{"id":4230,"date":"2010-02-19T09:55:53","date_gmt":"2010-02-19T06:55:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/02\/19\/1916-irlanda-paskalya-ayaklanmasi-baran-koksal\/"},"modified":"2010-02-19T09:55:53","modified_gmt":"2010-02-19T06:55:53","slug":"1916-irlanda-paskalya-ayaklanmasi-baran-koksal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/02\/19\/1916-irlanda-paskalya-ayaklanmasi-baran-koksal\/","title":{"rendered":"1916 \u0130rlanda Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131 | Baran K\u00f6ksal"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ulusal Sorun ve Sosyalist M\u00fccadele Diyalekti\u011fi<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n Dublin kenti 1916 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n 24 Nisan g\u00fcn\u00fc, emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6lgesinde, say\u0131lar\u0131 1000 il\u00e2 1500 aras\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fen silahl\u0131 devrimcinin ayaklanmas\u0131yla \u00e7alkaland\u0131. \u0130rlanda Yurtta\u015f Ordusuna ve G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fclere ba\u011fl\u0131 birlikler, ne oldu\u011funu anlayamayan Dublinlilerin ve i\u015fgalci askerlerin \u015fa\u015fk\u0131n bak\u0131\u015flar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u015fehrin \u00f6nemli binalar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irerek, Ulusal Posta M\u00fcd\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn tepesine \u0130rlanda bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ast\u0131lar. \u0130ngiliz emperyalizmi de sembol mahiyetindeki bu harekete kendi al\u00e2meti farikas\u0131 olan bir \u015fiddetle yan\u0131t verdi. Be\u015f g\u00fcnl\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma sonras\u0131nda binay\u0131 i\u00e7indekilerle birlikte yerle bir etti, kent de tan\u0131nmaz hale getirildi. Sonras\u0131nda ayaklanman\u0131n liderleri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen ve aralar\u0131nda enternasyonalist devrimci James Connoly\u2019nin de bulundu\u011fu 15 ki\u015fi vah\u015fice \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Yaral\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irildi\u011finden ayakta durmakta bile zorlanan yi\u011fit Connoly, g\u00f6\u011fs\u00fcne iki kez dolanm\u0131\u015f ve arkadan d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmlenmi\u015f bir iple sandalyeye ba\u011fl\u0131 bir halde, kafas\u0131na torba ge\u00e7irilerek \u0130ngiliz demokrasisinin kustu\u011fu yedi kur\u015funun hedefi oldu. Her ne kadar ayaklanma bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa da, geli\u015fen s\u00fcre\u00e7te bunun meyvelerini \u0130rlanda burjuvazi toplad\u0131 ve ayaklanmadan alt\u0131 y\u0131l sonra ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ama b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f bir \u0130rlanda devleti kuruldu.<\/p>\n

Paskalya ayaklanmas\u0131 hen\u00fcz ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerinin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 erken bir d\u00f6nemde, i\u00e7inde sosyalist unsurlar\u0131 bar\u0131nd\u0131rmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7ekicidir. Sosyalist m\u00fccadelenin bu ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7erisindeki izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerine bakmadan \u00f6nce, Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlayan s\u00fcrece ve genel olarak \u0130rlanda sorununun tarihsel ge\u00e7mi\u015fine yak\u0131ndan bakmakta fayda var.
<\/strong><\/p>\n

Emperyal Bir Devletin G\u00f6lgesindeki \u00dclke: \u0130rlanda<\/strong><\/p>\n

B\u00fcnyesinde birden fazla ulusu bar\u0131nd\u0131ran \u0130rlanda, 8-11. y\u00fczy\u0131llar aras\u0131nda Ada Avrupas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0130skandinav istil\u00e2lar\u0131ndan sonra ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir tarihe sahip olamad\u0131. Fransa\u2019dan gelen Normanlar\u0131n 1066 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130ngiltere\u2019yi fethetmelerinin ard\u0131ndan burada g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve merkez\u00ee bir devlet kurmalar\u0131, bir bak\u0131ma \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n bundan sonraki kaderini de \u00e7izmi\u015f oldu. \u0130rlanda aradan \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin ilk s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi olma bahts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011frad\u0131. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, bin y\u0131la yakla\u015fan \u0130rlanda\u2019y\u0131 asimile etme giri\u015fimleri hi\u00e7bir zaman ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015famad\u0131.<\/p>\n

1171 y\u0131l\u0131nda Dublin ve \u00e7evresini fetheden Anglo-Norman toprak beyleri burada ilk s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerini kurmu\u015f olmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ve sistematik bir bi\u00e7imde boyunduruk alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 esas olarak 16. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru geli\u015fti. \u0130ngiltere 17. y\u00fczy\u0131lda kendi i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131yla u\u011fra\u015f\u0131yor olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, birbirinden ayr\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7 h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131n ayn\u0131 politikalar\u0131 ve \u0130rlanda\u2019ya toprak beyleri ihra\u00e7 etme giri\u015fimleri sonucu, \u0130rlanda topraklar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131 el de\u011fi\u015ftirdi. \u0130ngiltere\u2019den ve \u0130sko\u00e7ya\u2019dan transfer edilen yeni toprak sahiplerinin farkl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrlere ve farkl\u0131 bir dine (Protestan) sahip olmas\u0131 kadar, bu durumun toprak kiralar\u0131n\u0131 (rantlar\u0131) b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda artt\u0131rmas\u0131 ve ilkel toprak sahipli\u011fi bi\u00e7imlerini (ve bunun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen mevcut pastoral ya\u015fant\u0131y\u0131) tasfiye etmesi de bask\u0131y\u0131 ve huzursuzlu\u011fu artt\u0131rd\u0131. Yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na dek bir tar\u0131m \u00fclkesi, Marx\u2019\u0131n tabiriyle \u201c\u0130ngiliz rant\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n (toprak a\u011fal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n) kalesi\u201d olarak kalan \u0130rlanda, bu tarihten sonra ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen k\u00f6yl\u00fc ayaklanmalar\u0131na ve her seferinde \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin verdi\u011fi ac\u0131mas\u0131z yan\u0131tlara sahne oldu.
Kapitalizmin Y\u00fckseli\u015fi ve \u0130rlanda \u00dczerindeki Etkileri<\/p>\n

On yedinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonu ve on sekizinci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan birtak\u0131m ceza yasalar\u0131yla \u0130rlanda\u2019daki yerli n\u00fcfusun m\u00fclkiyet al\u0131m\u0131 ve sat\u0131m\u0131, miras, oy kullanma vb. haklar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde k\u0131s\u0131tland\u0131. Amerikan Devriminin s\u0131ca\u011f\u0131nda 1782 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130rlanda Parlamentosu birtak\u0131m yasama haklar\u0131 elde etti. Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle, \u201cKuzey Amerika Devrimi \u0130rlanda tarihindeki ilk d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eder.\u201d \u0130rlanda ile serbest ticaretin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131, \u0130rlanda sanayisi \u00fczerindeki hemen hemen t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130ngiltere\u2019de bulunan \u0130rlanda Parlamentosu e\u015fit haklara kavu\u015ftu ve Katoliklerin m\u00fclk edinmesi \u00f6n\u00fcndeki birtak\u0131m yasal engeller kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Bu durum, \u0130rlanda sorununun \u0130ngiltere taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ne ilk ne de son \u201cumut \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d idi. Hemen pe\u015fi s\u0131ra Frans\u0131z Devrimi patlak verdi. K\u0131tadaki devrim ezilenler ad\u0131na bir se\u00e7ene\u011fin s\u00f6z konusu olabilece\u011fini t\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131plakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00f6stermi\u015f ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Frans\u0131z Devriminin bas\u0131nc\u0131 \u0130ngiltere\u2019yi tedirgin etmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde at\u0131lan ad\u0131mlar, Frans\u0131z Devriminin Thermidor gericili\u011fiyle birlikte siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan yenilgiye u\u011framas\u0131 sonucu Avrupa \u00fczerine \u00e7\u00f6ken gericilik d\u00f6nemi ile birlikte son buldu.<\/p>\n

1798 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z ayaklanmay\u0131 izleyen s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zerklik yolunda att\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm ad\u0131mlar geri dev\u015firildi. Konulan koruyucu g\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifeleriyle canlanm\u0131\u015f olan \u0130rlanda sanayisi \u00e7\u00f6kertildi. \u0130ngiltere bu sayede \u0130rlanda\u2019dan elde etti\u011fi hammaddelere istenilen fiyattan ula\u015fma \u015fans\u0131na da sahip oluyordu.<\/p>\n

Marx bu andan sonra topra\u011fa sahip olman\u0131n bilhassa hayati bir \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. B\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri topraklar\u0131n\u0131 spek\u00fclat\u00f6rlere kiralamaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toprak k\u00f6yl\u00fcye gelene kadar d\u00f6rt-be\u015f defa el de\u011fi\u015ftiriyordu. Bu durum elbette fiyatlarda inan\u0131lmaz bir y\u00fckseli\u015fe yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu\u011fday ve etin \u0130ngiltere\u2019ye g\u00f6nderiliyor olu\u015fu \u0130rlanda n\u00fcfusunu patates ve suya talim eder hale getirmi\u015fti. Marx \u0130ngiliz y\u00f6netiminin bu a\u00e7g\u00f6zl\u00fc politikas\u0131 sonucu topra\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcketildi\u011finin ve patates hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da buradan peyda oldu\u011funun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer.<\/p>\n

Son otuz y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7ten pay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen dersi \u00e7\u0131karan \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisi 1801 y\u0131l\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe soktu\u011fu s\u00f6zde Birlik Yasas\u0131 ile \u0130rlanda\u2019y\u0131 Britanya Krall\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na ba\u011flad\u0131. \u00d6zerk \u0130rlanda parlamentosu feshedilerek birle\u015fik bir parlamento olu\u015fturuldu ve \u0130rlanda\u2019ya da burada y\u00fcz kadar sandalye verildi. Yasa paketinin i\u00e7erdi\u011fi maddeler aras\u0131nda Katolikler aleyhindeki ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 da planlan\u0131yordu, fakat bu ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi.<\/p>\n

\u0130ngiltere\u2019de on be\u015finci y\u00fczy\u0131lda (kabaca 1470-1510) ba\u015flayan ve \u00e7ok \u00f6nceleri tamamlanm\u0131\u015f olan m\u00fclklerin temizlenmesi hareketi \u0130rlanda\u2019da on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Yeni egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u00e7iftlikler ve i\u015flenebilir topraklar meralara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin ve esas olarak sanayinin tar\u0131ma girmesine ko\u015fut olarak geli\u015fen, \u201cfazlal\u0131k\u201d haline gelen k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin, \u00fczerlerinde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 m\u00fclklerden temizlenmesi ve bunlar\u0131n kentlere-kasabalara ak\u0131n etmesi proleter ve yar\u0131-proleter kitleler i\u00e7in yak\u0131c\u0131 bir sorundu. Ancak, s\u0131n\u0131fsal denklemin bir de \u00f6b\u00fcr boyutu vard\u0131. \u201cUlusal\u201d sorununu \u00e7oktan halletmi\u015f, Britanya i\u00e7erisinde halinden memnun ya\u015fayan ve hatta g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc daha da fazlas\u0131na dikmi\u015f \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 tar\u0131msal n\u00fcfusu b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle soyup so\u011fana \u00e7eviren bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten bitleri kanlanarak \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Toprak hem gittik\u00e7e daha b\u00fcy\u00fck ellerde temerk\u00fcz etmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f hem de kapitalist \u00fcretim tar\u0131ma n\u00fcfuz etmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcredi \u0130rlanda burjuvazisi, tarihin bundan sonraki her d\u00f6nemecinde oldu\u011fu gibi, burada da \u201c\u0130rlanda\u201d ile (\u0130rlanda i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ileriyle) ayn\u0131 kaderi payla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten palazlanarak \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131tl\u0131k ve g\u00f6\u00e7 nedeniyle azalan n\u00fcfusa oranla sermayedeki mutlak art\u0131\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ancak, \u00f6z\u00fc itibar\u0131yla h\u00e2l\u00e2 daha bir k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00fclkesi olan \u0130rlanda\u2019da tar\u0131m\u0131n sanayiye a\u011f\u0131r basmas\u0131 sonucu proleterlerin bir aya\u011f\u0131 yine de k\u00f6yde kalm\u0131\u015f ve bu da elbette \u0130rlanda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin g\u00fcd\u00fck kalmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130rlanda n\u00fcfusu on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda 5 milyonu ge\u00e7erken, k\u0131rk y\u0131l i\u00e7inde bu say\u0131 8 milyonu a\u015far. Fakat 1846 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki feci patates k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 adeta \u0130rlanda\u2019y\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131p ge\u00e7irir. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n orta\u00e7a\u011f karanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fatan bu k\u0131tl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131n \u0130ngiliz toprak beyleri \u0130rlanda\u2019dan patates ithal etmeyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcrler. Patates k\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, n\u00fcfusunun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu patatesle ge\u00e7inen \u0130rlandal\u0131 emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fiziksel yok olu\u015f anlam\u0131na gelirken, bir di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 de olumsuz bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131maz. Bu k\u0131tl\u0131k sonras\u0131, \u0130ngiliz sanayi burjuvazisinin ba\u015f\u0131na bel\u00e2 olan Tah\u0131l Yasalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r ve b\u00f6ylece \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki toprak sahiplerinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck dayanaklar\u0131ndan birisi ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f olur. Fel\u00e2ketin ard\u0131ndan yirmi y\u0131l i\u00e7erisinde n\u00fcfus y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki durumuna geri d\u00f6ner. Yaln\u0131zca 1847-1852 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u0130rlanda d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya 1.200.000 ki\u015filik bir g\u00f6\u00e7 verir. Marx 1853 y\u0131l\u0131nda New York Daily Tribune\u2019de yay\u0131nlanan yaz\u0131s\u0131nda, utanmadan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin durumunun gittik\u00e7e iyile\u015fti\u011finden (\u201cD\u00fcnya g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir cennet halini al\u0131yor.\u201d The Times) dem vuran burjuva ideologlar\u0131na verir veri\u015ftirir:<\/p>\n

O halde nas\u0131l oluyor da \u0130rlandal\u0131 emek\u00e7iler b\u00f6ylesi b\u00fcy\u00fck kitleler halinde ve de daimi olarak yerle\u015fmek amac\u0131yla adan\u0131n \u00f6b\u00fcr yakas\u0131na ak\u0131n ediyorlar? H\u00e2lbuki \u00f6nceleri her hasat mevsiminden sonra evlerine geri d\u00f6nerlerdi. \u0130rlanda halk\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal \u0131slah\u0131 (iyile\u015fmesi) bu denli h\u0131zl\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyorsa, nas\u0131l oluyor da, bir yandan da delilik 1847\u2019den ve \u00f6zellikle de 1851\u2019den beri bu denli korkun\u00e7 bir ilerleme kaydetti?<\/p>\n

Mart 1853\u2019te delili\u011fin 3000\u2019e yakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin rakamlar\u0131 verdikten sonra \u015funu ekler: \u201cVe bu \u00fclke, \u0130rlanda\u2019daki ilk Ak\u0131l Hastanesinin kurucusu olan \u00fcnl\u00fc yazar Jonathan Swift\u2019in, doksan tane bile deli bulundu\u011fundan \u015f\u00fcphe etti\u011fi ayn\u0131 \u00fclkedir\u201d! (29 Temmuz 1853)
Katolik-Protestan Ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve Burjuva \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fck<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte \u0130rlanda yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131la do\u011fru yakla\u015f\u0131rken bu sorunlar yuma\u011f\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yayd\u0131. Bir yandan burjuvazinin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi ve daha sonradan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvaziye devretti\u011fi Birlik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadele devam ederken; bir yandan da \u0130ngiltere, Liberalleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131dan m\u00fcdahalelerle sorunu kendi cephesinden halletmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da y\u00fckselen m\u00fccadelesiyle birlikte soruna sahip \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Gelgelelim \u0130rlanda burjuvazisinin en son g\u00f6rmek isteyece\u011fi \u015fey, \u0130ngiltere i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u0130rlandal\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f karde\u015fleriyle el ele vermesiydi. May\u0131s 1842\u2019de Parlamentoya sunulan ikinci \u00c7artist dilek\u00e7e 1802 y\u0131l\u0131nda zorla dayat\u0131lan Birlik Yasas\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 savunmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, istifini bozmayan \u0130rlandal\u0131 liberaller hi\u00e7 oral\u0131 olmad\u0131lar ve Engels\u2019in de dikkat \u00e7ekti\u011fi gibi \u00c7artistlere kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f tav\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 tak\u0131n\u0131p s\u0131rt \u00e7evirdiler.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan 1870\u2019de ba\u015flayan toprak yasalar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kartma furyas\u0131 da 1909 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar devam etti ve bu s\u00fcre zarf\u0131nda tek bir toprak sorunu i\u00e7in tam yedi kez toprak reformu yap\u0131ld\u0131! Bu prati\u011fin ad\u0131 elbette burjuva \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fckt\u00fc. K\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kirac\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, onun ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sahibi olarak i\u015fletmesine y\u00f6nelik uygulamalar hayata ge\u00e7irilmeye, ama bir yandan da toprak beylerinin imtiyazlar\u0131na \u00e7ok fazla dokunulmamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda bir\u00e7ok k\u00f6yl\u00fc toprak sahibi olabilmesine ra\u011fmen bu sefer de bor\u00e7 bata\u011f\u0131na batt\u0131 ve yakla\u015f\u0131k yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6nce Fransa\u2019da ya\u015fanan senaryo tekrarland\u0131: a\u011f\u0131r bor\u00e7lar\u0131n \u00f6denememesi ve ipotekler. Sonu\u00e7ta, burjuvazinin yukar\u0131dan dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201creformlar\u201d, tabiat\u0131yla, sorunun \u00f6z\u00fcne, yani m\u00fclkiyetin kimin elinde oldu\u011funa, erkin kimde bulundu\u011funa dokunmuyordu.<\/p>\n

Ancak, toprak sorunu, burjuvazinin niyetlerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak, burjuva anlamda bir \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u201d s\u00fcrecine girmi\u015fti. Eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n yetersizle\u015fmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131yla birlikte kapitalizmin de\u011fi\u015fen ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u0130rlanda, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle daha yak\u0131ndan tan\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yordu. Kuzeyin ba\u015f \u015fehri konumundaki Belfast on dokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda yirmi bin n\u00fcfusa sahipken y\u00fcz y\u0131l sonra n\u00fcfus tam yirmi kat\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. G\u00fcneye oranla sanayile\u015fmede ileride olan kuzey b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00f6zellikle gemi yap\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. B\u00f6ylece k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck ulusal m\u00fccadelenin s\u0131n\u0131fsal taban\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

\u0130rlanda burjuvazisi bu d\u00f6nemde \u201cYerinden Y\u00f6netim\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirdi. Ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 Parlamentodaki \u0130rlanda temsilcilerinin \u00e7ekti\u011fi hareket, Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131 tali bir parlamento talep ediyordu. \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisinin Liberal kesimi bu teklife s\u0131cak bak\u0131yordu. Eski ili\u015fkilerin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde ayak direyen, imparatorluk m\u00fcptelas\u0131 Muhafazak\u00e2r kesim ise, bu \u00f6neri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ate\u015f p\u00fcsk\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Asl\u0131na bak\u0131l\u0131rsa yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131la girerken sermayenin temsilcileri, mevcut sorunun y\u00fczeysel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ters d\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fini, aksine kitlesel bir hareketin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mesi ve taban deste\u011fini kaybettirmesi (dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ba\u011flam\u0131n\u0131 \u201ca\u015f\u0131p\u201d toplumsal bir kurtulu\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemesi) bak\u0131m\u0131ndan tercih edilir oldu\u011funun fark\u0131na varm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Bu esasen, emperyalizm d\u00f6neminde, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin temel anlam\u0131yla art\u0131k bir mutlak gereklilik olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, sermayenin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ahtapot kollar\u0131 sayesinde siyasi ve hukuki egemenli\u011finin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerleri bile sar\u0131p sarmalayacak kadar yetkinli\u011fe ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015favurumuydu.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcm bunlar on yedinci y\u00fczy\u0131lda s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme politikalar\u0131 gere\u011fi \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n kuzeyine (Ulster) yerle\u015ftirilen ve zamanla buradaki n\u00fcfus i\u00e7erisinde \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ele ge\u00e7iren Protestanlar ve bu kesimlerin \u00fczerinden politika yapan gerici burjuva kesimler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tehlike \u00e7anlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7almas\u0131 demekti. Nitekim olas\u0131 bir yerinden y\u00f6netim, parlamentoda \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun Katoliklere kapt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve \u0130ngiliz muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131n\u0131n da i\u00e7 politikada elinin zay\u0131flamas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Protestan gericili\u011fi k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131ld\u0131. Lord Carson ayaklanma tehdidinde bulundu ve silahl\u0131 haydutlardan olu\u015fan \u00e7eteler olu\u015fturdu, Katolik-Protestan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fcklendi. \u0130ngiliz emperyalizmi bir kez daha tarihin tozlu sayfalar\u0131 aras\u0131ndan eski dostunu i\u015fe el atmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yard\u0131ma \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: b\u00f6l ve y\u00f6net.<\/p>\n

Burada \u0130rlanda ulusal sorunu i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6nemli bir yer i\u015fgal eden Katolik-Protestan ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na da k\u0131saca de\u011finmekte fayda var. On alt\u0131nc\u0131 y\u00fczy\u0131lda \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flayan ve kendi \u00fcstyap\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 da teker teker olu\u015fturma tel\u00e2\u015f\u0131ndaki \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisi, ulus-devletini olu\u015fturma ve ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 (pazar\u0131n\u0131) \u00e7izme s\u00fcrecinde ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak Katoliklikle ters d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bunun nedeni elbette toprak sahiplerinin en b\u00fcy\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan Roma Katolik Kilisesi\u2019nin feodalizmin kalesi durumunda olmas\u0131yd\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca yeni s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, kendi somut ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 sonucu \u015fekillenen silahlar\u0131 (bilim, teknoloji, ak\u0131lc\u0131l\u0131k vs.) otomatikman eski dinle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmak durumundayd\u0131. Bu nedenle H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k (Katoliklik) g\u00fcne uyarlanmak zorunda kald\u0131 ve ortaya, Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle, \u201cH\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n burjuva geli\u015fimi olan Protestanl\u0131k\u201d \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131k veya \u00f6zelde Protestanl\u0131k mezhebi \u00fcst\u00fcn bir din oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de\u011fil, kendini olu\u015fan yeni ko\u015fullara uyarlayabildi\u011fi, kendisini de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi i\u00e7in varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f ve ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan taraf olmu\u015ftur. Belirli bir d\u00f6neme ait olan bir din, yeni olu\u015fan toplumsal \u015fekillenmeye kendisini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek cevap vermi\u015f ve ayakta kalmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131laman\u0131n, o ulusa \u201cait\u201d olan her \u015feyin (Katoliklik) hor g\u00f6r\u00fclmesiyle kol kola gitti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131dan belirli bir a\u015famaya ula\u015famam\u0131\u015f daha do\u011frusu ula\u015fmas\u0131 engellenmi\u015f bir halk\u0131n, Katolikli\u011fi ve Katolik Kilisesini de m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rmesinde \u2013\u00fcstelik bu kurum her zaman kendi s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla, yani egemen s\u0131n\u0131fla uyumlu hareket etmesine kar\u015f\u0131n\u2013 \u015fa\u015f\u0131lacak bir taraf yoktur. Ulusal hareketler, tam da ulusal bir hareket olmalar\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, m\u00fcttefiklerini verili ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re belirlerler. Homojen bir yap\u0131ya sahip olmamalar\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki u\u00e7urumlarda gezinmek suretiyle de d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcklerinde y\u0131lana sar\u0131lmalar\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin var oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullar i\u00e7erisinde program\u0131na sosyalizm ibaresini, isminin arkas\u0131na \u201cML\u201d yaftas\u0131n\u0131 alan \u00e7e\u015fitli ulusal hareketlerin, arkas\u0131n\u0131 yaslad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 ortadan kayboldu\u011funda tam tersi uca savrulmas\u0131nda devrimci Marksistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir anormallik veya ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fcl\u00fck yoktur ve b\u00f6ylesi bir durum s\u00f6z konusu ezilen ulusun m\u00fccadelesinin me\u015frulu\u011funu ortadan kald\u0131rmaz.
Marx, Engels ve Lenin\u2019in \u0130rlanda Sorununa Yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131<\/p>\n

Engels \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u0130rlanda \u00fczerinde y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcregelen dinmek bilmez bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, eski \u0130rlanda yaz\u0131n\u0131yla ilgili bir kitaba yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ns\u00f6zde \u015f\u00f6yle dile getirmi\u015fti: \u201cBu \u015fark\u0131lara damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran melankoli bug\u00fcn de h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n ulusal mizac\u0131n\u0131n bir d\u0131\u015favurumudur. Zaten fatihleri her zaman yeni, son moda bask\u0131lar icat eden bir halk aras\u0131nda ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn olmas\u0131 nas\u0131l beklenebilir ki?\u201d Marx ve Engels Avrupa\u2019daki i\u015f\u00e7i devrimi sorunu \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u0130rlanda meselesine ilk ba\u015ftan itibaren b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem hasretmi\u015flerdi. \u00d6zellikle Engels \u0130rlanda halk\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcren m\u00fccadelesine her zaman b\u00fcy\u00fck hayranl\u0131k beslemi\u015f ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 zaman zaman bu noktada yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00d6yle ki 1869 y\u0131l\u0131nda bir \u0130rlanda tarihi yazmak i\u00e7in haz\u0131rl\u0131klara giri\u015fmi\u015f, fakat bu \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131 yar\u0131m b\u0131rakmak zorunda kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Marx ve Engels\u2019in bu konudaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin geli\u015fimini anlayabilmek i\u00e7in, hen\u00fcz ulus-devletlerin kurulmakta oldu\u011fu ve burjuvazinin eski \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 ilerici bir misyon \u00fcstlendi\u011fi d\u00f6nemle; burjuvazinin d\u00fcnya \u00fczerinde h\u00e2kim duruma ge\u00e7erek gericile\u015fti\u011fi emperyalizm d\u00f6nemi aras\u0131nda net bir ayr\u0131m \u00e7izgisi \u00e7ekmek zorunday\u0131z. Bu ger\u00e7eklik kendisini yaln\u0131zca proleter devrimin \u201cg\u00fcncelli\u011fi\u201d olgusunda de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7erisinde ezilen ulus burjuvazisinin kaypak, korkak, uzla\u015fmac\u0131 ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci olu\u015fu olgusunda da d\u0131\u015fa vurmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Marx ilk ba\u015flarda \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funun \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi ve \u201c\u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n \u0130ngiltere\u2019den ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2ns\u0131z\u201d oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini besliyordu. Ada i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm Avrupa\u2019daki belki de tek geli\u015fkin s\u0131n\u0131f konumunda olmas\u0131 Marx\u2019\u0131n g\u00fcvenini per\u00e7inliyordu. Fakat \u201cbu konu \u00fczerine daha derinlemesine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m sonucu,\u201d diye yazar Engels\u2019e bir mektubunda, \u201ctam tersine kani oldum. \u0130rlanda sorunu hallolmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 asla hi\u00e7bir i\u015fin \u00fcstesinden gelemeyecektir. \u0130rlanda ile mevcut ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan kendisini azade k\u0131lmas\u0131 \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan menfaatinedir. [\u2026] \u0130ngiliz gericili\u011finin k\u00f6keninde \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n boyunduruk alt\u0131nda tutulmas\u0131 yatmaktad\u0131r.\u201d (10 Aral\u0131k 1869) Bu nedenle \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n da program\u0131nda \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kendi devletini kurma hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ve \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisinden koparak \u201cbunu yaln\u0131zca ortak bir dava olarak g\u00f6rmekle yetinmeyip, bu birli\u011fin bozulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in inisiyatifi de eline almas\u0131\u201d gerekti\u011fini savunur. Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re \u0130ngiltere\u2019ye \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc darbe yumu\u015fak karn\u0131 olan \u0130rlanda\u2019da vurulabilir.<\/p>\n

Marx i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n evrensel kurtulu\u015funa her \u015feyden fazla \u00f6nem vermi\u015ftir. Ulusal sorun i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birle\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6nemli bir engel te\u015fkil etmektedir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n enternasyonalizmi g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc bir birliktelikten ge\u00e7mektedir ve ezen ulus \u015fovenizmi san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n aksine yaln\u0131zca ezilen ulusun de\u011fil, ezen ulus kom\u00fcnistlerinin de \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir engeldir. Bu noktada dikkat \u00e7ekici bir hususa i\u015faret eder Marx:<\/p>\n

Ve en \u00f6nemlisi! \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki her sanayi ve ticaret merkezinde, art\u0131k, iki d\u00fc\u015fman kampa, \u0130ngiliz proleterler ile \u0130rlandal\u0131 proleterlere b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 var. S\u0131radan bir \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i, kendi ya\u015fam d\u00fczeyini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcren bir rakipmi\u015f gibi, \u0130rlandal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iden nefret ediyor. \u0130rlandal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iyle ili\u015fkisinde, kendini egemen ulusun bir \u00fcyesi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor ve bunun sonucu, \u0130ngiliz aristokratlar\u0131yla kapitalistlerinin \u0130rlanda\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 bir aleti durumuna d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor, b\u00f6ylece onlar\u0131n kendisi \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiriyor.[1]<\/p>\n

Lenin de Marx ve Engels\u2019in bu \u00e7izgisini takip etti ve \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca gerekli oldu\u011funu de\u011fil \u2013ba\u015fta Rosa Luxemburg olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer sosyalistlerle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalarda\u2013 bunun en \u201cpratik\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm oldu\u011funun da \u0131srarla alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi. \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u0130rlanda\u2019y\u0131 boyunduruk alt\u0131nda tutmas\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisinin elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi\u011fini ve \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 gerekli s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinden mahrum b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6ren Lenin m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6nderli\u011fini kimin yapaca\u011f\u0131 konusunda Connoly ile ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi payla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Lenin, tabans\u0131z liberallerin elli y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcredir \u0130rlanda\u2019da reform sorununu g\u00fcndeme getirdiklerinden, ama bunu s\u00fcr\u00fcncemede b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131ndan bahseder. Yerinden Y\u00f6netim yasas\u0131n\u0131n emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla rafa kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bunun gerici toprak sahipleri g\u00fcruhuna verilmi\u015f bir taviz oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Netice itibar\u0131yla Lenin uzla\u015fmaz s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7izgisini ortaya koyar. Burjuva liberaller bu sorunu \u00e7\u00f6zemez, zira bin bir ba\u011fla toprak sahiplerine ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131rlar. Bu sorunu yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrim program\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zebilir.
\u0130rlanda \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 Sahneye \u00c7\u0131k\u0131yor<\/p>\n

Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131na ve buna giden s\u00fcrece de\u011fi\u015fen s\u0131n\u0131f dengeleri, \u00fclkenin toplumsal bile\u015fimi ve bunun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi \u00fczerindeki dolays\u0131z etkilerini g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurarak yakla\u015fmak mecburiyetindeyiz. K\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00fclkesi olma s\u0131fat\u0131ndan tam anlam\u0131yla kurtulamam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, sanayinin ve onun temsil etti\u011fi yeni \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin \u00fclke ekonomisindeki yeri ve bunun sonucu olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bu denklem i\u00e7erisindeki g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn fark\u0131na varmas\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu s\u00fcrece damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurur. Nitekim toprak sorunu da burjuva \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne bu d\u00f6nemde kavu\u015facak ve yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fcler bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ten elleri bo\u015f \u00e7\u0131kacak olsalar da, \u0130rlandal\u0131 m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131flar gerekli g\u00fcce kavu\u015facaklard\u0131.
James Connoly<\/p>\n

Marksist James Connoly\u2019nin 1896 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulu\u015funa \u00f6n ayak oldu\u011fu \u0130rlanda Sosyalist Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Partisi, egemen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sekterli\u011fin \u00fczerine gidilmesi gerekti\u011finin bilinciyle g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc sendikalarda ve kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde mevziler elde etmeye ve dinsel planda b\u00f6l\u00fcnen i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u0131n\u0131fsal d\u00fczlemde birle\u015ftirmeye dikmi\u015fti. Kamuoyunda ve kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerin a\u011f\u0131r bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ortamda Connoly, \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n salt bir ulusal sorundan mustarip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin bir toplumsal kurtulu\u015fa ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir i\u015f\u00e7i cumhuriyetine ihtiya\u00e7 duyduklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. Connoly\u2019nin 1903\u2019te Amerika\u2019ya g\u00f6\u00e7 etmesi ve 1910\u2019a kadar \u0130rlanda\u2019dan uzak kalmas\u0131 sonucu bu kez devreye bir ba\u015fka kom\u00fcnist girmi\u015fti: James Larkin. Larkin \u00f6nce 1905 y\u0131l\u0131nda Belfast\u2019ta dok i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin grevine \u00f6nderlik etti. Ard\u0131ndan, Connoly\u2019yle birlikte, 1913\u2019teki grevin de \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicisi olacak olan \u0130rlanda Nakliyat ve Genel \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Sendikas\u0131n\u0131 (ITGWU) kurdular.<\/p>\n

1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda Belfast\u2019taki tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ileri Connoly\u2019nin do\u011fru s\u0131n\u0131f hatt\u0131n\u0131 takip ederek \u00f6nemli bir grev ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdiler. Belfast\u2019taki en b\u00fcy\u00fck sekt\u00f6rlerden biri olan keten ve tekstil sanayisinde i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131r ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlerle \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131. \u00c7o\u011funlu\u011funu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu i\u015fyerinde \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz durumda bulunan i\u015f\u00e7iler, Ekim ay\u0131nda patronun i\u015f h\u0131zland\u0131rma kapsam\u0131ndaki dayatmalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ba\u015f kald\u0131rd\u0131lar. Elbette burjuva \u00f6rg\u00fctlerden yard\u0131m g\u00f6rmeyen i\u015f\u00e7iler Connoly\u2019den yard\u0131m istediler. Katolik Kilisesi\u2019nin caiz g\u00f6rmeyerek cevaz vermedi\u011fi grev esnas\u0131nda anla\u015fma masas\u0131na yana\u015fmak istemeyen i\u015fverenler, her \u015feye kar\u015f\u0131n, dayatmak istedikleri yeni i\u015fyeri kanunlar\u0131n\u0131 benimsetemeden i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcler. Grev amac\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kendi talepleri i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele ederken, \u0130rlanda sorununun yukar\u0131dan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in de giri\u015fimler s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. 1911 y\u0131l\u0131nda yap\u0131lan genel se\u00e7imlere \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki Liberal Parti ile \u0130rlanda Partisi ortak listeyle girdiler. Yap\u0131lan ittifak uyar\u0131nca Yerinden Y\u00f6netim tasar\u0131s\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irilecekti. Olu\u015fturulan listenin se\u00e7imlerden zaferle ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, Protestan gericili\u011fi tekrardan tetiklendi. Buna mukabil, devreye sava\u015f\u0131n da girmesiyle Yerinden Y\u00f6netim krizi kesintiye u\u011frayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan, \u0130rlanda sava\u015f\u0131n \u00f6ncesinde bir ba\u015fka olayla daha sars\u0131lacakt\u0131. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri geli\u015fmekte olan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini baltalamak ve onun can damar\u0131 olan kom\u00fcnist Connoly\u2019nin ve Larkin\u2019in \u00f6n planda oldu\u011fu ITGWU sendikas\u0131n\u0131 tasfiye etmek i\u00e7in \u0130rlanda burjuvazisi lokavt ilan etti. Her f\u0131rsatta \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n yekpare bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fturdu\u011fundan dem vurarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ileri kuyru\u011funa takmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u0130rlandal\u0131 kodamanlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131, \u0130\u015fverenler Sendikas\u0131 ba\u015fkan\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fclkenin en b\u00fcy\u00fck gazetelerinden birinin sahibi olan Murphy sendikaya \u00fcye i\u015f\u00e7ileri istifaya zorlad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerse Murphy\u2019nin gazetesini boykot ederek cevap verdiler. \u0130rlanda burjuvazisi lokavt ilan etti. Katolik Kilisesi\u2019nin ve burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerin destek verdi\u011fi lokavt s\u0131ras\u0131nda binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i i\u015ften at\u0131ld\u0131, kom\u00fcnist Larkin tutukland\u0131. Enternasyonalizmi bayrak edinmi\u015f olan Connoly, m\u00fccadelenin \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n kurulmamas\u0131 durumunda ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bilinciyle hareket etti. Lokavt s\u0131ras\u0131nda adan\u0131n di\u011fer b\u00f6lgelerinde kitlesel g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenlendi. Fakat \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki reformist \u00f6nderlik u\u011fursuz rol\u00fcn\u00fc burada da oynamaktan geri durmad\u0131. Yakla\u015f\u0131k alt\u0131 ay boyunca 20.000 i\u015f\u00e7inin destans\u0131 m\u00fccadelesine kar\u015f\u0131n lokavt 1914 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015far\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7iler sendikadan istifa ederek i\u015fe geri d\u00f6nmek zorunda kald\u0131lar.
Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131 ve Devrimcilerin Katledilmesi<\/p>\n

Sava\u015f \u00f6ncesinde \u0130rlanda n\u00fcfusu 4,5 milyona yakla\u015f\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 esasen kuzeybat\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde toplanm\u0131\u015f, burada g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sanayi de olu\u015fmu\u015ftu. Bu b\u00f6lgenin merkezi olan Belfast\u2019\u0131n n\u00fcfusu elli y\u0131l i\u00e7erisinde iki-\u00fc\u00e7 kat artarak 400.000\u2019i ge\u00e7mi\u015fti. Ancak, ITGWU\u2019nun buradaki \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc nispeten azd\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00dczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken nokta, ulusal hareket i\u00e7erisinde art\u0131k bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n n\u00fcve halinde de olsa g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015flamas\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131la grevleri ve direni\u015fleriyle imzas\u0131n\u0131 atarken, m\u00fclk sahibi s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda ba\u015fka bir tantana daha vard\u0131. Yerinden Y\u00f6netim\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 tepkiler \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir kimli\u011fe de kavu\u015fturulmu\u015f ve kuzeydeki burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan Ulster G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcler G\u00fcc\u00fc (UVF) ad\u0131nda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva ve l\u00fcmpen proleter kesimlerden m\u00fcte\u015fekkil silahl\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct kurulmu\u015ftu. \u0130rlandal\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilerse buna binaen Ulusal G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcler\u2019i (NV) kurmu\u015flard\u0131. UVF, Katoliklerin az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu kuzeyde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 katliamlara giri\u015fmi\u015f, lokavt esnas\u0131ndaysa i\u015f daha da \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131r\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu sebeple, James Connoly 1913 y\u0131l\u0131nda, Ulster G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcleri ad\u0131 verilen bu silahl\u0131 fa\u015fizan \u00e7etelerin katliamlar\u0131na yan\u0131t olarak \u0130rlanda Yurtta\u015f Ordusu\u2019nu kurdurttu. Sendikalara ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine ba\u011fl\u0131 hareket eden, sendika \u00fcyelerinin aidatlar\u0131yla ayakta duran bu ilk i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ordusu ayaklanmada da kilit rol oynayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

James Connoly i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ordusunda ba\u015frol\u00fc oynuyordu. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131nda emperyalist \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa ortak olmak istemeyen Connoly, sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 tutum ald\u0131. B\u00f6ylece gerek UVF\u2019nin gerekse de NV\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu sava\u015fa destek olurken \u0130rlanda Yurtta\u015f Ordusu ger\u00e7ek bir i\u015f\u00e7i ordusu s\u0131fat\u0131yla enternasyonalizmi kendisine d\u00fcstur edinecek ve bu \u015fovenist dalgan\u0131n esiri olmayacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Ancak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n o g\u00fcnlerdeki uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6nderli\u011fi (II. Enternasyonal) kendi burjuvalar\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131na tak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u0131pk\u0131 Rusya\u2019daki Lenin ve Bol\u015fevikler gibi, Connoly de y\u00fckselen sosyal-\u015foven fikirlerin ortas\u0131nda az\u0131nl\u0131kta kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin geri \u00e7ekilmesi ve burjuvazinin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 \u00fcst \u00fcste binmi\u015fti. Connoly a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan barda\u011f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131ran son damla ise, \u0130rlanda\u2019ya zorunlu askerli\u011fin dayat\u0131lmas\u0131 giri\u015fimleri oldu.<\/p>\n

Bunun \u00fczerine Connoly gibi silahl\u0131 bir ayaklanman\u0131n m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc payla\u015fan \u0130rlanda Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Karde\u015fli\u011fi (IRB) ile birlikte ayaklanma karar\u0131 al\u0131nd\u0131 ve g\u00fcn olarak yakla\u015fan paskalya yortusu se\u00e7ildi. 24 Nisanda ba\u015flayan ayaklanmada Dublinli G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcler\u2019e ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir kesim de yer ald\u0131. Esas olarak Dublin ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalan ayaklanma be\u015f g\u00fcn s\u00fcrd\u00fc. S\u0131n\u0131fla ba\u011flar\u0131 kurulamayan ve maalesef k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131kla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalan ayaklanma g\u00f6z\u00fc d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f \u0130ngiliz emperyalizmi taraf\u0131ndan \u015fiddetle bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Sivil halka y\u00f6nelik katliamlara giri\u015filmesi ve kentin top sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131yla yerle bir edilmesinin ard\u0131ndan Connoly ve di\u011fer devrimciler tutukland\u0131lar. Connoly bu s\u0131rada a\u011f\u0131r \u015fekilde yaralanm\u0131\u015f ve yaras\u0131 kangrene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Hemen ard\u0131ndan kurulan s\u00f6zde mahkemeyle cezalar kesildi ve on be\u015f devrimci bir oldu bittiye getirilerek kur\u015funa dizildi.
Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131ndan Geriye Kalanlar<\/p>\n

Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131 zamans\u0131z bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f, sonu ba\u015ftan belli bir kalk\u0131\u015fma m\u0131yd\u0131? Connoly\u2019nin kendisi bile, ayaklanman\u0131n hemen \u00f6ncesinde a\u00e7\u0131k a\u00e7\u0131k \u201chi\u00e7bir kazanma \u015fans\u0131m\u0131z\u201d yok dedi\u011fine g\u00f6re, bu soru tart\u0131\u015fmaya de\u011ferdir. Tarihte pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rne\u011fi oldu\u011fu gibi, devrimci ayaklanmalar her zaman tam uygun ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmiyor.<\/p>\n

Lenin, sonras\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlendirmede bu ayaklanmay\u0131 sahiplenmi\u015f, fakat \u0130rlandal\u0131 devrimcilerin bahts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, ayaklanman\u0131n \u201cAvrupa proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n ayaklanmas\u0131 hen\u00fcz olgunla\u015fmadan\u201d ger\u00e7eklemi\u015f olmas\u0131nda yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir. Plekhanov\u2019un ayaklanmay\u0131 \u201cdarbe\u201d diyerek nitelendirmesine sert \u00e7\u0131kan Lenin \u015funlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131:<\/p>\n

Y\u00fczy\u0131llara dayanan bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fe sahip \u0130rlanda ulusal hareketi, de\u011fi\u015fik s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n bile\u015fiminden ve a\u015famalardan ge\u00e7tikten sonra, kendi ifadesini \u00f6zellikle Amerika\u2019da toplanan, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara dayal\u0131 \u0130rlanda Ulusal Kongresinde buldu (Vorw\u00e4rts, 20 Mart 1916). Ve bu kongre \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulundu; bu ayaklanma uzun bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n ajitasyon, g\u00f6steriler, gazete yasaklamalar vb. d\u00f6neminden sonra, kent k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazisinin ve i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bir kesiminin y\u00f6netti\u011fi sokak sava\u015flar\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde tezah\u00fcr etti. B\u00f6yle bir ayaklanmay\u0131 \u201cdarbe\u201d olarak niteleyen kimse, ya gericilerin en sunturlusudur, ya da bir toplumsal devrimi canl\u0131 bir olgu olarak kavramaktan, \u00fcmitsiz vaka derecesinde aciz bir doktrinerdir.<\/p>\n

Toplumsal devrimin, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerde ve Avrupa\u2019da ayaklanmalar olmadan, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131yla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin bir kesiminin devrimci infilak\u0131 olmadan, siyasal bak\u0131mdan bilin\u00e7siz olan proleter ve yar\u0131-proleter y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n, toprak sahiplerinin, kilisenin, krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n boyunduru\u011funa kar\u015f\u0131, ulusal vb. boyunduru\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 hareketi olmadan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilece\u011fini sanmak, toplumsal devrimi reddetmektir. Ne olacakt\u0131! Bir ordu belirlenmi\u015f bir noktada mevzilenerek, \u201cbiz sosyalizmden yanay\u0131z\u201d, bir ba\u015fka ordu da bir ba\u015fka noktada saf tutarak \u201cbiz emperyalizmden yanay\u0131z\u201d diyecek ve b\u00f6ylece toplumsal bir devrim ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek, \u00f6yle mi! Ancak b\u00f6ylesine \u00e7okbilmi\u015f\u00e7e ve g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hareket ederek \u0130rlanda ayaklanmas\u0131na \u201cdarbe\u201d diye kara \u00e7al\u0131nabilir.<\/p>\n

\u201cSaf\u201d bir toplumsal devrim bekleyenlerin \u00f6mr\u00fc hi\u00e7bir zaman bunu g\u00f6rmeye vefa etmeyecektir.[2]<\/p>\n

Ayaklanman\u0131n sonras\u0131nda, Birinci Emperyalist Sava\u015f\u0131n bitimiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen genel se\u00e7imlerde \u0130rlandal\u0131 burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerin ezici bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckle galip gelmesi \u00fczerine i\u00e7 sava\u015f ba\u015flad\u0131. 1919\u2019da Limerick\u2019teki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kentin kontrol\u00fcn\u00fc ele alarak kendi sovyetlerini de kurduklar\u0131, toprak i\u015fgallerinin ve b\u00fcy\u00fck grevlerin de ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015fta liderli\u011fi burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerin ele ge\u00e7irmesi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sonucu belirlemi\u015f oldu. Zira \u00f6zellikle James Connoly\u2019nin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden de sonra ulusal hareketin s\u0131n\u0131f dinamikleri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 taraf\u0131na kayma \u015fans\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti.
Sonu\u00e7<\/p>\n

Burjuvazinin \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f sistemi, tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131dan kendi pay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fen ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cnormal\u201d \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda kapitalist \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilecek sorunlar\u0131 bile \u00e7\u00f6zmekten aciz durumdad\u0131r. \u00d6l\u00fcm saati yakla\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a sald\u0131rganla\u015fan kapitalizm bu tarihsel sorunlar\u0131 kangren boyutlara ta\u015f\u0131makta, kendi miad\u0131n\u0131 doldurmu\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fcklemektedir. B\u00f6ylece asl\u0131nda farkl\u0131 tarihsel evrelere denk d\u00fc\u015fen sorunlar \u00fcst \u00fcste binmekte, diyalektik bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Elbette bu durum kom\u00fcnistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemli bir zemin haz\u0131rlamakta, ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesini toplumsal kurtulu\u015f alan\u0131na y\u00fckseltmek i\u00e7in f\u0131rsat sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan, ulusal sorun, \u201cas\u0131l \u00e7eli\u015fki s\u0131n\u0131fsald\u0131r\u201d ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin arkas\u0131na s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilebilecek veya bo\u015flanabilecek bir sorun de\u011fildir. Nitekim, ulusal sorun, tarihsel olarak burjuva demokratik bir sorun olmas\u0131na ve harekete ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi kitlelerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131n, bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler \u00f6zg\u00fcn d\u0131\u015favurumlara sahiptirler. Enternasyonalist kom\u00fcnistler sosyalist temellerde birli\u011fi ger\u00e7ek ve kal\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olarak de\u011ferlendirseler bile, bu ger\u00e7eklikten hareketle kitlelerin \u2013e\u011fer varsa\u2013 ulusal sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmezler.<\/p>\n

[1] \u201cMarx\u2019tan New York\u2019taki Sigfrid Meyer ve August Vogt\u2019a\u201d (9 Nisan 1870), Se\u00e7me Yaz\u0131\u015fmalar, c.2, Sol Yay., s.14<\/p>\n

[2] Lenin, \u201cThe Discussion on Self-Determination Summed Up [Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 \u00dczerine Bir Tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00d6zeti]\u201d, Collected Works, cilt. 22, s.355-56<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ulusal Sorun ve Sosyalist M\u00fccadele Diyalekti\u011fi \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n Dublin kenti 1916 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n 24 Nisan g\u00fcn\u00fc, emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6lgesinde, say\u0131lar\u0131 1000 il\u00e2 1500 aras\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fen silahl\u0131 devrimcinin ayaklanmas\u0131yla \u00e7alkaland\u0131. \u0130rlanda Yurtta\u015f Ordusuna ve G\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fclere ba\u011fl\u0131 birlikler, ne oldu\u011funu anlayamayan Dublinlilerin ve i\u015fgalci askerlerin \u015fa\u015fk\u0131n bak\u0131\u015flar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u015fehrin \u00f6nemli binalar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irerek, Ulusal Posta M\u00fcd\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn tepesine \u0130rlanda […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[156],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4230","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-genel-tarih"},"yoast_head":"\n1916 \u0130rlanda Paskalya Ayaklanmas\u0131 | Baran K\u00f6ksal - 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