0131, sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m alanlar\u0131, ucuz emek i\u00e7in yap\u00adt\u0131klar\u0131 giri\u015fimlerde e\u015fit ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilemez. \u0130n\u00adgiltere, Almanya ve Birle\u015fik Devletler d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131nda t\u00fcm h\u0131z ve ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fcrken, Rusya ve \u0130talya t\u00fcm emperyalist gayretleri\u00adne ra\u011fmen, \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcler. Bu yolla birka\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck emper\u00adyalist g\u00fc\u00e7, d\u00fcnya tekeli \u00fczerinde hak iddia eder hale geldi. Di\u011fer devletler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kendilerinin “rekabet edilmeyecek” birer g\u00fc\u00e7 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdiler.<\/p>\n
Ekonomik y\u00f6nden durum \u015f\u00f6yledir. D\u00fcnya art\u0131 de\u011feri d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan m\u00fccadele sonucunda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcl\u00fcr. “Ulusal ekono\u00adminin” \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu gibi, ayn\u0131 \u015fey d\u00fcnya ekonomisi s\u0131\u00adn\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde de ge\u00e7erlidir. Daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan rakip (bu rakibin g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00fcretim yap\u0131s\u0131, devletin militarist ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc, “do\u011fal tekeller” nedeniyle yerel g\u00fcce sahip olma vs. gibi \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli unsurlarca ar\u00adtar) s\u00fcper k\u00e2r, bir \u00e7e\u015fit diferansiyel k\u00e2r (\u00fcretimin \u00e7ok \u00fcst\u00fcn yap\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle) ve bir \u00e7e\u015fit kartel rant\u0131 (tekelleri g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren militarist ayg\u0131t\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle) elde eder.<\/p>\n
Emperyalist devlet taraf\u0131ndan elde edilen s\u00fcper k\u00e2rlar \u00f6ncelikle vas\u0131fl\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin olmak \u00fczere i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kimi katmanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccret\u00adlerinin artmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n
B\u00f6ylesi bir olgu \u00e7ok \u00f6nceden de g\u00f6zlemlenmi\u015fti. Friedrich En-gels \u0130ngiltere’nin d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131ndaki tekelci konumunu ve \u0130ngiliz proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtirken bunlara de\u011finmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n
Proletaryan\u0131n, kolonilerin ya\u011fmalanmasmdaki nisp\u00ee \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ne\u00addeniyle burjuvazinin, emperyalist devletin \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin patronlar\u0131y\u00adla olan ba\u011flan geli\u015fti ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendi. Sosyalist literat\u00fcrde bu psikoloji ifadesini, sosyal demokrat oport\u00fcnistlerinin “devlet” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131nda buldu. Her f\u0131rsatta uygulanan bu “devlet bilgeli\u011fi” devrimci Marksizmi tamamen terk etmeyi ifade eder.<\/p>\n
Marx ve Engels devleti, hakim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 askeri ve po\u00adlis g\u00fcc\u00fcyle yerle bir eden bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Gelecekteki toplumda devlet diye bir \u015feyin olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Bunun nedeni basitti, s\u0131n\u0131flar da olmayacakt\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n ge\u00e7ici hakim s\u0131n\u0131f rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6neminde, ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 yola getirmek i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131n\u0131 talep ediyorlard\u0131. Burjuvazi\u00adnin kar\u015f\u0131 koyucu devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131, \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir nefretti ve di\u011fer “devlet adamlar\u0131n\u0131” ac\u0131mas\u0131zca ele\u015ftiriyorlar\u00add\u0131. Ve bu devrimci bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ve kendilerince \u00e7ok iyi bilinen ve i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7ilerin vatan\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feklinde belirttikleri Kom\u00fcnist Manifes\u00adto’daki tez aras\u0131nda su g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez bir ba\u011f vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Marksizmin sosyalist taklit\u00e7ileri, Marx ve Engels’in devrimci m\u00fccadelesini rafa kald\u0131r\u0131yorlar. Onun yerine “ger\u00e7ek patronizm” ve “ger\u00e7ek devlet\u00e7ilik” teorileri gibi hakim burjuvazinin s\u0131radan patronizm ve devlet\u00e7ili\u011finden hi\u00e7 farkl\u0131 olmayan teoriler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. B\u00f6yle bir ideoloji Proletaryan\u0131n, kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6stlerinin “b\u00fcy\u00fck -ulus politikas\u0131na” kat\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n organik geli\u015fmesiydi.<\/p>\n
B\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flamas\u0131ndan sonra burjuva devletinin ete\u011fine s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya sar\u0131lan \u00f6nde gelen kapitalist \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n, burjuva devletine yard\u0131mda bulunmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131na \u015fa\u015fmamak ge\u00adrekir. Proletarya daha \u00f6nceki geli\u015fmelerle buna haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Proletaryan\u0131n, finans kapitalin devlet \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcyle olan ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 bu\u00adnu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bununla beraber, proletaryan\u0131n z\u0131mni olarak r\u0131za g\u00f6stermesiyle veya yetersiz \u00f6fkesi nedeniyle ba\u015flayan sava\u015f, proletaryaya sava\u00ad\u015f\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na sard\u0131\u011f\u0131 belaya k\u0131yasla emperyalist politikadan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 pa\u00ady\u0131n bir hi\u00e7 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n
Bu yolla, emperyalizmin krizi ve Proletarya sosyalizminin ye\u00adniden canlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Emperyalizm ger\u00e7ek y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na g\u00f6sterdi. Bu zamana kadar emperyalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcrge-lerdekilere barbar, y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 ve savurgan davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 vard\u0131. \u015eimdiler\u00adde ise faaliyetlerini kana susam\u0131\u015f bir \u015fekilde Avrupal\u0131 emek\u00e7ilere y\u00f6neltmektedir. Avrupal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin emperyalizmin koloni politikas\u0131* * nedeniyle elde etti\u011fi bir ka\u00e7 fazla kuru\u015f, katledilen milyonlarca i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7inin, sava\u015f\u0131n t\u00fcketti\u011fi milyarlar\u0131n, pi\u015fkin militarizmin korkun\u00e7 bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yan\u0131nda nedir ki!<\/p>\n
Sava\u015f, i\u015f\u00e7ileri patronlar\u0131na ba\u011flayan son zinciri de k\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Hedef, proletaryan\u0131n emperyalist devlete k\u00f6le gibi boyun e\u011fme-sidir. Proletarya felsefesinin son s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 da ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r, yani ulus devlete olan dar g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, yurtseverli\u011fi. Emper\u00adyalizm ve emperyalist devletle olan ba\u011flardan sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7ici avantajlar ve ge\u00e7ici \u00e7\u0131karlar, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli ve ge\u00e7ici \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve silahla finans kapitalin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortadan kald\u0131ran, burjuvazi\u00adye kar\u015f\u0131 yeni bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturan ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 yok eden ulusla\u00adraras\u0131 proleteryan\u0131n sosyal devrim fikriyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ikin\u00adci plana d\u00fc\u015fmektedir. D\u00fcnya ekonomisinin \u00fcretken g\u00fc\u00e7lerini el pen\u00e7e divan durduran burjuva devletinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 koruma veya geni\u015fletme fikri yerini ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve t\u00fcm insan\u00adlar\u0131 tek bir sosyalist aile i\u00e7inde birle\u015ftirme slogan\u0131na b\u0131rakmakta\u00add\u0131r. Bu yolla Proletarya \u00e7ok elim aray\u0131\u015flardan sonra, kendini dev\u00adrim yoluyla sosyalizme g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek ger\u00e7ek \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 anlar<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Sava\u015f\u0131n ilk d\u00f6nemi kapitalizmin krizini de\u011fil (sadece burjuvazi ve proletaryan\u0131n en izanl\u0131 zihinlerince g\u00f6r\u00fclen belirtileri) fakat “Sosyalist” enternasyonalin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc do\u011furdu. Bir\u00e7oklar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u00addece her \u00fclkedeki i\u00e7 ili\u015fkileri incelemekle a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu olgu, bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tatmin edici bir \u015fekilde a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz. \u00c7\u00fcn\u00adk\u00fc Proletarya hareketinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin s\u0131n\u0131rlan i\u00e7indeki “kapitalist devlet tr\u00f6stlerinin” e\u015fitsiz durumlar\u0131n\u0131n bir so\u00adnucudur. Nas\u0131l […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[98],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4075","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-turkiye"},"yoast_head":"\n