![](\"http:\/\/www.tulumba.com\/mmTULUMBA\/Images\/bk\/zBK331041IE777_250.jpg\")
G\u0130R\u0130\u015e<\/p>\nG\u0130R\u0130\u015e<\/p>\n
Bu makale, anar\u015fizmin \u201cklasik\u201d d\u00f6nemi (1860\/70-1939) boyunca Avrupa anar\u015fist ve sendikalist hareketlerinin enternasyonalizmi \u00fczerine odaklanacakt\u0131r.1 Her ne kadar anar\u015fizm ile anar\u015fistlerin ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fun ve ulusal hareketlerin tam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131lsa da, onlar da, aynen sosyalistler ve sosyalizm ideolojisi (ve hatta Marksizm) gibi, hem ulus\u00e7ulukla hem de ulus-devletle yak\u0131n ve sembiyotik bir ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisindeydiler.2 Bu, sosyalizm ile kom\u00fcnizmin Avrupa\u2019daki tarihine ait eski bir teman\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131yla g\u00f6sterilebilir: ulusal temelli siyas\u00ee parti ve hareketlerin ayn\u0131 zamanda resm\u00ee olarak enternasyonalist ideolojiye ba\u011fl\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikilemler.3 Bu, on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortalar\u0131 ile \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde, Avrupa\u2019da anar\u015fizm ile ulus\u00e7uluk aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi sorgulamaya y\u00f6nelik yakla\u015f\u0131mlardan sadece birisidir. Bir ba\u015fka makalede, b\u00f6lgecilik, ulus\u00e7uluk ve ulus sorununun, \u0130talyan ve \u0130spanyol anar\u015fist hareketleri i\u00e7erisindeki rollerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131m.4 \u0130kinci bir makale, 1880\u2032den ayn\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonuna kadar ge\u00e7en d\u00f6nemde Paris\u2019deki anar\u015fistler ile pop\u00fcler anti-Semitizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi inceleyecek.5 \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, Makhnov\u015f\u00e7ina i\u00e7indeki (1918-1921 Rus \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda zaman zaman Ukrayna\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131na alan Nestor Makhno\u2019nun Ukraynal\u0131 \u201canar\u015fist\u201d ordusu) az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle Yahudilerin rol\u00fcn\u00fc inceleyecek.6 D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc makale ise, ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fun iki anar\u015fist entelekt\u00fcel kuramc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ele alacak: Avusturyal\u0131 Marksistlerin kozmopolit bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7erisinde ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerin hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunma \u00e7abalar\u0131yla benzerlikler sergileyen iki Alman\u0131, Gustav Landauer ve Rudolf Rocker\u2019i.7<\/p>\n
Bu makale esas olarak Birinci ve \u0130kinci Enternasyonaller ile \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc\u2019s\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011fu\u015fu \u00fczerine odaklanacak. Modern anar\u015fist hareketin fidanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan Enternasyonalizmin ideolojisi ile siyas\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc inceleyece\u011fim. Federalist veya b\u00f6lgeci cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik ile anar\u015fistler aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flant\u0131 vurgulanarak, 1871 Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn etkisinin alt\u0131 \u00e7izilecek. Ard\u0131ndan, Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019in \u201canti-otoriter\u201d Enternasyonalistlerini ayakta tutan (ve asl\u0131nda onlar\u0131 Marksist kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131na ba\u011flayan) kozmopolit ekonomi politi\u011fi inceleyerek Birinci Enternasyonal tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sonu\u00e7land\u0131raca\u011f\u0131m. Emek piyasalar\u0131nda k\u00fcresel bir dengeli oyun alan\u0131n\u0131 [level playing field, taraflar\u0131n ayn\u0131 avantaj ve dezavantajlara sahip oldu\u011fu durum] garanti alt\u0131na alma arzusu, emek enternasyonalizmini geli\u015ftirme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nce te\u015fvik etti, ancak nihayetinde ise s\u0131n\u0131rlam\u0131d\u0131. Bunu, \u0130kinci Enternasyonal ile \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kapsayan d\u00f6nem boyunca anar\u015fistlerin ve sendikalistlerin enternasyonalizmi hakk\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fma takip edecek. Bu d\u00f6nemde, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn \u201cyurtsever miras\u0131\u201d ile k\u00fcresel dengeli oyun alan\u0131 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131, anar\u015fist ve sendikalist enternasyonalizmini hem \u015fekillendirmi\u015f hem de s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n
B\u0130R\u0130NC\u0130 ENTERNASYONAL VE ON DOKUZUNCU Y\u00dcZYILIN SONLARINDA ANAR\u015e\u0130ZM\u0130N AVRUPA\u2019DAK\u0130 \u0130DEOLOJ\u0130K KUVVET-ALANI<\/p>\n
Anar\u015fizm, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bir ideoloji ve toplumsal pratikler k\u00fcmesi olarak, Birinci Enternasyonal ile Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00f6neminin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Asl\u0131nda, iyice tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f Marksist ve Anar\u015fist ideolojiler ancak 1870\u2032lerin sonunda ve hatta 1880\u2032lerde ger\u00e7ekten belirginle\u015fir.8 \u201cBilimsel sosyalizm\u201d olarak Marksizmin Avrupa sosyalist hareketi i\u00e7ine n\u00fcfuz etmesi on y\u0131llar\u0131 ald\u0131.9 Alman sosyal demokratlar\u0131 ile di\u011fer sosyal demokratlar\u0131n 1880\u2032den sonra b\u00fcy\u00fcyen siyas\u00ee partileri i\u00e7in Marks veya Engels\u2019in \u201cbilimsel sosyalizm\u201di uygun g\u00f6rmelerine olduk\u00e7a benzer bir \u015fekilde, Proudhon, Bakunin ve Kropotkin\u2019in siyas\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi de toplumsal hareketler taraf\u0131ndan benimsendi\u011finde ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc. B\u00f6ylece, Marksizmin yay\u0131lmas\u0131, al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve \u00f6z\u00fcmsenmesine paralel bir \u015fekilde, Fransa, \u0130talya ve \u0130spanya\u2019daki belli baz\u0131 toplumsal hareketler Marksist ideoloji yerine anar\u015fist ideolojiye daha yatk\u0131nd\u0131lar. Anar\u015fist tarihin \u201cBermuda \u00fc\u00e7geni\u201dne ili\u015fkin ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 monografiler (1870\u2032ler ve 1880\u2032ler), anarko-kolektivist ve anarko-kom\u00fcnist doktrinlerin evrimini, yeni d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere e\u015fsiz derecede a\u00e7\u0131k olan siyas\u00ee alt-k\u00fclt\u00fcrler ba\u011flam\u0131nda, ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir \u015fekilde incelemi\u015ftir.10 Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, \u201canar\u015fist\u201d terimi, \u201ckolektivist\u201d, \u201ckom\u00fcnist\u201d ve daha sonralar\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcndeki \u201cliberter\u201d terimlerinden daha az ilgi \u00e7ekiciydi.<\/p>\n
Benim buradaki amac\u0131m a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u201cfederalist\u201d ve \u201centernasyonalist\u201d ana belirte\u00e7lerdir. Anar\u015fizmin on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda Avrupa toplumsal hareketlerini etkilemesini anlayabilmek i\u00e7in, kavram\u0131 ve onun ilgili pratiklerini daha geni\u015f bir kuvvet alan\u0131 i\u00e7erisine yerle\u015ftirmek gerekir. Anar\u015fizm, daha geni\u015f bir on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l gelene\u011finin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r: anar\u015fizmin radikal federalist ve enternasyonalist cumhuriyet\u00e7ilikle \u00e7ok yak\u0131n ili\u015fkisini dikkate almadan, anar\u015fizmin k\u00f6kenlerini bireysel biyografi veya daha genel toplumsal hareket d\u00fczeylerinde anlamak imkans\u0131z olur.<\/p>\n
Bu siyas\u00ee ak\u0131mlar\u0131 \u015fekillendiren unsurlar, 1848 devrimleri, 1860\u2032larda Almanya, \u0130talya ve \u0130spanya\u2019da ya\u015fanan ulusal devrimlerin art\u00e7\u0131 etkileri, ve bu son iki ulusun cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerinin Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla olan etkile\u015fimleriydi. Federalist ve enternasyonalist cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik gelene\u011fi yaln\u0131zca k\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Britanya \u00c7artist sonras\u0131 radikalizminin \u201cistisnac\u0131\u201d [exceptionalist] vakas\u0131nda bile, bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n k\u0131sa da olsa dikkate de\u011fer bir etkisi olmu\u015f ve Britanyal\u0131 sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019e y\u00f6nlendirmi\u015ftir.11<\/p>\n
ANAR\u015e\u0130ZM, PAN-ULUS\u00c7ULUK VE YURTSEVERL\u0130K: B\u0130R\u0130NC\u0130 ENTERNASYONAL<\/p>\n
Do\u011fu\u015fundan itibaren Enternasyonal (1864-1876) i\u00e7erisinde anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar vard\u0131, ve ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma anti-sosyalist Mazzini taraftar\u0131 ulus\u00e7ular ile t\u00fcm di\u011fer klikleri \u2015kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar (Proudhon\u2019un takip\u00e7ileri), federalistler ve Marks\u2019\u0131n destek\u00e7ileri\u2015 kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirdi. Asl\u0131nda, Bakunin\u2019in Marks ile ittifak\u0131, Mazzini taraftarlar\u0131 ile daha \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n marjinalle\u015ftirilmeleri i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli idi. Ancak, Marks ile Engels, b\u00fcy\u00fck ve yekpare \u201ctarihsel\u201d devletlerin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131 benimserken, Proudhon veya Bakunin\u2019in etkisindeki federalistler ile Enternasyonalistler ise b\u00f6lge, kanton ve kom\u00fcn\u00fc savunuyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n
Proudhon\u2019un \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc takip\u00e7ilerinin Enternasyonal i\u00e7erisinde etkili olmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemedi. Onun \u0130spanya, \u0130talya ve tabii ki Fransa\u2019daki n\u00fcfuzu, anar\u015fizmin 1870\u2032den sonraki yay\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in zemin haz\u0131rlad\u0131. Proudhon merkezile\u015fmeye ve Jakobenizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakla birlikte b\u00f6lgesel yurtseverli\u011fi d\u0131\u015flam\u0131yordu. Ancak onu bu y\u00f6ne sevk eden \u015fey neydi? Baz\u0131 tarih\u00e7iler Proudhon\u2019un k\u00f6kenleri ile onun Jakoben kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 federalizmi aras\u0131nda ba\u011flant\u0131lar kurmu\u015ftur.12 Franche Comt\u00e9\u2019li olan Proudhon, Fransa\u2019ya g\u00f6rece k\u0131sa zaman \u00f6nce (1690\u2032lar) dahil edilen ve h\u00e2l\u00e2 Paris\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 belirgin bir d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k besleyen bir b\u00f6lgede do\u011fmu\u015ftu. Keza, Fransa\u2019n\u0131n yan\u0131ba\u015f\u0131ndaki \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019nin, \u00f6zellikle 1848 i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019nin, Proudhon\u2019un federalist yurtseverli\u011fi i\u00e7in bir model olu\u015fturdu\u011fu da \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Proudhon, merkezile\u015fen \u0130talyan ve Alman ulus\u00e7ular\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 derin bir g\u00fcvensizlik duyuyordu. Proudhon ile Mazzini birbirlerinden hi\u00e7 ho\u015flanmazlard\u0131. Yerel k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve zanaatk\u00e2rlar\u0131n geleneklerini besleyen Alman ve \u0130talyan devletlerindeki zengin b\u00f6lgesel geleneklere hayrand\u0131. Ancak, baz\u0131 tarih\u00e7iler, federalist ve Jakoben kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olsa da, Proudhon\u2019un yine de bir Frans\u0131z federalisti ve Jakoben kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrerler. Birle\u015fmi\u015f bir Almanya ve \u0130talya, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi i\u00e7erisinde Fransa\u2019n\u0131n h\u00e2kimiyetini tehdit ediyordu.13 Clemenceau\u2019nun Jakoben kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 beklentisi gibi, Proudhon da Fransa\u2019s\u0131n\u0131n grandeur\u2019unu [ihti\u015fam] korumak amac\u0131yla zay\u0131f kom\u015fular\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 arzuluyordu.<\/p>\n
Bakunin\u2019in, \u0130talya ile \u0130spanya\u2019daki federalist cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019e kazand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fc enine boyuna ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.14 Bakunin\u2019in anar\u015fizminin \u0130talyanlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bug\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.15 Mazzini ile ve daha dolayl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde Garibaldi ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar, ve Risorgimento [\u0130talya’n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesini temsilen ‘Yeniden Dirili\u015f’] kahraman\u0131 Carlo Pisacane\u2019nin miras\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 etkisi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli ad\u0131mlard\u0131. 1860\u2032lar\u0131n \u00f6ncesinde Bakunin, t\u00fcm niyet ve ama\u00e7lar\u0131yla bir Pan-Slavc\u0131 idi. Kolektivist liberter bir sosyalist olmas\u0131 ancak 1860\u2032larda \u0130talya\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131t olarak, \u0130spanya\u2019da ise, yak\u0131n zamanda Bakuninci Enternasyonalizm\u2019e y\u00f6nelen \u0130talyan Cumhuriyet\u00e7ileri, ilk \u0130spanyol anar\u015fistleri ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karacak olan kantoncu, federalist ve anaak\u0131m Cumhuriyet\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki \u00fc\u00e7 tarafl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmada kataliz\u00f6r i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fcler.<\/p>\n
PAR\u0130S KOM\u00dcN\u00dc VE ENTERNASYONAL\u0130STLER\u0130N \u201cYURTSEVER\u201d K\u00d6KENLER\u0130<\/p>\n
1917 \u00f6ncesinde, Avrupa Solu\u2019nun b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kesimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, 1871 Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc ve 1886 Chicago Haymarket ayaklanmas\u0131 iki belirleyici an oldu. Ulusal temelli anar\u015fist hareketleri do\u011furan enternasyonalizm iki imgeden kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: Kom\u00fcnc\u00fclerin \u015fehitli\u011fi ve Chicago\u2019lu anar\u015fistlerin idam edilmesi.16 Bu imgeler, bu makalenin iki temas\u0131n\u0131 ayd\u0131nlatmaya hizmet eder. B\u00f6ylece, Kom\u00fcn\u2019\u00fcn devrimci, kendili\u011finden yurtseverli\u011fi, anar\u015fistler ve sendikalistler ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (onlar\u0131n fark\u0131nda oldu\u011fundan daha fazla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde) cumhuriyet\u00e7i gelene\u011fe yak\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Kom\u00fcn ile Birinci Enternasyonal, 1890\u2032larda sendikalist stratejinin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapan ve 1914 \u00f6ncesinde sendikalist hareketin y\u0131lmaz neferleri haline gelen anar\u015fistler i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctsel i\u015faretler olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131. Chicago\u2019lu anar\u015fistlerin sekiz saatlik i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fccadelesinden kaynaklanan Bir May\u0131s\u2019\u0131n enternasyonalist sembolizmi, takip eden on y\u0131llarda anar\u015fist ve sosyalist siyas\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn belirleyici \u00e7izgisi oldu. 1890\u2032larda, Avrupa\u2019daki kanun ve nizam kuvvetlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu Bir May\u0131s\u2019\u0131 anar\u015fist devrimci bir meydan okuma olarak de\u011ferlendiriyordu. Anar\u015fistler ve radikal sosyalistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ise, 1890\u2032larda Bir May\u0131s, end\u00fcstriyel varo\u015flar\u0131n burjuva \u015fehir merkezlerine h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu, uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir g\u00fcnl\u00fck k\u00fcresel genel grevi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Ancak, Bir May\u0131s, 1914\u2032e gelindi\u011finde, sosyalist reformist ulusal b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme stratejileri i\u00e7erisine asimile olmas\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tacak \u015fekilde, b\u00fcy\u00fck emek\u00e7i taburlar\u0131n\u0131n kararl\u0131 olmakla birlikte disiplinli, bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir kuvvet g\u00f6sterisiyle kaslar\u0131n\u0131 gerdikleri bir i\u015f\u00e7i bayram\u0131 haline gelmi\u015fti.17<\/p>\n
Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc, ne Marksistlerin ne de anar\u015fistlerin h\u00e2kimiyetindeydi.18 Harekete ge\u00e7irici kuvveti, uluslararas\u0131 bir devrimden ziyade, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f Parisli kentli gururu ile Frans\u0131z yurtseverli\u011fiydi: Prusyal\u0131lar ve onlar\u0131n Versailles\u2019deki Frans\u0131z u\u015faklar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmand\u0131. Ancak, Frans\u0131z yurtseverlik f\u0131s\u0131lt\u0131lar\u0131 Enternasyonal\u2019de dikkate al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6ylece de, 1870\u2032lerde ve 1880\u2032lerde \u0130spanyol anar\u015fistlerinin kendilerini enternasyonal\u2019in ulusal birimi [\u015fubesi] de\u011fil de b\u00f6lgesel birimi olarak adland\u0131rmalar\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, ulusal bir modelden ziyade uluslararas\u0131 bir model \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.19 Bununla birlikte, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn \u201canar\u015fistler\u201d taraf\u0131ndan yayg\u0131n \u201cokunma \u015fekli\u201d ve Alman Karl Marks ile olan anla\u015fmazl\u0131k, farzolunan veya a\u00e7\u0131k bir Alman kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u00f6nyarg\u0131ya (Proudhon ile Bakunin\u2019de kaba anti-Semitizme) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. B\u00f6ylece, otoriter Alman \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu do\u011fal uzant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 Marksist otoriter devlet\u00e7i sosyalizmde buldu. Bu mant\u0131k Bakunin ve Kropotkin\u2019in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu, Bakunin\u2019in etkili eseri Devlet ve Anar\u015fi\u2019de bulunur, ve Kropotkin\u2019in 1880\u2032lerden 1914\u2032e kadarki yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda tekrar tekrar ifade edilir.20 Asl\u0131nda, 1914\u2032de sava\u015f patlak verdi\u011finde ve Kropotkin hararetle M\u00fcttefikleri destekledi\u011finde, \u0130talyan anar\u015fisti Errico Malatesta Kropotkin\u2019in \u201cAlman-fobisi\u201dnin sava\u015ftan \u00f6nce anar\u015fist \u00e7evrelerde gayet iyi bilindi\u011fini, ancak Rus\u2019un \u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015f\u00fcphecileri sessizle\u015ftirdi\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.21<\/p>\n
Irksal ve ulusal \u015fablonculuk do\u011fald\u0131r ki sadece St. Imier Enternasyonali\u2019nin anti-otoriter sesleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildi. Bakunin\u2019in Marksist kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131, Genel Konsey\u2019de Bakunin ve arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00c7ar\u2019\u0131n ajanlar\u0131 olmakla su\u00e7lad\u0131lar. Gerek Bakunin gerekse daha sonralar\u0131 Kropotkin Polonya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve Rus \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019na kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 desteklemi\u015f olsalar da, onlar Rusya\u2019y\u0131 di\u011fer Slav uluslar\u0131n etraf\u0131nda uyum i\u00e7inde olacaklar\u0131 bir g\u00f6vde k\u00fclt\u00fcr olarak tasavvur ediyorlard\u0131.22 Bakunin, Slav proleteryas\u0131 ile k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn hi\u00e7bir zaman devlet tap\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Rus Devletinin bizzat Alman kam\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Ancak, Bakunin, Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n g\u00fcney periferisinin yoksullar\u0131na olan be\u011fenisiyle; \u0130talya ile \u0130spanya\u2019n\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fc, zanaatk\u00e2r ve i\u015fsiz \u00f6\u011frencilerinin devrimci potansiyelini methetti\u011fi biraz abart\u0131l\u0131, \u201coryantalist\u201d pasajlar\u0131yla hat\u0131rlan\u0131r.23<\/p>\n
T\u00fcm bunlar, anar\u015fizm hakk\u0131ndaki standart tarih kitaplar\u0131 ile biyografilerden g\u00f6rece gayet iyi bilinmektedir. Bakunin ile Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019in di\u011fer \u00f6nde gelen \u015fahsiyetlerinin \u0131rksal ve ulusal \u015fablonlara ba\u015fvurmalar\u0131 tarihsel anlat\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r: Bakunin, defalarca \u201cLatinler\u201d ile Slavlar aras\u0131nda g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc bir yak\u0131nl\u0131k [elective affinity, di\u011fer uluslarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu iki ulus aras\u0131nda \u00f6zel bir yak\u0131nla\u015fma e\u011filiminin olmas\u0131] te\u015fhis eder. Ulusal veya \u201c\u0131rksal\u201d a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamalar\u0131n bu bilindik tarihi ve Proudhon ile Bakunin\u2019in \u015fok edici Semitizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r hakaretleri s\u0131k s\u0131k dile getirilmi\u015ftir. As\u0131l \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 olan \u015fey ise anti-Marksist St. Imier Enternasyonali\u2019nin bizzat ulusal veya \u201cb\u00f6lgesel\u201d birimlerinde, tabanda benzer duygular\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin kan\u0131tlar\u0131n ke\u015ffedilmesidir. Anar\u015fizme y\u00f6nelen s\u00fcrg\u00fcn edilmi\u015f bir Rus narodnik\u2019i olan Kropotkin bunun en ba\u015fta gelen \u00f6rne\u011fidir.<\/p>\n
1870\u2032lerde Enternasyonal, \u0130spanya, \u0130talya ve Fransa\u2019da (\u201cMarksistler\u201d ile \u201canar\u015fistler\u201d aras\u0131nda) hiziplere b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcr ve kanun-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 hale gelirken, engellenmeksizin geli\u015fmesine izin verilen az say\u0131daki toplumsal hareketlerden birisi de \u0130svi\u00e7re Jura saat-imal\u00e2t\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcyd\u00fc. Saat-imal\u00e2t\u0131 mesle\u011finin zanaat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa \u00f6zg\u00fc mizac\u0131n\u0131n Jura zanaatk\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131 Bakuninci liberter kolektivizmi desteklemeye yatk\u0131n k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011fru olsa da, Mario Vuilleumier, b\u00f6lgesel, etnik ve din\u00ee kimliklerin onlar\u0131n siyas\u00ee ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczerinde nas\u0131l \u2015 belirleyici olmasa bile\u2015 \u00f6nemli bir etkisi oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.24 Bakuninci saat-imal\u00e2t\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu Chaux de Fonds, Almanca konu\u015fulan kom\u015fu Bern kantonunun h\u00e2kimiyetine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve keza eskiden Prusya idaresi alt\u0131nda olan Neuch\u00e2tel kantonunun otoriter geleneklerine i\u00e7erliyordu. Chaux de Fonds\u2019un radikal Protestanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 l\u00e2ik bir radikalizme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Vuilleumier, ulusal Arbeiterbund [\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin Birli\u011fi] ile olan anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131nda Jural\u0131 anar\u015fistlerin, Bakunin\u2019in Marksist ve \u201cAlman otoriter\u201d Enternasyonal\u2019ine sald\u0131r\u0131rken kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 dile benzer bir dil kulland\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 belirtir. Asl\u0131nda, Rus anar\u015fistinin dilini ba\u015fka s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerle ifade ediyor gibi g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcrler, ancak bunu kadim frankofon ademi merkeziyet\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve bireysel sorumluluk geleneklerini vurgulayan yerel bir \u201cmuhalif\u201d siyas\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcrle harmanlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131.<\/p>\n
B\u00f6ylece, kantoncu ve federalist olan, ruhbanl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 veya muhalif Cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik gelenekleri, \u0130talya, \u0130spanya veya \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019de, anti-Otoriter Enternasyonel\u2019e uzanan bir k\u00f6pr\u00fc i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Enternasyonalizmin bu bi\u00e7imi, hem Paris kom\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn imgesi, hem de Almanya ve \u201cAlman sosyalizmi\u201dne kar\u015f\u0131 \u015f\u00fcphe duymaya yatk\u0131n militan ve liderlerin \u00f6rt\u00fck (ve a\u00e7\u0131k) varsay\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde temellenmi\u015fti. Her ne kadar \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Cumhuriyet\u2019in \u00e7irkin ger\u00e7ekleri onlar\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcn Fransa\u2019s\u0131n\u0131 sevmesine engel olsa da, yine de ba\u015fka bir devrimci Fransa\u2019n\u0131n yurtsever imgesi sava\u015f \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde Avrupal\u0131 anar\u015fist ve sendikalistlerin zihinlerinin derinliklerinde yer etmeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u015eimdi bu makalenin bir di\u011fer temas\u0131na y\u00f6nelece\u011fim: emek dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak enternasyonalizmin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131.<\/p>\n
EMEK DAYANI\u015eMASI VE B\u0130R\u0130NC\u0130 ENTERNASYONAL: ENTERNASYONAL\u0130ZM VE KOZMOPOL\u0130T EKONOM\u0130 POL\u0130T\u0130K (DENGEL\u0130 OYUN ALANI 1)<\/p>\n
Marks ile Bakunin, asl\u0131nda Enternasyonal\u2019in tamam\u0131, Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019n\u0131n, on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l ekonomi politi\u011finin ve \u201c\u00fctopyac\u0131 sosyalizm\u201din miras\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece, \u201ckamplar\u201d\u0131n her ikisi de, modern ticar\u00ee ve end\u00fcstriyel kapitalizmin iyi ya da k\u00f6t\u00fc yeni bir k\u00fcresel, kozmopolit d\u00fczen getirece\u011fini \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir dizi varsay\u0131m\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yordu.25 Birinci Enternasyonal, gerek Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc ile olan belli belirsiz ili\u015fkisinden, gerekse Kom\u00fcn\u2019\u00fcn, vah\u015fice bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, \u0130spanya, Fransa veya \u0130talya\u2019daki cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin Enternasyonalistlere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine yard\u0131mc\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki imaj\u0131ndan dolay\u0131, burjuva Avrupa\u2019s\u0131nda k\u00f6t\u00fc bir \u00fcne sahipti. Ancak, bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olarak Enternasyonal, Britanya Yeni Model Sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019e cezbedilmesi sayesinde s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 da olsa ger\u00e7ek bir n\u00fcfuz edindi. Baz\u0131 Britanyal\u0131 sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n, 1860\u2032lar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda ve 1870\u2032lerin ba\u015flar\u0131nda Londra ve ba\u015fka yerlerde canl\u0131 bir sa\u011flam zemine sahip olan radikal cumhuriyet\u00e7i ve Kom\u00fcnc\u00fc dayan\u0131\u015fma k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden etkilendikleri do\u011fru olabilir. Daha bask\u0131n bir cazibe noktas\u0131 ise, Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019in ucuz anak\u0131ta eme\u011finin Britanyal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin y\u00fcksek \u00fccretlerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmesini engellemekte faydal\u0131 olmas\u0131yd\u013126 Marcel van der Linden, Britanya modeli sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n, kendi modern end\u00fcstriyel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fcvenceye almak i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fine nas\u0131l ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.27 Britanyal\u0131lar, anak\u0131ta emek piyasalar\u0131 \u00fczerinde kontrol olmazsa, Bel\u00e7ika veya Fransa\u2019dan ithal edilecek ucuz ve nitelikli eme\u011fin kendi y\u00fcksek \u00fccretlerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrece\u011fini hissediyorlard\u0131. Ancak, Britanya\u2019daki nitelikli i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyas\u00ee ve ekonomik haklar\u0131 en az\u0131ndan bir ku\u015fak boyunca g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131ktan; kuzey-merkez Avrupa\u2019daki h\u0131zl\u0131 end\u00fcstriyelle\u015fme, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyas\u00ee olarak daha iyi eklemlenmi\u015f bir kesimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Britanya\u2019dakine paralel iyice eklemlenmi\u015f ve korunan ulusal emek piyasalar\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131ktan sonra, bu t\u00fcr enternasyonalizmin sesi kesildi ve yerini ulusal b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme [entegrasyon] siyaseti ald\u0131.28 B\u00f6ylece, oyun alan\u0131n\u0131 dengelemek i\u00e7in Britanyal\u0131 sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n art\u0131k enternasyonalist stratejilere ba\u015fvurmas\u0131na gerek kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n
\u0130K\u0130NC\u0130 ENTERNASYONAL D\u00d6NEM\u0130NDE ANAR\u015e\u0130ZM VE SEND\u0130KAL\u0130ST ENTERNASYONAL\u0130ZM<\/p>\n
1889\u2032dan sonra, ulusal ve parlamenter sosyalist partilerden meydana gelen \u0130kinci Enternasyonal, anar\u015fistleri ilk \u00f6nce marjinalle\u015ftirdi ve en sonunda da 1896\u2032da ihra\u00e7 etti.29 Her ne kadar anar\u015fistler anti-otoriter Enternasyonali yeniden canland\u0131rmak i\u00e7in 1907\u2032de Amsterdam\u2019da bir toplant\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapsalar da (\u201cMarksist\u201d Birinci Enternasyonal, Amerikan sosyalist hareketi \u00fczerinde bir tak\u0131m etkilerinin olaca\u011f\u0131 ABD\u2019ye g\u00f6nderilmi\u015fti), bu ancak anar\u015fistler aras\u0131 bir yaz\u0131\u015fma toplulu\u011funa yol a\u00e7abildi.30 Ancak, anar\u015fistler b\u00fcy\u00fcyen k\u00fcresel sendikalist hareket i\u00e7erisinde seslerini duyurdular.<\/p>\n
Sendikalistler 1913\u2032e gelene kadar kendi Enternasyonal\u2019lerini olu\u015fturmad\u0131lar.31 Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesindeki faaliyetleri hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6ylenecek pek bir \u015fey yoktur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve en etkili sendikalist sendika federasyonu olan Frans\u0131z CGT\u2019si Sendikalist Enternasyonal\u2019e kat\u0131lmay\u0131 reddetmi\u015f ve pragmatik nedenlerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc daha \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 olan Berlin merkezli ISNTUC (International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, [Ulusal Sendika Merkezleri Uluslararas\u0131 Sekretereryas\u0131]) i\u00e7erisinde kalmaya karar vermi\u015fti.32 Bu nedenle, 1914 \u00f6ncesi sendikalist (ve anar\u015fist) enternasyonalizminin iki y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc incelemeliyiz: g\u00f6\u00e7 ve k\u00fcresel radikalizm; yani 1860\u2032lar\u0131n kozmopolitli\u011finin yeniden do\u011fu\u015funu, ve Avrupa\u2019da bunu zay\u0131flatan CGT ile Alman H\u00fcr Sendikalar\u0131 [German Free Trade Unions] aras\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ulusal gerilimleri. Bu olaylar\u0131n her ikisi de, anar\u015fist veya sendikalist enternasyonalizmin ulusal ve k\u00fcresel arenalarda kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz bilmecelerin birer \u00f6rne\u011fidir. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n di\u011fer ulus-devletleri de Britanya\u2019n\u0131n pe\u015finden giderek, enternasyonal dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi potansiyelini zay\u0131flatan kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn ulusal b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme politikalar\u0131n\u0131 takip ettiler. Emperyal g\u00fc\u00e7 siyasetinin gidi\u015fat\u0131 belirledi\u011fi, ulus-devletlerden olu\u015fan k\u00fcresel sistem, siyas\u00ee veya toplumsal dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, yani yeni bir kozmopolitli\u011fi geli\u015ftirmeyi ama\u00e7layan dengeli oyun alan\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesini zorla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n
Yine de, Belle Epoque [G\u00fczel \u00c7a\u011f] s\u00fcresince d\u00fcnya ekonomisi i\u00e7erisinde sermaye ve eme\u011fin k\u00fcreselle\u015fmesinin te\u015fvikiyle, 1860\u2032lar\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131 k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine de olsa geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc. Anar\u015fistler ve sendikalistler, uluslararas\u0131 anti-militarizm ile end\u00fcstriyel sendika \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin \u2015ba\u015fta \u0130talyanlar, \u0130spanyollar, Ruslar, \u0130skandinavlar, Britanyal\u0131lar, \u0130rlandal\u0131lar ve \u0130branice konu\u015fan Yahudiler olmak \u00fczere\u2015 yeni bir hareketli emek\u00e7i proletaryas\u0131, nakliye i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve baz\u0131 nitelikli zanaatk\u00e2rlar taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 markas\u0131z [generic, belli bir grup veya ideolojinin h\u00e2kimiyetinde olmayan] bir uluslararas\u0131 hareket i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6nemli bir rol \u00fcstlendiler.33 Bunlar, Avrupa, Kuzey-G\u00fcney Amerika ve Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun s\u00f6z\u00fcmona \u201cbeyaz\u201d Dominyonlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck boyutlara varan emek g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fcn bir par\u00e7as\u0131yd\u0131. K\u00fcresel ekonomi genelinde bir dizi uluslararas\u0131 grev dalgas\u0131n\u0131n kabar\u0131p, 1905 Rus Devrimi ile 1911-1914 aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde topla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada, bu emek g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc de en y\u00fcksek noktas\u0131na varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun par\u00e7alar\u0131 ile Dominyonlarda, bu sendikalizm beyaz adam\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fma hareketiydi. Ancak, IWW, G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019da ve zaman zaman da Avusturalya\u2019da b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f sendikalar olu\u015fturmaya te\u015febb\u00fcs etti. Amerikal\u0131 IWW \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fcleri, \u0131rklar aras\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7abalar\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc G\u00fcney\u2019de lin\u00e7 edildiler.34 \u00d6te yandan, baz\u0131 \u0130talyan sendikalistleri, New York ve Brezilya\u2019da bir s\u00fcre ya\u015famalar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan retoriklerinde fark edilir bir ulus\u00e7u bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla \u0130talya\u2019ya geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcler. Asl\u0131nda, onlar\u0131n saflar\u0131nda ulusal kimlik ancak gittikleri \u00fclkelerde \u201c\u0130talyanlar\u201d olarak etiketlendikleri zaman ke\u015ffedilmi\u015f olabilir.35<\/p>\n
DENGEL\u0130 OYUN ALANI 2: FRANSIZ-ALMAN DAYANI\u015eMASININ MANTI\u011eI, 1900-1914<\/p>\n
CGT\u2019nin 1914\u2032den \u00f6nceki tarihi iki d\u00f6neme ayr\u0131labilir.36 Yakla\u015f\u0131k 1909\u2032a kadar olan ilk d\u00f6nemde, CGT Bourses du Travail\u2019den [Emek Borsas\u0131] yeti\u015fen anar\u015fist bir \u00e7evrenin h\u00e2kimiyeti alt\u0131ndayd\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nem boyunca, liderli\u011fin anti-militarizmi Frans\u0131z ordusuna duyulan g\u00fcveni sarsarak onu \u00e7\u00f6kertme maksimalist hedefine y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti. Bu kampanyan\u0131n CGT saflar\u0131ndaki (sou du soldat) pop\u00fclaritesi Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n anti-ulusal duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, grevlere kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lan askeri m\u00fcdahalelere duydu\u011fu nefretten kaynaklan\u0131yordu. 1909\u2032dan sonra, CGT tarihinin ikinci evresinde, anar\u015fistler, metal i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin anar\u015fistlerin h\u00e2kimiyetindeki Bourses du Travail\u2019in geleneksel zanaat tipi mesleklerine bask\u0131n hale gelmesini temsil eden Alphonse Merrheim gibi yeni radikal reformistler ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bir kenara itildiler.37 Merrheim\u2019in end\u00fcstriyel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k modeli Alman uygulamalar\u0131na olduk\u00e7a yak\u0131nd\u0131. Merrheim radikal bir reformistti ve toplumsal devrimi geli\u015ftirmeyi de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7iler ad\u0131na daha fazla pazarl\u0131k yapma g\u00fcc\u00fc kazanmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan end\u00fcstriyel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k tekniklerini kulland\u0131. Merrheim, zay\u0131f ve ideolojik a\u00e7\u0131dan giderek b\u00f6l\u00fcnen CGT\u2019nin \u00fcstesinden gelmek amac\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde ISNTUC\u2019u kullanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Merrheim, Frans\u0131z emek hareketininin Avrupa emek piyasas\u0131nda belirleyici bir denge unsuru haline gelmesini, ve b\u00f6ylece de Almanlara daha \u00e7ekici g\u00f6z\u00fckmesini istiyordu. G\u00f6rece iyi \u00fccret alan ve korunan Britanya sendika hareketi 1900\u2032lerde oyun alan\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlayan \u00e7izgiler i\u00e7erisinde kalmaktan mutluyken, bu olduk\u00e7a kolayla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak, amac\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesi i\u00e7in Merrheim\u2019\u0131n SPD ile ve daha da \u00f6nemlisi H\u00fcr Sendikalar ile i\u015fe yarar bir uzla\u015fmaya varmas\u0131 gerekiyordu.<\/p>\n
Alman sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n konumu pek \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan Britanya Yeni Model sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n 1860\u2032lardaki konumuna benzerdi. K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131ndaki en ileri end\u00fcstriyel ekonomiye, en zengin ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc sendika \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerine sahip olan Almanlar, Avrupa emek piyalar\u0131nda oyun alan\u0131n\u0131 dengelemek ve i\u015fverenlerin kom\u015fu \u00fclkelerden gelen \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz grev-k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in ISNTUC\u2019u kullanmak istiyorlard\u0131.38 K\u0131sacas\u0131, Bat\u0131 Avrupa genelinde benzer sendikal yo\u011funluk d\u00fczeyleri ve benzer t\u00fcrde end\u00fcstriyel ili\u015fkiler arzuluyorlard\u0131. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, Britanya\u2019n\u0131n 1860\u2032larda Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ilerini desteklemesine benzer bir \u015fekilde, Almanlar da kendi pragmatik programlar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015farmak amac\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 desteklediler. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 1912-13\u2032de, b\u00fcy\u00fck Alman metal i\u015f\u00e7ileri sendikas\u0131, \u0130talyan meslekda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccret d\u00fczeylerini y\u00fckseltmek amac\u0131yla FIOM (sosyalist metal i\u015f\u00e7ileri federasyonu) \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde d\u00fczenledikleri grevi ve \u0130talyan \u201cMerrheim\u201di Bruno Buozzi\u2019yi desteklemek i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli miktardaki fonlar\u0131n\u0131 kulland\u0131.39<\/p>\n
Merrheim ve CGT\u2019nin di\u011fer liderleri, Frans\u0131z anti-militarizminin devrimci retori\u011fini yumu\u015fatt\u0131lar. CGT, Almanya\u2019da imkans\u0131z olan ve H\u00fcr Sendikalar liderlerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015f\u00fcpheyle yakla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 maksimalist anti-militarizmden uzakla\u015farak, askere al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f Frans\u0131z askerinin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ko\u015fullar\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilmesine y\u00f6nelik, esasen reformist olan bir kampanyaya y\u00f6neldi.40<\/p>\n
Ancak, Frans\u0131zlar ile Almanlar birbirlerine yak\u0131nla\u015f\u0131rken dahi aralar\u0131ndaki ileti\u015fim sorunlar\u0131 devam etti. Emperyal ordunun herhangi bir \u015fekilde reforme edilmesine y\u00f6nelik kampanya yapmak Alman sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fazlas\u0131yla zordu ve \u2015Howorth\u2019un g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00fczere\u2015 otoriter Alman sosyalisti imaj\u0131 1909 \u00f6ncesinin anar\u015fist liderli\u011finden 1909 sonras\u0131n\u0131n reformcular\u0131na aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.41 Her iki hareketin \u201center-nasyonalizm\u201di de, diyordu Callahan, her birinin ulusal sol-kanat siyas\u00ee k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerinin (Alman enternasyonalizmi ile Frans\u0131z devrimci miras\u0131n\u0131n) derin yap\u0131s\u0131na dayanan, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak birbirlerini d\u0131\u015farlayan z\u0131mn\u00ee ilk \u00f6nc\u00fcller i\u00e7erisinde \u015fekillenmi\u015fti.42 Uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fma toplant\u0131lar\u0131nda d\u00fcet yapt\u0131klar\u0131nda ortaya kakafoni \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece, Frans\u0131z anar\u015fist militan\u0131 Yvetot, 1911\u2032de, Berlin\u2019de Alman sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcnde anti-militarist bir konu\u015fma yaparken az kald\u0131 tutuklan\u0131yordu. Alman ev sahipleri onu \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131na ka\u00e7\u0131rmak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015f, Yvetot Fransa\u2019ya d\u00f6nmesinin ard\u0131ndan \u201cAlmanya\u2019dan s\u0131n\u0131rd\u0131\u015f\u0131 edilen ben, Fransa\u2019ya geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcm, Salut \u00e0 ma patrie!\u201d diye biten bir makale yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.43<\/p>\n
1914\u2032de sava\u015f patlad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, CGT ile \u00e7o\u011fu \u00f6nde gelen anar\u015fistin kendi uluslar\u0131n\u0131 desteklemesi olgusu b\u00fcy\u00fck bir s\u00fcrpriz olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmemelidir. E\u015fzamanl\u0131 genel grevler, liberterler ve hatta \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in sosyalistleri i\u00e7in olanaks\u0131z bir hayaldi. A\u011fustos ve Eyl\u00fcl 1914\u2032de Paris d\u00fc\u015fmenin e\u015fi\u011findeydi ve 1870-1871\u2032in an\u0131lar\u0131 yeniden canland\u0131. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Bat\u0131 Cephesi\u2019nde ilk Marne Muharebesi\u2019nin patla sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131na gelinceye kadar, \u00f6nemli say\u0131da \u0130talyan anar\u015fisti yeni garibaldini b\u00f6l\u00fcklerinde sava\u015fa g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu b\u00f6l\u00fckler, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn, Yeni Kaledonya ceza kamplar\u0131 ile \u0130talya hapishanelerinin yar\u0131-anar\u015fist sovversivo [devirmeyi tasarlayan] kahraman\u0131 Amilcare Cipriani (eski bir garibaldino) taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015fti. Bizzat \u0130talya\u2019da, anar\u015fistlerden, sendikalistlerden, Cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerden ve Benito Mussolini\u2019nin \u00f6nderli\u011findeki muhalif sosyalistlerden olu\u015fan g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcc\u00fc gruplar askeri m\u00fcdahale i\u00e7in, Habsburglar\u0131n ellerindeki topraklar\u0131n geri al\u0131nmas\u0131 amac\u0131yla d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Risorgimento sava\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in bast\u0131r\u0131yorlard\u0131.44 Ve devrimci ve liberter Fransa\u2019n\u0131n ruhu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden hat\u0131rlan\u0131r: k\u0131rk y\u0131ldan daha fazla bir s\u00fcre boyunca anar\u015fist enternasyonalizme esin kayna\u011f\u0131 olan model \u015fimdi D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131na \u00e7avu\u015f dev\u015firiyordu.<\/p>\n
DENGEL\u0130 OYUN ALANI 3: L\u0130BERTER ENTERNASYONAL\u0130ZM VE BOL\u015eEV\u0130KLER, 1914-1921<\/p>\n
1915-1916\u2032daki askeri kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 kilitlenmeye gelinceye kadar, Avrupa\u2019daki \u00e7o\u011fu anar\u015fist fikirlerini kendine saklam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Anar\u015fist uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler daima \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019den zay\u0131f olmu\u015ftu. 1914\u2032den \u00f6nce h\u0131zla geli\u015fen, ancak b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fcresel emek g\u00f6\u00e7lerinin kesilmesiyle birlikte kuruyan uluslararas\u0131 sendikalist k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn koruyucu boyas\u0131n\u0131n [colouration] yoklu\u011funda daha da zay\u0131flad\u0131lar. Bununla birlikte, 1916-1917 y\u0131llar\u0131, sava\u015f \u00f6ncesi d\u00fcnyada var olan siyas\u00ee a\u00e7\u0131dan sekter ve ulusal olan b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeleri a\u015facak yeni bir sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Enternasyonal\u2019in habercisi gibi g\u00f6z\u00fcken radikal bir a\u011f\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti. Anar\u015fistler, sendikalistler ve sosyalistler kanl\u0131 pat durumuna kar\u015f\u0131 koymakta yeni bir birlik olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ke\u015ffettiler.45 Bu a\u011f, \u0130talyan sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 USI\u2019yi ve Frans\u0131z sendikalist dergisi La Vie Ouvri\u00e8re\u2019yi, Merrheim \u00e7evresindeki m\u00e9tallos\u2019u ve IWW\u2019nin unsurlar\u0131n\u0131, Britanya\u2019daki \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6nemsiz i\u015f\u00e7i temsilcisi hareketlerini ve hatta Berlin ile orta Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n di\u011fer yerlerindeki i\u015f\u00e7i temsilcilerini kaps\u0131yordu. Bu a\u011f ayn\u0131 zamanda Zimmerwald ve Kienthal hareketlerine yak\u0131n olan pasifistler ve sosyalistler taraf\u0131ndan destekleniyor, daha radikal ve \u015f\u00fcpheci olan Rus Bol\u015feviklerince de te\u015fvik ediliyordu.<\/p>\n
Kropotkinle birlikte M\u00fcttefik \u00fclkelerdeki onbe\u015f tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f anar\u015fist ve sendikalist, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler yoluyla var\u0131lacak bir bar\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan ve Emperyal Almanya\u2019n\u0131n tamamen bozguna u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 destekleyen bir manifestoyu 1916\u2032da imzalad\u0131klar\u0131nda, Malatesta Avrupa \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 anar\u015fistleri harekete ge\u00e7irdi.46 Hatta itibar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmi\u015f \u0130kinci Enternasyonal\u2019in yerini alabilecek yeni bir enternasyonal (La Mondiale [Alem\u015f\u00fcmul]) \u00f6nerisinde bulundu. Ancak, 1916-1917 y\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n radikalizmi, Lenin ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin 1918\u2032de ayr\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzalamas\u0131yla k\u00fcllenmeye terk edildi.47 Art\u0131k Almanlar dikkatlerini Frans\u0131z ve \u0130talyan cephelerine \u00e7evirebilirlerdi. Bat\u0131 Cephesinde Alman birlikleri 1918 bahar\u0131n\u0131n sonuna do\u011fru neredeyse Paris\u2019e varm\u0131\u015flard\u0131, ve daha radikal olan m\u00e9tallos bile ulusal dava i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7mi\u015f veya sessizli\u011fin sa\u011fg\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc ke\u015ffetmi\u015fti. \u0130talya\u2019da, Turin\u2019deki sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ayaklanman\u0131n bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n, 1917 yaz\u0131 ile g\u00fcz\u00fcnde Caporetto\u2019da ya\u015fanan hezimetin ard\u0131ndan, sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 liberter solun b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ya hapse at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, ya yurt i\u00e7inde s\u00fcrg\u00fcne g\u00f6nderilmi\u015f ya da ulusal davaya kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.48 1860\u2032larda ve sava\u015f \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde i\u015fleyen dengeli oyun alan\u0131 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 B\u00fcy\u00fck Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n trajik \u015fiddeti s\u0131ras\u0131nda geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n
Bol\u015fevik rejimin ilk birka\u00e7 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u00e7o\u011fu anar\u015fist ve sendikalist \u201csovyetizm\u201di bir t\u00fcr Rus enternasyonalist do\u011frudan eylemi olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Lenin aktif bir \u015fekilde \u201cLatin\u201d anar\u015fistleriyle, bat\u0131 Avrupal\u0131 sendikalistlerle ve Amerikan sendikalistleri\/end\u00fcstriyel sendikac\u0131lar\u0131yla fl\u00f6rt ediyordu.49 Ancak, Yirmi-Bir Nokta\u2019n\u0131n yay\u0131nlanmas\u0131, Sendikalist Enternasyonal ile K\u0131z\u0131l Sendikalar Enternasyonali aras\u0131nda ters giden g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeler fl\u00f6rt d\u00f6nemini sona erdirdi. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Malatesta ilk \u00f6nce Bol\u015fevikleri kendi Mondiale\u2019sine dahil etti, ancak diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ile Devlet\u2019in anlam\u0131n\u0131n tam olarak fark\u0131na vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman \u00e7o\u011fu anar\u015fist gibi h\u0131zla ele\u015ftirel bir tav\u0131r tak\u0131nd\u0131.50 Ve, Rus d\u0131\u015f siyasetinin bir arac\u0131 olmas\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc Komintern\u2019e de sald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130sve\u00e7li sendikalist Albert Jensen bunu belki de ilk fark edenlerdendi, ancak \u0130spanyol CNT\u2019sinin \u00f6nde gelen \u015fahsiyetleri ile Alfred Rosmer ve Pierre Monatte gibi 1920\u2032lerin eski t\u00fcfek Frans\u0131z sendikalistleri \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden ona kat\u0131lacakt\u0131.51<\/p>\n
Bol\u015fevikler iki-y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir strateji izlediler. 1917\u2032deki \u015eubat Rus Devriminden sonra Avrupa\u2019da belirgin bir \u015fekilde b\u00fcy\u00fcyen ulus\u00f6tesi radikal dayan\u0131\u015fma, Bol\u015feviklerin bir y\u0131l ge\u00e7meden devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 korumak amac\u0131yla ayr\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmas\u0131 imzalamas\u0131 sonucu yar\u0131da kesildi. \u00d6te yandan, Bol\u015fevikler, 1917-1921\u2032in ulus\u00f6tesi radikalizmini, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden \u00c7arl\u0131k \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilen yeni Devlet\u2019in d\u0131\u015f siyasetini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmekten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmayacak olan \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Enternasyonal\u2019e aktard\u0131lar. Eski t\u00fcfek anar\u015fistler ve sendikalistler ya bu yeni ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi \u00e7o\u015fkuyla kar\u015f\u0131layarak liberter olmay\u0131 b\u0131rakt\u0131lar veyahut da belirsizli\u011fi se\u00e7tiler. \u0130stisna\u00ee \u0130spanya vakas\u0131 haricinde, Fransa, \u0130talya ve Almanya\u2019daki bir sonraki, potansiyel anar\u015fist ve sendikalistler ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 Sovyetler Birli\u011fine y\u00f6neldi. Bu ku\u015fak i\u00e7in Sovyetler Birli\u011fi i\u015f\u00e7ilerin anavatan\u0131 haline gelmi\u015fti. Sendikalist \u00fctopya Seine\u2019de de\u011fil Volga\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n
SONU\u00c7: DENGEL\u0130 OYUN ALANLARININ MANTI\u011eI<\/p>\n
Anar\u015fistler, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde, daha geni\u015f sendikalist harekete dahil olduklar\u0131 zaman en b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 elde ettiler. Ancak, sendikalizm (anarko-sendikalizm bile) ekonomik zorunluluklara itaat etmek zorundayd\u0131. Bu ise, militanlar\u0131 ve liderleri daha geni\u015f olan enternasyonalizm ideolojisi ile \u00fcyelerinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 dengelemeye zorlad\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, 1860\u2032lar\u0131n Britanya Modeli Sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 ve 1900\u2032lerin Alman \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 sosyalist sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck taburlar\u0131 meydana getirdiler. 1860\u2032larda Enternasyonalistler ve 1900\u2032lerde sendikalistler pragmatik bir oyun oynamak zorundayd\u0131lar. End\u00fcstriyelle\u015fmi\u015f \u0130ngiltere veya Almanya ile, zanaat tipi ve end\u00fcstriyelle\u015fmekte olan Fransa ve g\u00fcney Avrupa aras\u0131ndaki uygunsuz end\u00fcstriyel geli\u015fme ve sendikal yo\u011funluk e\u015fle\u015fmelerinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, her iki durumda da anla\u015fmalar s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n
Kozmopolit enternasyonalizm, sermayenin ve proletaryan\u0131n k\u00fcreselle\u015fmesine dayan\u0131yordu. Ancak, b\u00f6lgesel veya k\u00fcresel emek piyasalar\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fitsizli\u011fi bu kozmopolitli\u011fin yava\u015f yava\u015f alt\u0131n\u0131 oydu: emek giderek ulus-devlet taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlendi. Ulus-devletler d\u00fcnyas\u0131, \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda mutlu ve mesut bir \u015fekilde ya\u015fayabilen sosyalistlerin aksine, anar\u015fistlerle sendikalistlerin ellerini kollar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u011flad\u0131. Her ne kadar bu ba\u015fka bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 gerektirse de, \u0130spanyol anar\u015fizminin, hareketin tam da g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn doru\u011funa ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde, \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131ndaki h\u0131zla gerilemesi vurgulanmaya de\u011fer bir noktad\u0131r.53 Anar\u015fistlerin, yabanc\u0131 bir hami olmadan, Almanlar ve \u0130talyanlar taraf\u0131ndan isyanc\u0131lara sa\u011flanan sava\u015f te\u00e7hizat\u0131 ve askeri destek kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda galip gelmesi imkans\u0131zd\u0131, ancak ne Frans\u0131zlar ne de Ruslar anar\u015fistlere silah satacakt\u0131. Bunlar\u0131n elde edilmesi i\u00e7in anar\u015fistler Cumhuriyet\u00e7ilere, sosyalistlere ve kom\u00fcnistlere bel ba\u011flad\u0131lar. Ulus-devletler d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, anar\u015fistler ve sendikalistler, dostlar\u0131na yard\u0131m etmek amac\u0131yla \u0130spanyol i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131na m\u00fcdahale eden ulus-devletlerle asla boy \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc\u015femezlerdi. 1913\u2032de kurulan Sendikalist Enternasyonal sava\u015f ve Rus devrimi s\u0131ras\u0131nda ayakta kalm\u0131\u015f, ancak 1920\u2032lere gelindi\u011finde t\u00fcm \u00f6nemini yitirmi\u015fti. Fa\u015fizm, Nazizm, Cumhuriyet\u00e7i \u0130spanya\u2019n\u0131n yenilgisi ve G\u00fcney Amerika\u2019daki otoriter diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler alternatif bir sendikalist siyaseti veya k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc yok etti. 1939\u2032da, Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019in miras\u0131 ve Sendikalizm art\u0131k birer tarihi yadig\u00e2r olmu\u015ftu.53<\/p>\n
\u00c7eviri: ANAR\u015e\u0130ST BAKI\u015e<\/p>\n
Kaynak: \u201cAnarchism, Internationalism and Nationalism in Europe, 1860-1939\u2033, Australian Journal of Politics and History, Cilt 50, Say\u0131 3, 2004, 330-342.<\/p>\n
Notlar:<\/p>\n
*Goldsmith Koleji, Londra \u00dcniversitesi.<\/p>\n
1. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, anar\u015fizmin genel tarihlerinin \u00e7o\u011funun kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemselle\u015ftirmeden b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sapm\u0131yorum. Bunlar\u0131n yazarlar\u0131, klasik Yunan\u2019da, antik \u00c7in\u2019de, orta\u00e7a\u011f Avrupa\u2019s\u0131 veya \u0130ngiliz \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda muhtelif anar\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler ve anar\u015fist t\u00fcrden toplumsal hareketler tespit edebilirler, ancak anar\u015fizmin, kendisinin bilincinde olan bir ideoloji olarak, on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrerler. Anar\u015fist siyas\u00ee d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin en \u00f6nemli nitelikleri devlet kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, m\u00fckemmelliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve bilimcili\u011fidir [scientism]. Bir ideoloji olarak anar\u015fizm, Rousseau ve Comte\u2019nin Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin ve Kropotkin\u2019in g\u00f6zl\u00fckleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla toptan bir yeniden g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irilmesidir: Frans\u0131z devriminin art\u00e7\u0131 sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 ile end\u00fcstriyelle\u015fmenin birle\u015fik ve e\u015fitsiz ilerleyi\u015fi. Bu nedenle, yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u00c7inli ve Japon radikaller, bir di\u011fer Avrupa ideolojisi olarak anar\u015fizmin cazibesine kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r \u2015her ne kadar baz\u0131 tarih\u00e7iler onlar\u0131n bunu kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerinin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve din\u00ee ba\u011flamlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde yeniden form\u00fcle ettiklerini iddia etseler de. 1945\u2032den \u00f6nce anar\u015fizmin as\u0131l taban\u0131n\u0131 meydana getiren toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar kesinlikle \u201cklasik d\u00f6nem\u201ddekilerden farkl\u0131yd\u0131. K\u00f6yl\u00fcler, zanaatk\u00e2rlar, hareketli nitelikli ve niteliksiz i\u015f\u00e7iler, hareketin entelekt\u00fcellerine ve e\u011fitimli orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na g\u00f6re daha bask\u0131nd\u0131. Hareket, 1945\u2032den sonra ise, a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak fazlas\u0131yla geni\u015fleyen e\u011fitimli orta s\u0131n\u0131flardan ve muhalif ayd\u0131nlardan olu\u015fuyordu. Her ne kadar 1945 sonras\u0131 anar\u015fizminin temalar\u0131 \u201cklasik anar\u015fist\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinde ve on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonu ile yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00f6nc\u00fc \u00fctopyac\u0131 deneyimlerde bulunabilse de, end\u00fcstriyel ve tar\u0131msal anar\u015fizmin yerini post-materyalist ve post-modern anar\u015fizm ald\u0131.<\/p>\n
Anar\u015fizm standart a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 \u015funlard\u0131r: D. Gu\u00e9rin, Anarchism (New York, 1970); J. Joll, The Anarchists, ikinci bask\u0131 (Cambridge, Mass, 1980); G. Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas (Harmondswoth, 1990); P. Marshall, Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism, (Londra, 1993); ve M. Nettlau, A Short History of Anarchism (Londra, 1996). Modern anar\u015fist ideolojinin k\u00f6kenlerinin iyi bir analizi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, G. Crowder, Classical Anarchism. The Political Thought of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin and Kropotkin (Oxford, 1991). 1945 \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131 anar\u015fizmler aras\u0131ndaki farklar\u0131 Encarta Encyclopedia\u2019n\u0131n (Websters International, Microsoft Encarta, Londra, 2004) \u201cAnar\u015fizm\u201d maddesinde tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda Britanya\u2019daki Yeni Toplumsal Hareketler\u2019deki anar\u015fizmin iyi bir incelemesi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, G. McKay, Senseless Acts of Beauty: Cultures of Resistance since the Sixties (Londra, 1996). Anar\u015fizm ile modernizmin ili\u015fkisi hakk\u0131ndaki devasa yaz\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rnekleri i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, J.U. Halperin, Felix F\u00e9n\u00e9on: Aesthete and Anarchist in Fin-de-Si\u00e8cle Paris (New Haven, 1988); P. Leighten, Re-Ordering the Universe, Picasso and Anarchism (Princeton, 1989); R.D. Sonn, Anarchism and Cultural Politics in Fin de Si\u00e8cle France (Lincoln, 1989); M. L\u00f6wy, Redemption and Utopia (Londra, 1992); J.G. Hutton, Neo-Impressionism and the Search for Solid Ground. Art, Science and Anarchism in Fin-de-Si\u00e8cle France (Baton Rouge, 1994); G. Berghaus, Futurism and Politics. Between Anarchist Rebellion and Fascist Reaction (Providence, 1996); S. Whimster (ed.), Max Weber and the Culture of Anarchy (Basingstoke, 1998); D. Goodway (ed.), Herbert Read Revisited (Liverpool, 1998); R. Porter, Film and the Anarchist Imagination, (Londra, 1999); D. Sweetman, Explosive Acts: Toulouse-Lautrec. Oscar Wilde and Felix F\u00e9n\u00e9on and the Art of Anarchy of the Fin de Si\u00e8cle (New York, 1999); D. Kadler, Mosaic Modernism: Anarchism, Pragmatism, Culture (Baltimore, 2000); A. Antliff, Anarchist Modernism. Art, Politics, and the First American Avant Garde (Chicago, 2001).
2. Anar\u015fizm ve ulus\u00e7uluk aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin bir de\u011ferlendirmesi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, E. Cahm ve V.C. Fi\u0161era (ed.), Socialism and Nationalism (Nottingham, 1978-1980), Cilt 1-3; M. Forman, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement. The Idea of Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park, 1998). \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 konusunda bak\u0131n\u0131z, M. van der Linden ve J. Rojahn (ed.), The Formation of Labour Movements, 1870-1914: An International Perspective, Cilt 1 (Leiden, 1990). Ulus\u00e7uluk, etnisite ve emek aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler hakk\u0131nda m\u00fckemmel bir de\u011ferlendirme i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, S. Berger ve A. Smith (ed.), Nationalism, Labour and Ethnicity, 1870-1939 (Manchester, 1999).
3. Klasik incelemeler \u015funlard\u0131r: G. Haupt, Socialism and the Great War: The Collapse of the Second International (Oxford, 1972); J. Joll, The Second International 1889-1914 (Londra, ikinci bask\u0131, 1974). Avrupa sosyalizmine ili\u015fkin m\u00fckemmel de\u011ferlendirmeler i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, D. Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The Westerm European Left in the Twientieth Century (Londra, 1996); G. Eley, Forging Democracy. The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000 (Oxford, 2002).
4. \u201cItalian and Spanish anarchism compared: Nation, region and patriotism, 1860-1945\u2033, yay\u0131nlanacak.
5. \u201cPopular anti-Semitism and French anarchism: 1880\u2019s to 1900s\u201d, yay\u0131nlanacak.
6. \u201cThe Makhnovschina, Ukranian nationalism and the Russian Civil War, 1918-1921\u2033, yay\u0131nlanacak.
7. \u201cGustav Landauer and Rudolf Rocker: National Identity, Ethnicity and Anarchism\u201d, yay\u0131nlanacak.
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19. J.M. Smyth, \u201cLeft Responses to Nationalism in Spain: Federal Republicanism, Anarcho-Collectivism and the Marxist Parties\u201d, Cahm ve Fi\u0161era, Socialism and Nationalism i\u00e7erisinde, Cilt III, s. 19.
20. \u0130yi de\u011ferlendirmeler i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, J.C. Cahm, \u201cBakunin\u201d, Cahm ve Fisera, Socialism and Nationalism i\u00e7erisinde, Cilt I, s. 33-49; J.C. Cahm, a.e. i\u00e7erisinde, Cilt III, s. 50-68; edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Marshall Shatz\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Statism and Anarchism\u2019e bak\u0131n\u0131z (Cambridge, 1990).
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22. Forman, Nationalism and the International Labour Movement, s. 22-40.
23. Joll, The Anarchists, s. 75.
24. M. Vuilleumier, Horlogers de l\u2019anarchisme: \u00e9mergence d\u2019un mouvement: la F\u00e9d\u00e9ration jurassienne (Lozan, 1988).
25. G. Claeys, \u201cReciprocal Dependence, Virtue and Progress: Some Sources of Early Socialist Cosmopolitanism and Internationalism in Britain 1750-1850\u2033, F. van Holthoon ve M. van der Linden (ed.), Internationalism in the Labour Movement 1830-1940 i\u00e7erisinde, Cilt I (Leiden, 1988).
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27. M. van der Linden, \u201cThe Rise and Fall of the First International: An Interpretation\u201d, van Holthoon ve van der Linden, Internationalism in the Labour Movement i\u00e7erisinde.
28. M. van der Linden, \u201cThe National Integration of European Working Classes, 1870-1914. Exploring the Causal Configuration\u201d, International Review of Social History, Cilt 33 (1988), s. 285-311.
29. O g\u00fcne ait canl\u0131 bir de\u011ferlendirme i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, A. Hamon, Le socialisme and le Congr\u00e8s de Londres (Paris, Stock, 1897).
30. 1907 Anar\u015fist kongresi i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, M. Antonioli (ed.), Dibattito sul sindacalismo. Atti del Congresso Internazionale Anarchico di Amsterdam (1907) (Floransa, 1978).
31. W. Thorpe, \u2018The Workers Themselves\u2019: Revolutionary Syndicalism and Industrial Labour, 1913-1923 (Dordrecht, 1989), B\u00f6l\u00fcm 1-2.
32. S. Milner, \u201cThe International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: The International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901-1913\u2033, International Review of Social History, Cilt 33 (1988), s. 1-24.
33. De\u011ferlendirmeler i\u00e7in, bak\u0131n\u0131z, M. van der Linden ve W. Thorpe (ed.), Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective (Aldershot, 1990); M. van der Linden, \u201cSecond Thoughts on Revolutionary Syndicalism\u201d, Labour History Review, Cilt 63, 2 (1998), s. 182-196. Sendikalizmi Avrupa\u2019daki daha geni\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketleri i\u00e7erisine yerle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik c\u00fcretli bir giri\u015fim i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, M. Mann, \u201cSources of Variations in Working-Class Movements in Twientieth Century Europe\u201d, New Left Review, 212 (Temmuz\/A\u011fustos, 1995), s. 14-54. Yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki grev dalgalar\u0131 i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, F. Boll, \u201cInternational Strike Waves: A Critical Assessment\u201d, W.J. Mommsen ve H.-G. Husung (ed.), The Development of Trade Unionism in Great Britain and Germany, 1880-1914 (Londra, 1985) i\u00e7erisinde.
34. V. Burgmann, Revolutionary Industrial Unionism. The Industrial Workers of the World in Australia (Cambridge, 1995); L. van der Walt, \u201cRevolutionary Syndicalist Organising in South Africa: The Internationalist Socialist League and the Industrial Workers of Africa, 1916-19\u2033, \u201cSyndicalism: Swedish and Historical Experiences\u201d, Stockholm \u00dcniversitesi (13-15 Mart 1998); L. van der Walt, \u201c\u2018The Industrial Union is the Embyro of the Socialist Commonwealth\u2019. The International Socialist League and Revolutionary Syndicalism in South Africa, 1915-1920\u2033, Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Cilt 19, Say\u0131 1 (1999), s. 1-24; N.A. Sellars, Oil, Wheat and Wobblies: The Industrial Workers of the World in Oklahoma, 1905-1930 (Norman, 1998).
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36. \u0130yi bir genel de\u011ferlendirme i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z, J. Jennings, Syndicalism in France. A Study of Ideas (Basingstoke, 1990).
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39. Bu grevi C. Levy, Gramsci and the Anarchists (Oxford, 1999), s. 49-50.\u2019de ele al\u0131yorum.
40. R. Magraw. \u201cAppropriating the Symbols of the Patrie? Jacobin Nationalism and its Revival in the French Third Republic\u201d, Berger and Smith, Nationalism, Labour and Ethnicity i\u00e7erisinde, s. 39.
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43. Howorth, \u201cFrench Workers and German Worker\u201d, s. 86.
44. P. C. Masini, \u201cAnarchici italiani tra interventismo e disfattismo rivoluzionario\u201d, Rivista Storica del Socialismo, 5 (1959), s. 200-21; C. Levy, \u201cItalian Anarchism, 1870-1926\u2033, D. Goodway, For Anarchism. History, Theory and Practice (Londra, 1989) i\u00e7erinde, pp. 56-8; M. Antonioli, \u201cGli anarchici italiani e la prima guerra mondiale. Lettere di Luigi Fabbri e di Cesare Agostinelli a Nella Giocomelli (1914-1915)\u201d, Rivista Storica dell\u2019Anarchismo, Cilt 1, 1 (1994), s. 7-34; M. Antonioli, \u201cGlianarchici italiani e la prima guerra mondiale. Lettere di anarchici interventisti (1914-1915)\u201d, Rivista Storica dell\u2019Anarchismo, Cilt 2, 1 (1995), s. 77-87.
45. Ulus\u00f6tesi sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi radikalizmi \u00fczerine yaz\u0131n\u0131 Gramsci and the Anarchists i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6zetledim, s. 102-104. Keza bak\u0131n\u0131z, W. Thorpe, \u201cThe European Syndicalists and War 1914-1918\u2033, Contemporary European History, Cilt 10, 4 (2001), s. 1-24.
46. Gramsci and the Anarchists, s. 103.
47. D. Kirby, War, Peace and Revolution. International Socialism at the Crossroads 1914-1918 (Aldershot, 1986).
48. Levy, Italian Anarchism, s. 58-60.
49. A. Lindemann, \u201cThe Red Years\u201d: European Socialism versus Bolshevism 1919-1920 (Berkeley, 1974); Thorpe, \u201cThe Workers Themselves\u201d, b\u00f6l\u00fcm 3-6.
50. Levy, Italian Anarchism, s. 72-3. Genel olarak bak\u0131n\u0131z, S. Fedele, Una breve illusione. Gli anarchici italiani e la Russia Sovietica 1917-1939 (Milan, 1996).
51. C. Levy, \u201cSac och den internationella solidariteten-hur svenska syndikalister hj\u00e4lpte offren f\u00f6r den italienska fascismen\u201d, Meddelande fr\u00e5n Arbetarr\u00f6relsens Arkiv och Bibliotek, 14-15 (1980), s. 32- 39.
52. G. Esenwein, \u201cAnarchists in Government: A Paradox of the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939\u2033, F. Lannon and P. Preston (ed.), Elites and Power in Twentieth-Century Spain: Essays in Honour of Sir Raymond Carr (Oxford, 1990) i\u00e7erisinde; C. Ealham, \u201cFrom the Summit to the Abyss\u201d, P. Preston and A. L. McKenzie, (ed.), The Republic Besieged. Civil War in Spain 1936-1939 (Edinburgh, 1996) i\u00e7erisinde; J. Casanova, De la calle al frente. El anarcosindalisimo en Espa\u00f1a, 1931-1939 (Barcelona, 1997), s. 238-46; H. Graham, \u201c\u2018Against the State\u2019: A Genealogy of the Barcelona May Days (1937)\u201d, European History Quarterly, Cilt 29, 4 (1999), s. 485-542.
53. W. Thorpe, \u201cSyndicalist Internationalism before World War II\u201d, van der Linden and Thorpe, Revolutionary Syndicalism i\u00e7erisinde, . 237-60.<\/p>\n
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G\u0130R\u0130\u015e Bu makale, anar\u015fizmin \u201cklasik\u201d d\u00f6nemi (1860\/70-1939) boyunca Avrupa anar\u015fist ve sendikalist hareketlerinin enternasyonalizmi \u00fczerine odaklanacakt\u0131r.1 Her ne kadar anar\u015fizm ile anar\u015fistlerin ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fun ve ulusal hareketlerin tam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 oldu\u011fu varsay\u0131lsa da, onlar da, aynen sosyalistler ve sosyalizm ideolojisi (ve hatta Marksizm) gibi, hem ulus\u00e7ulukla hem de ulus-devletle yak\u0131n ve sembiyotik bir ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisindeydiler.2 Bu, sosyalizm […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[99],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4227","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-dunya"},"yoast_head":"\n