{"id":4094,"date":"2010-01-29T13:00:33","date_gmt":"2010-01-29T10:00:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/"},"modified":"2010-01-29T13:00:33","modified_gmt":"2010-01-29T10:00:33","slug":"kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/","title":{"rendered":"K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar\u0131n fikir babas\u0131 olarak su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ; Antonio Negri | \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00f6kmen"},"content":{"rendered":"

<\/strong>Antonio Negri, tarihin sonunun geldi\u011fi iddia edilen bir d\u00f6nemde “yeni \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck alanlar\u0131”n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik siyasal bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen militanlar\u0131ndan biridir. “Kom\u00fcnist program\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve devrimci tercihe y\u00f6nelik siyasal ve etik bir sadakatle” 1980 ba\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n kasvetli havas\u0131nda, “umuda dair bir s\u00f6ylemi yenileyerek”, bir kez daha devrim hakk\u0131nda yazmaya ba\u015flar. (Negri, 1997)A. Negri’nin \u00e7abas\u0131 bir umut s\u00f6ylemi geli\u015ftirmeye, bir militanl\u0131k ve geli\u015fen bir \u00f6znellik n\u00fcvesini yeniden in\u015fa etmeye y\u00f6nelik olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

F\u00e9lix Guattari ile 1980’lerin ba\u015flar\u0131nda kaleme ald\u0131klar\u0131 Yeni \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Alanlar\u0131<\/em>‘nda a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131klar\u0131 ama\u00e7lar\u0131, A. Negri’nin siyasal \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ana temalar\u0131ndan birini olu\u015fturur. Ama\u00e7lar\u0131, bir zamanlar insansoyunun kollektif yarat\u0131m\u0131yla \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurulan; ancak bunun aksine, reel sosyalist tecr\u00fcbe sonucunda insansoyunu bo\u011fmu\u015f, bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f olan kon\u00fcnizmi i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc itibars\u0131zl\u0131ktan kurtarmakt\u0131r. (Guattari & Negri, 1990: 7)<\/p>\n

A. Negri, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin yeni tehditler kadar, yeni olanaklar da yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu ko\u015fullarda art\u0131k her \u015feyin, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n amac\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal hayat tarzlar\u0131n\u0131n, haklar ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin yeniden icat edilmesi gerekti\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmektedir. Siyasal etkinli\u011fi ve eserleri de bu yeniden icat etme amac\u0131na y\u00f6neliktir.<\/p>\n

Burada, A. Negri’nin temel siyasal g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini ve bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri hayata ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi kavramlar\u0131 \u00f6zetlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131m.<\/p>\n

Antonio Negri: D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ve Militan<\/p>\n

Antonio Negri 1933 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130talya’n\u0131n Padua kentinde do\u011fdu. 23 ya\u015f\u0131nda, Alman tarihselcili\u011fi \u00fczerine haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 teziyle felfese diplomas\u0131 ald\u0131. 1957-1958 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, Benedetto Croce Tarihsel \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc’nde \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve 1959 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hukuk Felfefesi profes\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fcnvan\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131. 1967 y\u0131l\u0131na dek Padua \u00dcniversitesi’nde asistan olarak g\u00f6rev yapt\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 y\u0131l Devlet Doktrinleri profes\u00f6r\u00fc oldu.<\/p>\n

1960’lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru, Sergio Bologna, Luciano Ferrari Bravo, Ferruccio Gambino, Guido Bianchini, Sandro Serefani, Alisa del Re ve MariaRosa Dalla Costa gibi \u00f6nde gelen akademisyenlerin Padua’da biraraya gelmeleriyle, A. Negri’nin de bulundu\u011fu Siyasal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc, radikal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u0130talya’n\u0131n ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan bir \u00f6neme kavu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n

Akademik hayat\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra yo\u011fun bir siyasal hayat\u0131 da bulunan A. Negri’nin yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k faaliyeti, 1956’da Padua \u00dcniversitesi’nin \u00f6\u011frenci temsilcileri dergisi olan Il Bo<\/em>‘nun direkt\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ile ba\u015flar. 1959’da \u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi’nin yerel konseyine se\u00e7ilen A. Negri, partinin Padua b\u00f6lgesi yay\u0131n\u0131 olan Il Progresso Veneto<\/em> dergisini y\u00f6neticili\u011fini yapmaya ba\u015flar. Y\u00f6neticili\u011fi \u0130talya’da Hristiyan Demokrat Parti ile Sosyalist Parti’nin ilk merkez-sol koalisyonunu kurduklar\u0131 1963 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. A. Negri koalisyonun kurulmas\u0131 ile birlikte Sosyalist Parti’den ayr\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kom\u00fcnist Parti’nin, \u0130talya’n\u0131n NATO’dan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi d\u0131\u015f hedeflere y\u00f6nelik olarak faaliyet g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nemde, \u0130talyan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 neredeyse tamamen sendikas\u0131z durumdad\u0131r ve \u00e7ok zay\u0131f bir \u015fekilde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015ftir. A. Negri bu d\u00f6nemde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na yak\u0131nla\u015fmaya ba\u015flar. A\u011fustos 1963’te Il Progresso Veneto<\/em>, Potere Operaio<\/em> (\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin G\u00fcc\u00fc) ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan bir ek yay\u0131mlar. Ayn\u0131 ay i\u00e7inde A. Negri, Paola Meo ve daha sonra Kom\u00fcnist Parti milletvekili olacak \u00fcnl\u00fc felsefeci Massimo Cacciari, Porto Marghera petro-kimya i\u015f\u00e7ileri aras\u0131nda Marx’\u0131n Kapital<\/em>‘ini okumak \u00fczere bir kurs d\u00fczenlerler.<\/p>\n

Edit\u00f6r kurullar\u0131 Milan, Roma ve Padua’da bulunan Quaderni Rossi<\/em> (K\u0131z\u0131l Defterler) dergisinin Turin’de yay\u0131mlanmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131 da ayn\u0131 d\u00f6neme denk gelir. Rainiero Panzieri ve Romano Alquati’nin y\u00f6netiminde yay\u0131mlanan Quaderni Rossi<\/em>, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6zerkli\u011fi kuram\u0131na ilk kez a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k veren dergi olur. A. Negri, Sergio Bologna, Mario Tronti, Alberto Asor Rosa ve di\u011fer bir\u00e7ok solcu \u0130talyan entelekt\u00fceli derginin yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunurlar. Quaderni Rossi<\/em> \u00e7evresinde daha sonralar\u0131 meydana gelen b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler, gene i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6zerkli\u011fini \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan Classe Operaia<\/em> (\u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131), Contropiano<\/em> (Kar\u015f\u0131-planlama) ve benzeri dergilerin yay\u0131mlanmas\u0131 ile sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. 1967’de Potere Operaio<\/em> Marghera petro-kimya b\u00f6lgesi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin dergisi haline gelir. A. Negri bu y\u0131llarda, bir felsefe dergisi olan Aut-Aut<\/em> ve hukuk felsefesi \u00fczerine makaleler yay\u0131mlayan Critica del Dritto<\/em> gibi dergilere de katk\u0131da bulunur.<\/p>\n

Fransa’da devrime benzer bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 yaratan 1968, \u0130talya’da 1967 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flar ve on y\u0131la yak\u0131n bir s\u00fcre h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrer. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerle \u00f6\u011frencilerin fl\u00f6rtlerinin ayr\u0131l\u0131kla sonu\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131 di\u011fer Avrupa \u00fclkelerinin aksine, \u0130talya’da i\u015f\u00e7i ve \u00f6\u011frenci m\u00fccadeleleri \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 1969 y\u0131l\u0131nda A. Negri siyasal faaliyetlerini fabrikalara ve sendikalarca genellikle g\u00f6zard\u0131 edilen ya da yeterince ilgi g\u00f6sterilmeyen g\u00fcvenlik, montaj hatlar\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, i\u015f\u00e7i disiplini gibi meselelere y\u00f6neltir.<\/p>\n

1969 y\u0131l\u0131 sonbahar\u0131, siyasal tav\u0131rlar\u0131 Kom\u00fcnist Parti’nin soluna denk d\u00fc\u015fen Lotta Continua (M\u00fccadele S\u00fcr\u00fcyor), Avanguardia Operaia (\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00d6nc\u00fcs\u00fc), Movimento Studentesco (daha sonradan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve \u00d6\u011frenci Hareketi ad\u0131n\u0131 alacak olan \u00d6\u011frenci Hareketi) ve Potere Operaio gibi baz\u0131 siyasal gruplar\u0131n olu\u015fumuna tan\u0131kl\u0131k eder. Bu d\u00f6nemde A. Negri, Potere Operaio<\/em> \u00e7evresinde, bu siyasal olu\u015fumun en \u00fcnl\u00fc kuramc\u0131s\u0131 olarak \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kar. Potere Operaio grubu, Kom\u00fcnist Parti’nin 1973 y\u0131l\u0131nda “Tarihsel Taviz” olarak an\u0131lan stratejisi sonucunda, iktidardaki Hristiyan Demokratlar’la ittifak yapmas\u0131n\u0131n da etkisi ile, benzeri siyasal kimliklere sahip, ancak daha az etkin siyasal gruplar\u0131n olu\u015fuma yol a\u00e7acak bir bi\u00e7imde da\u011f\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n

1973 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde A. Negri’nin bir\u00e7ok temel kavram\u0131 art\u0131k olgunluk kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcm kodlanm\u0131\u015f ideolojilere ve solcu ya da sa\u011fc\u0131 partilere uzak duran, gen\u00e7 ve daha militan bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n doldurdu\u011fu fabrikalardaki “otonom komiteler” arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u015flayan Autonomia<\/em> hareketinin do\u011fu\u015fu da bu d\u00f6neme denk gelir. Art\u0131k gereksiz tekrarlar yapmaktan \u00f6teye gidemeyen 1960’lar boyunca olu\u015fmu\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarzlar\u0131n\u0131n reddi ve g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma zaman\u0131ndan \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in yeni ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n ve hedeflerin tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131, birbirlerinden farkl\u0131 ve aksi takdirde biraraya gelemeyecek olan \u00f6zerk gruplar\u0131 birbirlerine yak\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131ran temalar olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131n gruplar\u0131, \u00f6\u011frenciler, i\u015f\u00e7iler, radikal gen\u00e7lik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel simalar, ekologlar ve \u00e7evreciler, “\u00f6zerk” kollektifler, geleneksel “i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131” \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelerinin g\u00f6remedi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlarda \u00e7o\u011fal\u0131rlar. Bologna’daki “Radio Alice” gibi \u00f6zg\u00fcr radyo istasyonlar\u0131, sendikalar ve Kom\u00fcnist Parti de dahil olmak \u00fczere, herkesin “i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131”ndan talep etti\u011fi fedakarl\u0131klar\u0131 protesto etmek \u00fczere otonomistlerin sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc “Bahar \u0130syan\u0131”nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir rol oynarlar. Padua \u00dcniversitesi’ndeki Siyasal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc’n\u00fc de i\u00e7erecek bi\u00e7imde, \u00e7ok geni\u015f \u00e7apl\u0131 tahribata yol a\u00e7an isyan\u0131n \u015fehrin di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerine de yans\u0131mas\u0131yla, A. Negri isyana te\u015fvik ve hatta ulusal d\u00fczeyde \u015fiddet k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile su\u00e7lan\u0131r. Yo\u011fun siyasal bask\u0131 ve su\u00e7lamalar ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalan A. Negri, 1977 sonlar\u0131nda bu su\u00e7lamalardan aklan\u0131p Padua’ya d\u00f6nerse de, 1978-79 y\u0131llar\u0131nda zaman\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funu Paris’te \u00c9cole Normale’de ge\u00e7irir.<\/p>\n

Nisan 1979’da Milan’a geri d\u00f6nen A. Negri, Aldo Moro’nun K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar’ca ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi sonras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131lan soru\u015fturma \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde niteli\u011fi belirsiz su\u00e7lamalarla tutuklan\u0131r. K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar \u00fcyesi bir\u00e7ok insan daha \u00f6nceleri Potere Operaio benzeri siyasal olu\u015fumlarda yer alm\u0131\u015f olmakla birlikte, A. Negri’nin, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 bir yap\u0131lar\u0131 olan otonomistlerce kabul g\u00f6rmeyen “se\u00e7kinci taktikler”i ve “silahl\u0131 komondo” \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme perkspektifini benimseyen bu \u00f6rg\u00fctle do\u011frudan bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur.<\/p>\n

Marx Beyond Marx<\/em> yay\u0131mlan\u0131p \u0130talya’da edebiyat d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kitap listelerinde bir numaraya yerle\u015fti\u011finde, A. Negri hapistedir ve “y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct” \u00fcyeli\u011fi ile su\u00e7lanmaktad\u0131r. A. Negri ile ayn\u0131 g\u00fcn tutuklanan ve Otonomist hareketle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilen onu a\u015fk\u0131n akademisyen, gazeteci, yazar ve benzeri insan bir s\u00fcre sonra kendilerini K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar’\u0131n ve \u0130talya’da son on y\u0131ldaki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc terorist eylemin “fikir babas\u0131” olmak ile su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f bulurlar.<\/p>\n

\u0130talya’da “7 Nisan” tutuklamalar\u0131 k\u0131sa zamanda bir cause c\u00e9l\u00e8bre<\/em>‘e d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Dava \u00f6ncesi s\u00fcre\u00e7 uzad\u0131k\u00e7a, fa\u015fist bir yasama g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olan \u0130talya’da yarg\u0131n\u0131n siyasal istismara maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair tart\u0131\u015fmalar g\u00fcndeme gelir. Yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 her c\u00fcmleden anla\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi gibi, A. Negri’nin merkez \u0130talyan solunun, hatta kendisine y\u00f6nelik iftira kampanyas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca mekezlerinden biri olan Kom\u00fcnist Parti’nin daha solunda bir siyasal \u00e7izgiye sahip oldu\u011fu a\u015fikard\u0131r. Ancak A. Negri’nin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k su\u00e7undan mahkum olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak hukuki ya da yasal bir kan\u0131t ortaya konamaz.<\/p>\n

A. Negri 1983 y\u0131l\u0131nda Radikal Parti’nin y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir kampanya sonunda bu partinin listesinden \u0130talyan Parlamentosu’na se\u00e7ilene dek d\u00f6rt bu\u00e7uk y\u0131l boyunca hapiste kal\u0131r. Eyl\u00fcl 1983’te Bakanlar Kurulu’nun dokunulmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kald\u0131rmaya karar vemesi ile A. Negri \u0130talya’y\u0131 terk eder ve 1997 y\u0131l\u0131na dek ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131 Fransa’ya ge\u00e7er.<\/p>\n

Yoklu\u011funda otuz y\u0131l hapse mahkum edilen A. Negri, Saint-Denis’teki Paris VIII \u00dcniversitesi’nde siyaset bilimi profes\u00f6r\u00fc ve Coll\u00e8ge International de Philosphie’de ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 olarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fransa’da bulundu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde, 1989 y\u0131l\u0131nda <\/em>yay\u0131mlanmaya ba\u015flayan ve devlet kuram\u0131, marksizm, yeni m\u00fccadele tarzlar\u0131 ve benzeri temalarda otonomist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Futur Ant\u00e9rieur<\/em> dergisinin y\u00f6neticili\u011fini de \u00fcstlenir.<\/p>\n

1968 ve sonras\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal hareketleri, Almanya ya da Fransa’da Ye\u015fil Parti ya da alternatif projeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile siyaseten so\u011furulur ve b\u00f6ylece radikal gruplar yal\u0131t\u0131l\u0131rken, \u0130talya’da parlamento d\u0131\u015f\u0131 t\u00fcm toplumsal hareketler “terorist” olarak nitelenmi\u015f ve bir ku\u015fak “su\u00e7lu” k\u0131l\u0131narak, i\u00e7 ya da d\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrg\u00fcne zorlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. A. Negri, 1 Temmuz 1997 g\u00fcn\u00fc devlet terorizminden kaynaklanan “kur\u015fun y\u0131llar\u0131”na bir son vermek i\u00e7in \u0130talya’ya geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Halen Rebibbia Hapishanesi’ndedir. (Fleming, 1991: viii-xi; Negri, 1991a: 279; Melitopoulos, 1997)<\/p>\n

Otonomi Hareketinin Temel Kavramlar\u0131<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yeni kompozisyonu<\/em>, Quaderni Rossi<\/em> dergisinin \u0130talya’n\u0131n b\u00f6lgelere g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fiklik g\u00f6steren farkl\u0131 siyasal geleneklerine ve 1960’lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda g\u00fcneyden g\u00f6\u00e7e ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak geli\u015fen i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u00f6nem atfemeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir olgudur. Sermaye ile olan ili\u015fkileri dolay\u0131m\u0131yla belirlenen, dura\u011fan ve edilgen bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 imleyen hegemonya<\/em> kavram\u0131 yerine, Otonomi hareketinin s\u0131n\u0131f kompozisyonu<\/em> (ve siyasal yeniden kompozisyonu<\/em>) kavramlar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve tabandan ba\u015flayan m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinde, sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 antagonistik e\u011filiminin artmas\u0131n\u0131, birle\u015fmesini ve genelle\u015fmesini ifade eder. Yeni, kollektif bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6znesine y\u00f6nelik bu aray\u0131\u015f, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f kompozisyonlar\u0131nca, farkl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imlerince belirlenen d\u00f6ng\u00fc<\/em>lere ya da daha toplumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f m\u00fccadele alanlar\u0131na olan ilgiyi art\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Otonomi hareketi i\u00e7inde, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel yap\u0131lar\u0131n 1960’lar boyunca “kitlesel i\u015f\u00e7i”ye y\u00f6nelik giri\u015fimleri, tamam\u0131yla planl\u0131 kalk\u0131nmay\u0131 hedefleyen Keynesci stratejiler, “sosyalist \u00fcretkenlik”, ya da “emek de\u011feri” kavramlar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finden, arac\u0131 konumdaki partilerden ya da sendikalardan \u00f6zerkli\u011fin<\/em>, fabrika d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki kapitalist ili\u015fkilerin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131na ya da toplumsal fabrika<\/em>ya ya da toplumsal<\/em> sermaye<\/em>ye kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen m\u00fccadelelere dayanan varolan d\u00f6ng\u00fcye denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kabul edilir.<\/p>\n

Sovyetler safhas\u0131nda sosyalizm e\u011fer “\u00fcretken eme\u011fin varedilmesi”yse, bu ancak “\u00fcretken g\u00fc\u00e7lerin planl\u0131 geli\u015fimi”ni sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f, yani kapitalist sosyalizm<\/em>in do\u011fu\u015funa yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Oysa en son d\u00f6ng\u00fcn\u00fcn amac\u0131 “ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131”d\u0131r ve bu da \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n reddi<\/em> ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r. E\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7inin eme\u011fi kapitalist i\u00e7in art\u0131de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131ysa -Marx i\u00e7in eme\u011fin sermaye “d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda” bir de\u011feri yoktur-, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6zerkli\u011fi anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in izlenmesi gereken yolu belirler. Bu m\u00fccadele, eme\u011fe ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ihtiyac\u0131n “genel toplumsal \u00e7\u0131kar”\u0131na dayal\u0131 de\u011fildir; toplumsal b\u00fct\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 ve antagonistik<\/em>tir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fin reddi dolay\u0131m\u0131yla varolan bu e\u011filim, her yerde varolan kom\u00fcnizm<\/em> stratejisine y\u00f6neliktir. Kom\u00fcnizme y\u00f6nelik hareket, ancak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em> [class self-valorization] ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr; bu da s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi maddi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden kendine mal edilmesi<\/em>ne y\u00f6nelik m\u00fccadele ile ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sermayenin buna verece\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, y\u00f6netilen bir kriz arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ve toplumsal kumanda<\/em> marifetiyle i\u015fi yeniden de\u011ferli k\u0131lmak; yani, Devlet arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00fccretli emek ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00fccretsiz art\u0131 eme\u011fi topluma dayatmak olacakt\u0131r. Bu kitlesel i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>nin, sermayenin toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretimi alan\u0131na do\u011fru geni\u015fleyerek toplumsal(la\u015fm\u0131\u015f) i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>ye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7ar. M\u00fccadeleler, “\u00fccretsiz (bedeli \u00f6denmeyen) emek”, evi\u015fi, okul hayat\u0131, toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n kapitalist bi\u00e7imleri ve \u00fccret i\u00e7ermeyen her t\u00fcrl\u00fc i\u015f ili\u015fkisi \u00fczerine olacakt\u0131r. Sermayenin \u00fccret-emek ili\u015fkisini zorla yeniden dayatman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak kriz y\u00f6netimini \u00fcstlendi\u011fi bi\u00e7ime kriz-Devleti<\/em> [crisis-State] ad\u0131 verilir. (Fleming, 1991: xi-xii)<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n Kendini De\u011ferli K\u0131lmas\u0131<\/p>\n

Otonomi hareketinin ya da otonomist Marksizmin A. Negri’ce geli\u015ftirilen en \u00f6nemli kavramlar\u0131ndan biri kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma<\/em> (self-valorization) kavram\u0131d\u0131r. Kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma<\/em> kavram\u0131, 1960 sonlar\u0131nda ve 1970’lerdeki uluslararas\u0131 m\u00fccadeleler d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcnde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan, yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011fil; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, kapitalizmin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7me olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da temel kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen otonom yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kuramsal bir ifadesidir.<\/p>\n

A. Negri, ilk olarak 1979’da(1) kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavram\u0131, yukar\u0131da an\u0131lan d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zelikle ABD’de ve \u0130talya’da s\u00fcregiden yo\u011fun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel devrimin, toplumsal m\u00fccadele dalgas\u0131n\u0131n tecr\u00fcbesi ile \u00f6nermi\u015ftir. (Cleaver, 1992b: 6) Kastetti\u011fi, devrimci ya da “harekete ge\u00e7en” \u00f6znenin kendisini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131, sermayenin de\u011fer s\u00fcrecinden daha k\u0131ymetli ve etkili bir de\u011fer haline getirmesiydi. Kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma, yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi etkinliklerine de\u011fil; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, m\u00fccadelenin direni\u015fi ya da reddiyeyi a\u015fan ve yeni varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imlerine y\u00f6nelik y\u00f6nlerine i\u015faret eder. Terim, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015fme esas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fil de, farkl\u0131la\u015fma esas\u0131nda kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, Otonomist Markist gelenek i\u00e7inde, sadece bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n farkl\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlerinin de otonomisinin tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n

Sermayenin tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn farkl\u0131 eylemliliklerinde oldu\u011fu gibi, kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lman\u0131n farkl\u0131 bouytlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mak ve kabul etmek, b\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcl bir siyaset anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temelinin ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Bu siyaset, geleneksel sosyalist tasavvurun kapitalizm sonras\u0131 birli\u011fe\/b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011fe y\u00f6nelik beklentisini reddeder ve kapitalizmden kom\u00fcnizme “ge\u00e7i\u015f”i, varolan kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma bi\u00e7imlerinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ve gelecekteki bi\u00e7imlerini de\u011ferlendirme s\u00fcrecinde yeniden tan\u0131mlar.(2) Yani kom\u00fcnizm, Kropotkin’in fikirleriyle uyumlu bir \u015fekilde, gelecekte bir g\u00fcn ula\u015f\u0131lacak bir \u00fctopya olarak de\u011fil, geli\u015fimi s\u0131n\u0131rlamalardan kurtar\u0131lmaya ihtiya\u00e7 duyan ya\u015fayan bir ger\u00e7eklik olarak yeniden kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. (Cleaver, 1992b: 6-7)(3)<\/p>\n

Kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131, Panzieri, Tronti gibi kapitalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn t\u00fcm boyutlar\u0131n\u0131, \u00f6rne\u011fin toplumun tamam\u0131n\u0131 “toplumsal bir fabrika”ya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131, ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n reddiye ve kapitalist tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u00fcst etme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kavram\u0131\u015f \u0130talyan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin erken d\u00f6nem \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan esinlenmi\u015ftir. A. Negri’nin kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131, reddiye g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kurucu g\u00fc\u00e7le nas\u0131l tamamlanabilece\u011fini ve tamamlanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. Bir\u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelelerinin taraf\u0131n\u0131, \u0130talyan ve \u00e7ok-uluslu sermayeden kurtar\u0131lan zaman\u0131n, mekan\u0131n ve kaynaklar\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder.<\/p>\n

Her ne kadar Marx arada bir kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131n\u0131, de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131 ile \u00f6zde\u015f olarak kullanm\u0131\u015fsa da, A. Negri bu kavrama tamamen farkl\u0131 bir anlam y\u00fckler. Kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 auto<\/em>(4) \u00f6neki, kapitalist de\u011ferli k\u0131lma s\u00fcrecinden otonom bir de\u011ferli k\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine i\u015faret eder. Bu, kapitalist de\u011ferli k\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine kar\u015f\u0131 bir basit\u00e7e direni\u015fin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7erek, olumlu bir kendini kurma projesine ula\u015fan, kendi kendini tan\u0131mlayan ve kendi kendini belirleyen bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. (Cleaver, 1992a: 128-9)<\/p>\n

A. Negri (1991: 162) \u00f6znenin kendisini geli\u015ftirebilece\u011fini, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirebildi\u011fi ve onlara hakim olabildi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinden \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131labilece\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. “Proleter \u00f6znenin kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131, kapitalist de\u011ferli k\u0131lman\u0131n aksine, kendi geli\u015fim s\u00fcrecinde kendini belirleyebilme [self-determination<\/em>] bi\u00e7imini al\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinin kapitalist tahakk\u00fcm s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine direni\u015fi e\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 otonomlu\u011funun negatif<\/em> unsuru\/y\u00f6n\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendirlirse, kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131, pozitif<\/em> unsuru\/y\u00f6n\u00fc belirleyecektir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131 sayesinde, reddiye g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ya da sermayenin belirlenimlerini tahrip etme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yan\u0131s\u0131ra, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yeniden kompozisyonu i\u00e7inde, yarat\u0131c\u0131 olumlaman\u0131n, yeni pratikler in\u015fa etmenin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz.<\/p>\n

\u0130ktidar\u0131n \u0130ki T\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

A. Negri’nin siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, \u0130ktidar (potestas) <\/em>ile potansiyel toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7 (potentia<\/em>) aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadele ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele al\u0131nabilir. \u0130ktidar\u0131n do\u011fas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f siyaset kuram\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca alanlar\u0131ndan biri olagelmi\u015ftir ve A. Negri’nin eserleri, M. Foucault, G. Deleuze ve F. Guattari gibi Frans\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerinin, iktidar\u0131n t\u00fcm siyasal, toplumsal ve ki\u015fisel ufku nas\u0131l \u015fekillendirdi\u011fine dair \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla ortakl\u0131k g\u00f6stermektedir. Ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda ayn\u0131 zamanda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bir di\u011fer boyut, yeni ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin, olumlay\u0131c\u0131 alternatif pratiklerin tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bir giri\u015fimdir.<\/p>\n

A. Negri’nin \u00f6zellikle Spinoza’n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini yorumlamas\u0131, bu projeye bir katk\u0131 niteli\u011findedir. A. Negri’nin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi, Spinoza’n\u0131n iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 ne t\u00fcr bir \u00f6teki tesis etti\u011fini ortaya koyar.<\/p>\n

A. Negri’nin eserlerinde, \u0130ktidar<\/em> ve potansiyel g\u00fc\u00e7<\/em> aras\u0131nda hem kuramsal, hem de pratik a\u00e7\u0131lardan \u00f6nemli bir ayr\u0131m oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. En genel anlam\u0131yla \u0130ktidar, kumandan\u0131n merkezi, arac\u0131 ve a\u015fk\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc; toplumsal in\u015fan\u0131n sabit ve b\u00fct\u00fcnleyici boyutudur. Potansiyel g\u00fc\u00e7 ise, kurulu\u015fun yerel ve anl\u0131k g\u00fcc\u00fc; kurucu toplumsal etkinliktir. (Negri, 1989: 49; Negri, 1991a: xiii) Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan itibaren, bu ayr\u0131m\u0131n basit\u00e7e farkl\u0131 kaynaklara ve potansiyellere sahip olan farkl\u0131 \u00f6znelere de\u011fil; kavramsal ve maddi terimlerle birbirlerine z\u0131t, iki farkl\u0131 egemenlik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imine at\u0131fta bulundu\u011funu anlamak hayati \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu hem metafizik, hem siyaset i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erlidir. A. Negri, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini de, toplumun \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini de bu ba\u011flamda ele al\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A. Negri, “kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin iktidar\u0131” olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk t\u00fcr iktidar ile “proleter \u00fcretken g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sahip olduklar\u0131 potansiyel” olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal potansiyel g\u00fcc\u00fcn aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ek anlamda bir z\u0131ddiyet oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer. Bu potestas <\/em>ile potentia<\/em> aras\u0131ndaki, toplumsal kurgunun b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirici ve sabit boyutu ile kurucu toplumsal etkinlik aras\u0131ndaki z\u0131ddiyettir.<\/p>\n

Otonomist Marksizm<\/p>\n

Otonomist Marksizm, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermayeden ve sendikalar siyasal partiler gibi kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinden \u00f6zerk\/ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olan g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan bir siyaset, bir dizi toplumsal m\u00fccadele ve A. Negri gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ile genel Marksist gelenekten ayr\u0131l\u0131r. Bu gelene\u011fi ay\u0131rdeden otonomi kavram\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131yabilme, bu \u00e7\u0131karlar u\u011fruna m\u00fccadele edebilme ve bu m\u00fccadelenin basit\u00e7e s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye ya da tan\u0131m\u0131 ve de\u011feri kendinden menkul “liderlik” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f d\u00fczeyini a\u015farak, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini \u015fekillendirecek ve gelece\u011fi belirleyecek bir \u015fekilde ipleri ele alma kabiliyetini ifade etmektedir.<\/p>\n

Genel s\u0131n\u0131f menfaatlerini kavramaya muktedir oldu\u011fu ve bunlar\u0131 sadece iktisadi taleplere sahip oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na \u00f6\u011fretece\u011fi iddias\u0131 ile profesyonel devrimci entelekt\u00fcellerden m\u00fcrekkep siyasal partiye ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir konum tan\u0131yan Marksist-Leninist gelenek de; fabrika i\u00e7indeki kapitalist hegemonyan\u0131n Ortodoks Marksist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesini benimseyen ve bu tahlili k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve toplumsal hayat\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne y\u00f6nelik olarak geni\u015fleterek profesyonel entelekt\u00fcellerin rol\u00fcn\u00fc ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 k\u0131lan ele\u015ftirel kuramc\u0131lar da, \u00f6ncelikli olarak, i\u015f\u00e7ileri kurban haline getiren tahakk\u00fcm mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 anlamaya\/\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Oysa, sermayenin g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00fczerinde yo\u011funla\u015fan ve i\u015f\u00e7ileri esasen bask\u0131ya tepkisel ve devrim i\u00e7in d\u0131\u015fsal bir liderli\u011fe ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiren Marksist-Leninist gelenek ve Frankfuurt Okulu’nun aksine, toplumsal m\u00fccadeleler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde geli\u015fen Otonomist Marksist gelenek, bu tahakk\u00fcm mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve yeni toplumsal bir yap\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7ilerin otonom g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00fczerinde yo\u011funla\u015fmak gerekti\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n

Otonomist Markist gelene\u011fin ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6nermelerinden biri, sermayenin geli\u015fiminin i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadeleleri taraf\u0131ndan belirlendi\u011fi ve bu m\u00fccadeleleri izledi\u011fidir. Bu \u00f6nermenin dolays\u0131z bir sonucu, toplumsal \u00f6znelli\u011fin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn tarihsel geli\u015fme ve kurumlar\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan esasl\u0131 bir etken oldu\u011funun kabul\u00fcd\u00fcr. Otonomist Marksist gelenek, siyaset toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kabul eder. Toplumsal yap\u0131 ve \u015feylerin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc halleri, bu y\u00fczden, toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerin zaviyesinden, yani a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya, devrimin bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan okunabilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Durumu<\/p>\n

A. Negri’ye (1996: 154) g\u00f6re kapitalist geli\u015fmenin d\u00f6nemselle\u015ftirilmesi, bug\u00fcn yeni bir \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde oldu\u011fumuzun i\u015faretidir. Bu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n ay\u0131rdedici niteliklerinden biri, sermayenin \u00f6nceden hi\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f d\u00fczeyde bir i\u015fyeri otomasyonu, k\u00fcresel hareketlilik ve toplumsal denetim sa\u011flamak \u00fczere, enformasyon teknolojisini -bilgisayarlar\u0131n ve telekom\u00fcnikasyonun- yo\u011fun bir \u015fekilde kullan\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A. Negri, eserlerinde bu enformasyonel geli\u015fime b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6nem atfetmektedir ve genelde Otonomist Marksizmin, \u00f6zelde de A. Negri’nin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeleri, yeni bilgi ve ileti\u015fim bi\u00e7imlerinin yaln\u0131zca kapitalist tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak de\u011fil; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinin potansiyel kaynaklar\u0131 oldu\u011funu ortaya koymalar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlidir. (Witheford, 1994: 86)<\/p>\n

Otonomist Marksizmin teknoloji \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi, neo-Luddism’le bir h\u0131s\u0131ml\u0131\u011fa sahiptir. Ancak Otonomist Marksizmin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesinin orijinalli\u011fi tamamen farkl\u0131 bir boyutta tezah\u00fcr eder: Sermayenin enformasyonel yeniden yap\u0131lanmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sadece \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc an de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda yeniden yap\u0131lanmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 and\u0131r. Kitlesel i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>‘nin \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc an, yeni bir devrimci \u00f6znenin, yani toplumsal(la\u015fm\u0131\u015f) i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>‘nin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Y\u00fcksek teknoloji kapitalizminde, toplumsal eme\u011fin bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak kapitalist tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczeyde, s\u0131n\u0131f z\u0131ddiyetini yeniden tan\u0131mlama \u00e7abas\u0131, A. Negri’nin eserlerinde \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kan temalardan biridir. A. Negri’nin yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavram\u0131n\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ve z\u0131ddiyetler d\u00fczeyine uygun olarak geni\u015fletmek ve yeniden tan\u0131mlamakt\u0131r. A. Negri’nin eserlerinde, do\u011frudan \u00fcretim alan\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan z\u0131ddiyetleri a\u015fan bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavram\u0131 geli\u015ftirme \u00e7abas\u0131 g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar.<\/p>\n

A. Negri’ye g\u00f6re, yeni i\u015flevselcili\u011fin ve post-end\u00fcstriyel toplumbilim kuramc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n iddialar\u0131n\u0131n aksine, toplumsal alandaki yeni m\u00fccadele hareketleri, s\u0131n\u0131f z\u0131ddiyetinin yeni bir d\u00fczeyini temsil eder. Bu yeni d\u00fczey, hayati gereklilikler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin sonunu belirleyen yeni \u00f6znelliklerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na indirgenemez. De\u011fer bi\u00e7imini krizi, ki bu s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkisi olarak tezah\u00fcr eder, daha ziyade yeni d\u00fczeyde bir s\u0131n\u0131f z\u0131ddiyetinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 and\u0131r. A. Negri, bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesiyle uzun s\u00fcredir Ortodoks Marksizmi tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n fabrikaya ba\u011fl\u0131 s\u0131\u011f tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan d\u00fczeyde bir kuram geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

A. Negri, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumunu d\u00f6rt temel ba\u015fl\u0131k alt\u0131nda toplad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yirmi tez ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (A. Negri, 1996: 149-180)<\/p>\n

\u0130lk \u00fc\u00e7 tez, de\u011fer kuram\u0131 \u00fczerine daha \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00f6zetlemektedir.(5)<\/p>\n

A. Negri, de\u011fer kuram\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli olarak iki geleneksel temay\u0131, de\u011fer kanununun ge\u00e7erli\u011fi sorunu ile sosyalizm ile kom\u00fcnizm aras\u0131ndaki ge\u00e7i\u015fin geli\u015fimini, siyasal tarihin yeni evresi ile, yani t\u00fcm toplumun kapitalist birikim s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde sermayenin denetimi alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczden, fabrikada \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci bir \u00f6znellik olarak merkezili\u011finin sonu ile ilintilendirmye gayret etti\u011fini s\u00f6yler. (Negri, 1996: 149)<\/p>\n

\u0130lk \u00fc\u00e7 tezde, de\u011fer kanununun, emek ve birikimin daha \u00f6nceki ve tarihi ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerine ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, iktisadi i\u015flevinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sonunun, toplumsal eme\u011fe ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin merkezili\u011fini azaltmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. A. Negri i\u00e7in, Marx’\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi yeni alt \u00fcst edici\/y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6znellik bu mecrada aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. A. Negri, kurulu\u015fu (constitution<\/em>), emek yasas\u0131nca belirlenen toplumsal-siyasal mekanizma olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131ktan sonra, emek yasas\u0131 krizde de olsa, eme\u011fin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc kurulu\u015fun temeli oldu\u011funu ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme zaman\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, tahakk\u00fcm zaman\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretilmesi oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne tart\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

A. Negri’nin Michael Hardt ile birlikte kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, devlet bi\u00e7imi ele\u015ftirisine y\u00f6nelik eserin(6) ilk b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde yazd\u0131klar\u0131 da, A. Negri’nin ilk \u00fc\u00e7 tezi \u00f6zetlerken kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi daha anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Yazarlar, kitap boyunca sadece emekten, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcden yada kapitalizmden de\u011fil; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisinden, proleter m\u00fccadelelerden ve hatta kom\u00fcnist geleceklerden s\u00f6z edeceklerini a\u00e7\u0131klarlar. Kitap boyunca y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek olan tar\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n bu terimlerle sunuluyor olmas\u0131, ortodoksiden ya da inat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131ktan kaynaklanmamaktad\u0131r. Her iki yazar da “tutkular\u0131m\u0131zla ve \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00fcnya yorumumuzla uyumlu bir hale gelmeleri i\u00e7in daimi bir yeniden yorumlanma s\u00fcrecine tabi tutulduklar\u0131 s\u00fcrece”, an\u0131lan terimlerin, “siyasal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme i\u00e7in en yararl\u0131 kategoriler” olduklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmektedirler. (Hardt & Negri, 1994: 3)<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumunu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye y\u00f6nelik tezlerin ilk \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc takip eden yedisi, post-Fordizme ve post-Modernizme dairdir. A. Negri, post-Fordizmi “eme\u011fin yeni toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin temel ko\u015fulu ve yeni birikim modeli”, post-Modernizmi ise “bu yeni \u00fcretim tarz\u0131na uygun kapitalist ideoloji” olarak de\u011ferlendirir ve post-Fordizmin iktisadi-siyasal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini tan\u0131mlamaya ve post-Modernizmin esrar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bunlar\u0131 takip eden alt\u0131 tez, Marksist i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavram\u0131 ile ilgilidir. A. Nergi’ye g\u00f6re Marksist i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavram\u0131n\u0131 en temel sorunlar\u0131ndan ve en \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz zorluklar\u0131ndan biri, i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadeleleri ile kapitalist yeniden yap\u0131lanma ili\u015fkisinin diyalektik bir geli\u015fime sahip olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011finden kaynaklan\u0131r. M\u00fccadeleler geli\u015fmeye katk\u0131da bulunurlar, onu belirlerler ve geli\u015fmeyi ancak siyasal bilin\u00e7lilik devreye girdi\u011finde k\u0131rabilirler.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadeleleri, bu y\u00fczden, her zaman, sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 olduklar\u0131nda bile, onun i\u00e7indedirler. Bug\u00fcn, kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fiminin \u015fimdiki evresi ile \u00f6nceki evrelerini ay\u0131rdeden, daha \u00f6nceden sermaye taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen \u00fcretken toplumsal i\u015fbirli\u011finin \u015fimdi sermayenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir ko\u015fulu oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, e\u015fzamanl\u0131 ve s\u00fcre\u011fen \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, stratejik \u00e7eli\u015fkilere neden olmazlar. Bunal\u0131m, kendisini bir zorluk olarak ortaya koymaz; bunal\u0131m kapitalist s\u00fcrecin \u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bunu sermayenin kendisini yaln\u0131zca bir siyasal \u00f6zne, bir Devlet, bir \u0130ktidar olarak ortaya koyabilece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi izler.<\/p>\n

Kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fiminin her a\u015famas\u0131nda sermaye, her zaman, i\u015fbirli\u011finin bi\u00e7imini \u00f6nceden belirlemi\u015ftir. Bu bi\u00e7im, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc bi\u00e7iminin bir i\u015flevi olagelmi\u015ftir. Oysa \u015fimdi durum de\u011fi\u015fmektedir: ‘Sermaye, hipnotize eden, b\u00fcy\u00fcleyen bir g\u00fc\u00e7, bir fantazma, bir put olmu\u015ftur.’ Bunun \u00e7evresindeyse kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lman\u0131n radikal s\u00fcre\u00e7leri d\u00f6ner. Siyasal iktidar\u0131n hedefi, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7leri kapitalist bi\u00e7ime d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeye ba\u015flamak i\u00e7in, ikna ya da cebirle zorlamaktan ibarettir. (Negri, 1996: 165-6)<\/p>\n

A. Negri, son be\u015f tezde, tamamen yeni bir proleter \u00f6znellik tan\u0131m\u0131 olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Burada temel varsay\u0131m\u0131, devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinde, ancak s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci radikal bir \u015fekilde ve ontolojik olarak otonom ise, ifadesini bulabilece\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

Marksist Devlet Kuram\u0131<\/p>\n

A. Negri, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumunu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerken devlete de s\u0131ks\u0131k de\u011finir. Y\u0131llar \u00f6nce, liberal demokrasinin \u00f6nemli Avrupal\u0131 bir taraftar\u0131 olan Norberto Bobbio ile girdikleri tart\u0131\u015fmada, N. Bobbio, Marksist Devlet kuram\u0131n\u0131n, ancak ki\u015finin Marx’\u0131n eserlerini dikkatli bir \u015fekilde okumas\u0131yla nihai olarak ula\u015fabilecekleri oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f ve kendisinin bir \u015fey bulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir. Oysa, A. Negri i\u00e7in Marksist Devlet kuram\u0131, hukukun ve Devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n devrimci hareketin bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan pratik bir ele\u015ftirisidir. A. Negri bunu, ‘devrimci bir \u00f6znenin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n ve bunun g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ifade edilmesinin Marksist yorumsamas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 bir tecr\u00fcbe’ olarak tan\u0131mlar. (Hardt & Negri, 1994: 4) N. Bobbio hukukun ve Devletin Marksist bir kuram\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer ve bu yafta alt\u0131nda ge\u00e7enin yaln\u0131zca reel sosyalizm taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen eklektik ve vulgar bir kurgu oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerken; A. Negri, Marx’da hukukun ve Devlet’in, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi taraf\u0131ndan devrimci s\u00fcre\u00e7 boyunca geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f olan ve reel sosyalizmin kanunlar\u0131 ve anayasalar\u0131 ile bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f bulunan \u00e7ok radikal bir ele\u015ftirisinin varoldu\u011funu ortaya koyar.<\/p>\n

Sons\u00f6z<\/p>\n

Marx’\u0131n Devlet’in ve onun hukukunun olumlu <\/em>bir kuram\u0131n\u0131 sunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011finin, bir Marksist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemenin Devlet hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6yleyebilece\u011fi herhangi bir \u015feyi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmeyece\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcren A. Negri, Devlet’in Marksist bir ele\u015ftirisi i\u00e7in hareket noktas\u0131n\u0131n olumsuz oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Bu hareket noktas\u0131, Marx’\u0131n ‘\u015feylerin \u015fu andaki hallerini tahrip eden ger\u00e7ek harekettir’ diye tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kom\u00fcnizmdir.<\/p>\n

Bu temel hareket noktas\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131kan A. Negri, \u00f6ncelikli olarak “\u015feylerin \u015fu andaki halleri”ni tan\u0131maya ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye, ard\u0131ndan da “bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumu tahrip eden ger\u00e7ek hareket”i kavramaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Bu \u00e7aba, s\u00fcrekli bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nan ama her zaman kendini \u00f6zg\u00fcr k\u0131lan ya\u015fayan emek fikri ve tecr\u00fcbesiyle desteklenmektedir. Y\u00f6netim mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 alt \u00fcst eden ve y\u0131kan hareket halindeki ger\u00e7ek toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7leri kavraman\u0131n \u00f6nemini vurgulayan A. Negri, gayri-maddi eme\u011fin bask\u0131n bir hale geldi\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz toplumlar\u0131nda varolan iktidar\u0131n alternatifinin, toplumsal potansiyel g\u00fcc\u00fcn (potentia<\/em>) olumlu bir \u015fekilde hayata ge\u00e7irilmesi ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Devletin tahrip edilmesi, ancak toplumsal ve \u00fcretken i\u015fbirli\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n tahsis edilmesi ile d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir. “Y\u00f6netim takviye edilmi\u015f ve finansal kumandan\u0131n hizmetine sunulmu\u015f bir servettir. Bizim i\u00e7in bunu, toplumsal eme\u011fi idare etmek ve birikmi\u015f gayri-maddi eme\u011fin daha zengin bir \u015fekilde yeniden \u00fcretimini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, dayan\u0131\u015fma ve i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde ortaya konan bireysel emek tecr\u00fcbeleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yeniden tahsis etmek \u015fartt\u0131r.” (Negri, 1995)<\/p>\n

Notlar<\/p>\n

1 Antonio Negri, Marx Oltre Marx: Quaderni Di Lavoro Sui Grundrisse (Milan: Feltrinelli, 1979); Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the Grundrisse (New York: Autonomedia, 1991).
2 A. Negri, “kom\u00fcnizm ve ge\u00e7i\u015f” meselesini Marx’\u0131n Grundrisse’de yazd\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, sosyalizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na da de\u011finir. (Negri, 1991: 151-169)
3 Harry Cleaver (1992b: 10), bu yeniden kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n Marx’\u0131n Ortodoks Marksistlerce uzun bir s\u00fcredir g\u00f6zard\u0131 edilen kendi kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 ile uyum i\u00e7inde olu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerek, Alman \u0130deolojisi’nden \u015fu iki c\u00fcmleye dikkat \u00e7eker: “Bizim i\u00e7in kom\u00fcnizm, in\u015fa edilecek bir durum, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin kendini uyduraca\u011f\u0131 bir ideal de\u011fildir. Kom\u00fcnizmi \u015feylerin \u015fu anki halini tahrip eden ger\u00e7ek hareket olarak adland\u0131r\u0131yoruz.” (Karl Marx, 1845-46)
4 Kendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u0130talyanca asl\u0131 autovalorizazzione’dir. Kavram \u0130ngilizce’de self-valorization kelimesi ile kar\u015f\u0131lanmaktad\u0131r.
5 A. Negri’nin de\u011fer kuram\u0131n\u0131 ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nceki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u015funlard\u0131r: Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the Grundrisse (New York: Autonomedia, 1991); Revolution Retrieved (Londra: Red Notes, 1988) ve Labor of Dionysus: A Critique of the State-Form (Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 1994).
6 Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus: A Critique of the State-Form (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994)<\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00f6kmen<\/p>\n

Kaynaklar<\/p>\n

Cleaver, Harry 1992a: “The Inversion of Class Perspective in Marxian Theoty: From Valorization to Self-Valorizaiton”, Bonefeld, Gunn, Psychopedis (der.) Open Marxism, Cilt 2 i\u00e7inde. Londra: Pluto Press.
Cleaver, Harry 1992b: “Kropotkin, Self-Valorization and the Crisis of Marxism” gopher:\/\/mundo.eco.utexas.edu:70\/11\/fac\/hmcleave\/Cleaver%20Papers
Fleming, Jim 1991: “Editor’s Preface”, Negri, Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the Grundrisse i\u00e7inde. New York: Autonomedia.
Guattari, F\u00e9lix; Negri, Toni 1990: Communists Like Us: New Spaces of Liberty, New Lines of Allience, \u00e7evirenler, M. Ryan, J. Becker. New York: Semiotext(e).
Hardt, Michael; Negri, Antonio 1994: Labor of Dionysus: A Critique of the State-Form. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Melitopoulos, Angela 1997: “Negri Hapiste”, \u00e7evirenler: U. Baker, T. Bora, Birikim 101, Eyl\u00fcl.
Negri, Antonio 1997: “Yeni \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Alanlar\u0131’na Ek”, \u00e7eviren \u00d6. G\u00f6kmen, Birikim 101, Eyl\u00fcl.
Negri, Antonio 1996: “Twenty Thesis on Marx: Interpretation of the Class Situation Today”, S. Makdisi, C. Casarino, R. Karl (der.) Marxism Beyond Marxism, i\u00e7inde. New York: Routledge.
Negri, Toni 1995: “Kurucu Cumhuriyet”, \u00e7eviren: \u00d6. G\u00f6kmen, Birikim 97, Kas\u0131m.
Negri, Antonio 1991a: The Savage Anomaly: The Power of Spinoza’s Metaphsics and Politics, \u00e7eviren: M. Hardt. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Negri, Antonio 1991b: Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the Grundrisse, \u00e7evirenler: H. Cleaver, M. Ryan, M. Viano. New York: Autonomedia.
Negri, Antonio 1989: The Politics of Subversion: A Manifesto for the Twenty-First Century, \u00e7eviren: J. Newell. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Negri, Antonio 1988: Revolution Retrieved: Selected Writings on Marx, Keynes, Capitalist Crisis and New Social Subjects 1967-1983. Londra: Red Notes.
Witheford, Nick 1994: “Autonomist Marxism and the Information Society”, Capital and Class 52, Spring.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Antonio Negri, tarihin sonunun geldi\u011fi iddia edilen bir d\u00f6nemde “yeni \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck alanlar\u0131”n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik siyasal bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen militanlar\u0131ndan biridir. “Kom\u00fcnist program\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve devrimci tercihe y\u00f6nelik siyasal ve etik bir sadakatle” 1980 ba\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n kasvetli havas\u0131nda, “umuda dair bir s\u00f6ylemi yenileyerek”, bir kez daha devrim hakk\u0131nda yazmaya ba\u015flar. (Negri, 1997)A. Negri’nin \u00e7abas\u0131 bir umut […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[99],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4094","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-dunya"},"yoast_head":"\nK\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar\u0131n fikir babas\u0131 olarak su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ; Antonio Negri | \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00f6kmen - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar\u0131n fikir babas\u0131 olarak su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ; Antonio Negri | \u00d6zg\u00fcr G\u00f6kmen\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Antonio Negri, tarihin sonunun geldi\u011fi iddia edilen bir d\u00f6nemde “yeni \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck alanlar\u0131”n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik siyasal bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen militanlar\u0131ndan biridir. “Kom\u00fcnist program\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve devrimci tercihe y\u00f6nelik siyasal ve etik bir sadakatle” 1980 ba\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n kasvetli havas\u0131nda, “umuda dair bir s\u00f6ylemi yenileyerek”, bir kez daha devrim hakk\u0131nda yazmaya ba\u015flar. 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Negri’nin \u00e7abas\u0131 bir umut […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"narteks.net\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2010-01-29T10:00:33+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"http:\/\/www.aylakadamiz.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2010\/09\/negri-2.jpg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Tar\u0131k\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@narteks\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@narteks\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Yazan:\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Tar\u0131k\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"30 dakika\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/29\/kizil-tugaylarin-fikir-babasi-olarak-suclanmis-bir-dusunur-antonio-negri-ozgur-gokmen\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Tar\u0131k\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#\/schema\/person\/61f37d9834294b72d31d274e7ed79bca\"},\"headline\":\"K\u0131z\u0131l Tugaylar\u0131n fikir babas\u0131 olarak su\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr ; 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