{"id":4266,"date":"2010-02-27T11:20:01","date_gmt":"2010-02-27T08:20:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/02\/27\/tam-bagimsiz-turkiye-degil-sosyalist-bir-dunya-ilkay-meric\/"},"modified":"2010-02-27T11:20:01","modified_gmt":"2010-02-27T08:20:01","slug":"tam-bagimsiz-turkiye-degil-sosyalist-bir-dunya-ilkay-meric","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/02\/27\/tam-bagimsiz-turkiye-degil-sosyalist-bir-dunya-ilkay-meric\/","title":{"rendered":"‘Tam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye’ De\u011fil Sosyalist Bir D\u00fcnya | \u0130lkay Meri\u00e7"},"content":{"rendered":"![](\"http:\/\/cetinyilmaz.files.wordpress.com\/2009\/10\/sosyalizm.jpg\")
Beyin insana t\u00fcrl\u00fc t\u00fcrl\u00fc oyunlar oynayabilen bir organ. Bu oyunlardan biri de dejavu olarak bilinir. \u0130nsan bazen, bir olay\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada \u201cben bunu daha \u00f6nceden ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m\u201d hissine kap\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte son zamanlarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de insan\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla bu hisse s\u00fcr\u00fckleyebilecek t\u00fcrden \u015feyler ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Ama ne yaz\u0131k ki ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir dejavu, yani bir beyin oyunu de\u011fil, ger\u00e7eklik. \u201cTam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131n meydanlarda yeniden hayat bulmas\u0131ysa bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin ironik bir par\u00e7as\u0131. 1960-70\u2019lerde sol harekete damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran ve kitleleri pe\u015finden s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen bu slogan, bug\u00fcnlerde, darbecilerin organize etti\u011fi cumhuriyet mitinglerinde k\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcn kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel sloganlardan biri haline gelmi\u015f bulunuyor. O darbeciler ki, bir zamanlar \u201ctam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u201d m\u00fccadelesi veren Denizleri, H\u00fcseyinleri, Mahirleri, \u0130brahimleri ve daha nice devrimciyi g\u00f6zlerini k\u0131rpmadan dara\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131nda salland\u0131ran, kur\u015funa dizen, i\u015fkencelerden ge\u00e7irip katledenlerdir.<\/p>\n
Bilindi\u011fi gibi \u201cTam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u201d slogan\u0131 esas olarak \u201cuzun y\u0131llar\u0131 kapsayan bir \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck ve suskunluktan sonra, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sosyalist hareketin y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131, gen\u00e7li\u011fi, \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ileri kucaklayarak ilk kez kitleselle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d[1] 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda at\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015f ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980\u2019e kadar devam edecek olan bir tarihsel d\u00f6neme damgas\u0131n\u0131 basm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu slogan ve ona temel te\u015fkil eden milli demokratik devrim (MDD) tezi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Amerikan emperyalizminin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi oldu\u011funu varsay\u0131yor ve buradan hareketle, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sermaye ve feodal zorbalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm kesimlerin ittifak\u0131yla \u201ctam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve ger\u00e7ekten demokratik\u201d ama son tahlilde kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirecek bir devletin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 hedefliyordu. Sonradan \u00e7e\u015fitlenerek farkl\u0131 adlar alacak ama \u00f6z\u00fcnde ayn\u0131 savlara dayanacak olan s\u00f6z konusu tezlerin bu topraklardaki ba\u015f mimar\u0131 Mihri Belli, 1967 tarihli \u201cDevrimci \u015eiar Meselesi\u201d adl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131nda \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu:<\/p>\n
\u201c\u2026 emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun hen\u00fcz, kendi devrimi olan sosyalist devrimden yana olmak \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, milli ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k gibi \u2026 toprak reformu gibi demokratik devrimin kapsam\u0131na giren d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerden bile yana olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclkede; emperyalizm-i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sermaye-feodal m\u00fctegallibe \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ekonomiye h\u00fckmetti\u011fi ve siyaseti de geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkiledi\u011fi bir \u00fclkede; topra\u011f\u0131nda yabanc\u0131 \u00fcslerini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran ve ekonomisi, siyaseti, savunmas\u0131, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc Amerikan vesayeti alt\u0131nda bulunan bir \u00fclkede, temel devrimci \u015fiar ancak: \u00abEmperyalizm-i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sermaye-feodal m\u00fctegallibeye kar\u015f\u0131, \u015fehir ve k\u00f6y proletaryas\u0131, \u015fehir ve k\u00f6y k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazisi, asker-sivil ayd\u0131n z\u00fcmre, omuz omuza, tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve ger\u00e7ekten demokratik bir T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in!\u00bb \u015fiar\u0131 olabilir. Bu da demokratik devrimin \u015fiar\u0131d\u0131r. Sosyalist devrimin \u015fiar\u0131 de\u011fildir. Ve ancak bu anti-emperyalist ve anti-feodal \u015fiar bir ger\u00e7ek olduktan sonrad\u0131r ki, demokratik devrim a\u015famas\u0131 a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonrad\u0131r ki, T\u00fcrkiye toplumu sosyalist devrime bir ad\u0131m daha yakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olacak ve sosyalist devrim temel \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131n at\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ortam haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131r.\u201d[2] (ab\u00e7)<\/p>\n
Ayn\u0131 y\u0131llarda TKP-D\u0131\u015f B\u00fcro y\u00f6neticisi \u0130smail Bilen de benzer \u015feyleri dile getiriyordu: \u201cBug\u00fcn ana dava milli ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131kt\u0131r. Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Demokratik d\u00fczen her \u015feyden \u00f6nce geliyor. Sosyalist devrime gitmek i\u00e7in olaylar\u0131n \u00fczerinden atlayamay\u0131z. D\u00fc\u015fman Amerikal\u0131d\u0131r. Amerikal\u0131y\u0131 tutan da b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi. Sava\u015f\u0131 buna g\u00f6re ayarlamal\u0131y\u0131z.\u201d[3]<\/p>\n
Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, emperyalist sistemi organik bir d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemi olarak alg\u0131lamay\u0131p geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin izledi\u011fi bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131na, emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi ise esasen Amerikan d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirgiyordu. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kom\u00fcnistlerin g\u00f6revi i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc tamamlanmak bilmeyen burjuva demokratik devrimi tamamlamak i\u00e7in seferber etmekti. Sosyalizme zemin haz\u0131rlamak i\u00e7in \u00f6nce emperyalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir kapitalizmi geli\u015ftirmek gerekiyordu! Yani Ekim Devriminden 50 y\u0131l sonra, bu topraklarda a\u015famac\u0131l\u0131k yeniden hortluyordu. Mehmet Sinan\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi, \u201cEkim devriminin derslerinin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Lenin\u2019in sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda form\u00fcle edilen \u00abproleter devrimin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi\u00bb ve proletaryan\u0131n tek ve b\u00fct\u00fcnsel \u00abge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131\u00bb anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, T\u00fcrkiyeli sosyalistlerin haf\u0131zas\u0131ndan silinip gitmi\u015fti adeta. Bu haf\u0131za kayb\u0131na yol a\u00e7an, 1930\u2019lardan beri d\u00fcnya kom\u00fcnist hareketi \u00fczerinde hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 kurarak, Bol\u015fevik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin tasfiyesine giri\u015fen Stalinizmden ba\u015fkas\u0131 de\u011fildi elbette.\u201d<\/p>\n
1932 y\u0131l\u0131nda a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki sat\u0131rlar\u0131 yazan Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 bile, 30 y\u0131l sonra devrim perspektifi ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6zde Mihri Belli ile ayn\u0131 \u015feyleri s\u00f6yleme noktas\u0131na gelebiliyordu. K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu 1932\u2019de: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisi nas\u0131l klasik kapitalizme u\u011framadan do\u011frudan finans kapitalizme atlad\u0131 ise, T\u00fcrk proletaryas\u0131 da \u00f6ylece, ilkel deneyleri gevi\u015f getirerek de\u011fil, onlardan \u00e7\u0131kan dersleri son zafer deneyiyle har\u00e7 ederek do\u011frudan Sovyetler devrimine giri\u015fmeye mecburdur. (\u2026) 30 y\u0131l sonra Bol\u015fevizm, yeni bir Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc tecr\u00fcbe etmeye yeltenmedi. Onun i\u00e7in biz de 27 y\u0131l sonra bir ikinci 1905 yapmaya \u00f6zenemeyiz.\u201d<\/p>\n
30\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131na kadar bu fikirde olan sadece Hikmet K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 gibi kom\u00fcnistler de\u011fildi. O y\u0131llarda Peru\u2019dan K\u00fcba\u2019ya kadar pek \u00e7ok KP\u2019de de Bol\u015fevik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde korunuyordu. \u00d6rne\u011fin Peru Kom\u00fcnist Partisinin kurucular\u0131ndan Mariategui, 1927\u2019de, K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131\u2019ya benzer \u015fekilde \u015funlar\u0131 yaz\u0131yordu: \u201cLatin Amerika devrimi sadece ve sadece sosyalist devrim olacakt\u0131r. Bu terime duruma g\u00f6re diledi\u011finiz t\u00fcm s\u0131fatlar\u0131 ekleyebilirsiniz: \u00abanti-emperyalist\u00bb, \u00abtar\u0131msal\u00bb, \u00abdevrimci milliyet\u00e7i\u00bb. Sosyalizm b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar demektir, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 \u00f6nceleyecektir ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 kapsayacakt\u0131r.\u201d[4]<\/p>\n
Ne var ki, Bol\u015fevizmin Stalinizm eliyle tasfiye edilmesinin ard\u0131ndan, t\u00fcm KP\u2019lerde SBKP\u2019nin fikirleri do\u011frultusunda devasa bir \u00e7ark edi\u015f ya\u015fand\u0131. \u201c27 y\u0131l sonra ikinci bir 1905 yapmaya \u00f6zenemeyiz\u201d diyen K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131ml\u0131 gibi kom\u00fcnistler bile, ne yaz\u0131k ki 1905 devriminden tam 60 y\u0131l sonra buna \u00f6zenir hale gelecekler ve yeni bir Ekim yerine yeni bir 1905 (ya da 1917 \u015eubat\u0131) anlam\u0131na gelen \u201cdemokratik halk devrimi\u201d tezlerine sar\u0131lacaklard\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bundan b\u00f6yle genel olarak devrimci harekette sosyalist devrim Kaf da\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131na at\u0131lacak, onun yerini \u201ckapitalist olmayan yol\u201d do\u011frultusunda ve \u201cmilli burjuvazinin\u201d deste\u011fiyle, milli demokratik devrimler, demokratik halk devrimleri, anti-emperyalist devrimler alacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n
Bu devrimlerde i\u015f\u00e7i emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n m\u00fcttefiki olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen en \u00f6nemli g\u00fc\u00e7lerden biri ise, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin tarihsel \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn de etkisiyle, \u201casker-sivil ayd\u0131n z\u00fcmre\u201d idi. Hatta Mihri Belli gibiler, \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin en bilin\u00e7li kesimi\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirdikleri bu \u201cz\u00fcmre\u201dye m\u00fcttefik olman\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde bir rol atfediyorlard\u0131. Bunlar Mustafa Kemal \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki hareketi de burjuva de\u011fil k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva devrimci bir hareket olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Kom\u00fcnistlik iddias\u0131nda olan, ama kafalar\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilikle yo\u011frulan bu ayd\u0131nlar asl\u0131nda Kemalizmle ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman koparamam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Onlar, Kemalist devrimin bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrimle sona erdirildi\u011fini ve cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan 40 y\u0131l sonra, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin ve sosyalistlerin birincil g\u00f6revinin bu devrimin yeniden diriltilmesi oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden de devrimin ilk a\u015famas\u0131, \u201ct\u0131pk\u0131 Kemalist devrim gibi, emperyalizmden tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flayacak ve ger\u00e7ek demokrasiyi in\u015fa edecek bir devrim\u201d olmal\u0131yd\u0131!<\/p>\n
\u201cBug\u00fcn\u00fcn sorusu, \u00abmilli ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131ktan yana m\u0131s\u0131n, tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den yana m\u0131s\u0131n, de\u011fil misin?\u00bb sorusudur. \u00abSosyalizme inan\u0131yor musun, inanm\u0131yor musun?\u00bb sorusu sonraki i\u015f. Kald\u0131 ki, kemalizmle sosyalizm aras\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131lmaz duvarlar yoktur\u201d diyen Mihri Belli, s\u00f6zlerine \u015f\u00f6yle devam ediyordu:<\/p>\n
\u201cMilli gurur iyi \u015feydir. Milli gurur insan\u0131 sosyalizme g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr. En sa\u011flam sosyalistler o yoldan gelmi\u015flerdir sosyalizme. Bir adamda ger\u00e7ek milli gurur varsa korkma! Erge\u00e7 temel ilkelerde birle\u015firsin onunla. Erge\u00e7 bu d\u00fcnyada T\u00fcrk olarak ba\u015f\u0131 dik ya\u015faman\u0131n, kapitalizmin son a\u015famas\u0131 olan emperyalizmin d\u00fcnya y\u00fcz\u00fcnden silinmesi ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilece\u011fini anlayacakt\u0131r. Bunu ben kendimden bilirim. Bizim delikanl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, biz, \u00abBir T\u00fcrk d\u00fcnyaya bedel!\u00bb, \u00abNe mutlu T\u00fcrk\u00fcm diyene\u00bb sloganlar\u0131n\u0131 ciddiye alan bir ku\u015fakt\u0131k.\u201d<\/p>\n
Her kelimesinden milliyet\u00e7ilik f\u0131\u015fk\u0131ran bu sat\u0131rlar, bug\u00fcn \u201caskerlerimizin kafas\u0131na \u00e7uval ge\u00e7irildi, ulusal onurumuz ayaklar alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u201d diye paralanan, darbe mitinglerinden y\u00fckselen \u015fovenizmi \u201culusal onur\u201d olarak alk\u0131\u015flayan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva solculara milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin nerelerden miras kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gayet g\u00fczel ortaya koyuyor.<\/p>\n
Mihri Belli, \u201cd\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin sayg\u0131de\u011fer adlar\u0131ndan biri, proleter enternasyonalizminin \u015ferefli sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131s\u0131\u201d olarak niteledi\u011fi Frans\u0131z sosyalisti Jean Jures\u2019in me\u015fhur s\u00f6zlerini, \u201conun a\u011fz\u0131nda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00f6vg\u00fcs\u00fc, elbette \u015fovenli\u011fin de\u011fil, en derin anlam\u0131yla yurtseverli\u011fin \u00f6vg\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr\u201d diyerek \u015f\u00f6yle al\u0131nt\u0131lar: \u201cMilliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin az\u0131, seni enternasyonalizmden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin derini, seni enternasyonalizme g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr. Enternasyonalizmin az\u0131, seni milliyet\u00e7ilikten uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Enternasyonalizmin derini, seni milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr.\u201d[5]<\/p>\n
Marksizmin yerine Stalinizmi, enternasyonalizmin yerine milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin derinini, d\u00fcnya devriminin yerine tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131, proleter devrimlerin yerine \u201ckapitalist olmayan yol\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda devlet kapitalizmini ikame eden bu stratejik hat, \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, Sovyet ve \u00c7in b\u00fcrokrasisinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u015fekillendirilmi\u015f ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyaya ihra\u00e7 edilmi\u015fti. O d\u00f6nemlerde, Suriye, Irak, M\u0131s\u0131r gibi \u00fclkelerde de, kom\u00fcnist partilerin temel \u00e7izgisini bu Stalinist anlay\u0131\u015f belirliyordu. \u00d6rne\u011fin 1963\u2019teki Baas\u00e7\u0131 darbenin ard\u0131ndan Suriye Kom\u00fcnist Partisi \u00f6nderlerinden Halit Bekta\u015f, Suriye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n milli kurtulu\u015f hareketine \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck edebilecek ve onu ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcrebilecek bir geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyinde bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, bu \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck g\u00f6revinin t\u00fcm ilerici demokratik g\u00fc\u00e7lerin \u00e7abalar\u0131yla yerine getirilebilece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Baas rejiminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi kamula\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Suriye\u2019nin \u201ckapitalist olmayan yolda ilerlemesi\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendiren Bekta\u015f, Baas\u2019\u0131 da \u201cArap d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda bilimsel sosyalizmi benimsemi\u015f temel devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7lerden biri\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmekteydi.[6]<\/p>\n
Baas rejiminin h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Irak\u2019ta da Irak Kom\u00fcnist Partisinin de\u011ferlendirmeleri bu do\u011frultudayd\u0131. Keza \u00dcrd\u00fcn, M\u0131s\u0131r, Cezayir gibi \u00fclkelerde de ayn\u0131 hat h\u00e2kimdi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n KP\u2019ler eliyle burjuvazinin kuyru\u011funa tak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu \u00fclkelerde y\u00fcr\u00fcyen ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131, kapitalizmin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na asla \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, anti-emperyalist, hatta anti-kapitalist m\u00fccadeleler olarak g\u00f6steriliyordu. SBKP kaynakl\u0131 \u201ckapitalist olmayan yol\u201d stratejisinin ilk \u00f6rne\u011fi olarak sunulan (asl\u0131nda devlet kapitalizminin Bonapartist bir rejim alt\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir \u00fclke olan) Nas\u0131r M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131nda, kom\u00fcnist hareketin \u00f6nderlerinden L\u00fctfi el-Kuli\u2019nin, \u201cdevrimin sosyalizm do\u011frultusunda geli\u015fmesi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fildir\u201d s\u00f6zleri, Marksizm d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n nerelere vard\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tipik bir g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i-devrimci subaylarla s\u00f6zde m\u00fcttefik k\u0131lma, ger\u00e7ekteyse burjuvazinin kuyru\u011funa takma stratejisi, hemen her \u00fclkede i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik a\u011f\u0131r bask\u0131larla ve kom\u00fcnistlerin katledilmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Endonezya\u2019da ise bu ihanet \u00e7izgisi korkun\u00e7 bir trajediye yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1960\u2019lar\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda Endonezya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi 3,5 milyon \u00fcyesi ve 15 milyon sempatizan\u0131yla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kom\u00fcnist partilerinden biriydi. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve \u00c7in\u2019le yak\u0131n ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde olan bu parti, Endonezya ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na 1945 y\u0131l\u0131nda kavu\u015fan bir \u00fclke olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen h\u00e2l\u00e2 milli burjuvaziyle ittifak politikas\u0131 izlemekteydi. Bu partinin ba\u015fkan\u0131 Aidit, 1964 y\u0131l\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiyeli sosyalistlerin ezici bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun savundu\u011fu tezlerle birebir \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fecek \u015fekilde \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu: \u201cEndonezya ulusal burjuvazisi \u00e7ok gen\u00e7tir ve toprak a\u011falar\u0131yla yak\u0131n bir ili\u015fkisi vard\u0131r. Yani bir aya\u011f\u0131 kapitalizmde, di\u011fer aya\u011f\u0131 feodalizmdedir\u2026 Endonezya\u2019n\u0131n 1945 devrimi, emperyalist \u00e7a\u011fda burjuva demokratik devrim s\u00fcrecini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmemi\u015ftir. Endonezya devrimi \u015fimdilik sosyalist proleter devrimi a\u015famas\u0131nda de\u011fil, burjuva devrimi a\u015famas\u0131ndad\u0131r.\u201d[7]<\/p>\n
Ne var ki, EKP\u2019nin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na hapseden s\u0131n\u0131f i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i politikalar\u0131 (burjuvazinin \u201cilerici\u201d kesimleriyle, milliyet\u00e7i devrimci subaylarla vs. ittifak kurma), yukar\u0131daki sat\u0131rlar\u0131n yaz\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden bir y\u0131l ge\u00e7meden, korkun\u00e7 bir katliama zemin haz\u0131rlayacakt\u0131. Ba\u015fkan Sukarno\u2019nun (kendisi o zamana kadar KP kongrelerine \u201conur konu\u011fu\u201d olarak te\u015frif ediyordu) atad\u0131\u011f\u0131 general Suharto\u2019nun 1965 y\u0131l\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi darbeyi izleyen birka\u00e7 hafta i\u00e7erisinde, Endonezya\u2019da y\u00fcz binlerce kom\u00fcnist katledildi. \u201cYirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n en kitlesel katliam\u0131\u201d olarak CIA kay\u0131tlar\u0131na ge\u00e7en bu katliamda \u00f6len kom\u00fcnistlerin tahmini say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n 500 bin il\u00e2 1 milyon aras\u0131nda oldu\u011fu belirtilmektedir. B\u00f6ylece, sosyalizm ad\u0131na izlenen ihanet \u00e7izgisi sonucunda, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kom\u00fcnist partilerinden biri, eser kalmamacas\u0131na yok edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcm bu \u00f6rnekler, 60-70\u2019li y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrkiye sosyalist hareketine damgas\u0131n\u0131 basan MDD \u00e7izgisinin, Stalinist Sovyet ve \u00c7in b\u00fcrokrasisi eliyle nas\u0131l t\u00fcm d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketine h\u00e2kim k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7izgi, Kemalizmin mutlak egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131ndaki T\u00fcrkiye topraklar\u0131nda fazlas\u0131yla m\u00fcmbit bir zemin bulmu\u015f ve serpilip geli\u015fmekte hi\u00e7bir zorluk \u00e7ekmemi\u015ftir.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin anti-emperyalizmi<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de tepeden bir burjuva devrimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinin \u00fczerinden 80 k\u00fcsur y\u0131l, \u00f6z\u00fcnde \u201cburjuva demokratik\u201d devrimi savunmaktan ba\u015fka bir anlama gelmeyen MDD tezlerinin T\u00fcrkiye sosyalist hareketi i\u00e7inde reva\u00e7 bulmas\u0131ndan bu yanaysa yakla\u015f\u0131k 40 y\u0131l ge\u00e7ti. Bug\u00fcn ise T\u00fcrkiye, genel olarak solu da etkisi alt\u0131na alan yeni bir milliyet\u00e7i histeri d\u00f6neminden ge\u00e7iyor. Mevcut konjonkt\u00fcr, emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn biraz daha belirgin hale geldi\u011fi, TC\u2019nin AB ve ABD\u2019yle ili\u015fkilerinin giderek bozuldu\u011fu ve K\u00fcrt sorununda burjuva rejimin \u015fimdiye kadar hi\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fczeyde s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konjonkt\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Bu konjonkt\u00fcrde stat\u00fckocu burjuva g\u00fc\u00e7ler, gerici, \u015foven bir milliyet\u00e7ilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerine oturan eski stat\u00fckonun korunmas\u0131 ve s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesini ama\u00e7layan yeni planlar yap\u0131yorlar ve kitleleri de bu melun planlar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015fine takabilmek i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrl\u00fc demagojiye ve provokatif eyleme ba\u015fvurmaktan \u00e7ekinmiyorlar. Emperyalist askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 NATO\u2019nun en b\u00fcy\u00fck ordular\u0131ndan biri olan T\u00fcrk ordusunun tepesindeki generaller, NATO\u2019dan \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131na alm\u0131yorlar ama demagojik s\u00f6ylemlerinde \u201canti-emperyalist\u201d kesiliveriyorlar. \u00d6zellikle emekli olduktan sonra her biri bir \u201csivil\u201d toplum \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015f\u0131nda arz\u0131 endam eden pa\u015falar\u0131n hep bir a\u011f\u0131zdan milliyet\u00e7i nutuklar atmalar\u0131, \u201cemperyalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131\u201d bir s\u00f6ylem tutturmalar\u0131, Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019den \u00f6vg\u00fcyle s\u00f6z etmeleri \u00e7ok manidard\u0131r. Mevcut konjonkt\u00fcrde huzursuz k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin ruhunu ok\u015famak \u00fczere yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekseninde \u201ctam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d ve \u201canti-emperyalizm\u201d gibi sloganlar\u0131n y\u00fckseltilmesi ve t\u00fcrl\u00fc y\u00f6ntemlerle kitlelerin seferber edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, bask\u0131c\u0131-otoriter bir burjuva devlet rejimini i\u015fler k\u0131lmay\u0131 hedefleyen stat\u00fckocu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin planlar\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Ne var ki, bug\u00fcn devrimci-demokrat ve reformist k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva solun hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir kesimi, ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc rejimlerin ve kanl\u0131 sava\u015flar\u0131n kap\u0131da bekledi\u011fi bu atmosferde, y\u00fckselen postal seslerini ve alevleri g\u00f6rmek yerine, stat\u00fckocu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin dolgu malzemesi olarak kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 kentli orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n meydanlarda y\u00fckselttikleri bu sloganlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcs\u00fcne kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f durumdalar. Bunlar, alanlarda a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131ndan k\u00f6p\u00fckler sa\u00e7arak K\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yapan bu kitlenin \u201csezgi\u201dlerine bel ba\u011flamakta, onda insanl\u0131k onuru, demokratl\u0131k ve anti-emperyalist duyarl\u0131l\u0131k gibi faziletler ke\u015ffetmektedir. \u00c7ekti\u011fi her t\u00fcrl\u00fc s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kapitalist sistem yerine yabanc\u0131larda ya da \u015fimdilerde oldu\u011fu gibi K\u00fcrtlerde somutla\u015ft\u0131ran orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u201cne ABD ne AB, tam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u201d tarz\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131rtkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ysa anti-emperyalist duyarl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n somut bir g\u00f6stergesi olarak de\u011ferlendirilmektedir.<\/p>\n
Marx ve Engels Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019da, \u201csanayinin ayaklar\u0131 alt\u0131ndan ulusal temelin \u00e7ekilip al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n gerici k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvaziyi derin kederlere bo\u011fdu\u011funu\u201d s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Bu sat\u0131rlar\u0131n kaleme al\u0131nmas\u0131ndan 160 y\u0131l sonra, \u00fcstelik de Marksizm ad\u0131na, kederler i\u00e7indeki k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin gerici hezeyanlar\u0131ndan ilericilik, devrimcilik, ger\u00e7ek bir emperyalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 beklenebiliyor:<\/p>\n
\u201cMeydan, emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Meydan\u0131n insanl\u0131k onuru var. Bu y\u00fczden kar\u015f\u0131lar \u015feriata. Meydan\u0131n ulusal onuru var, bu y\u00fczden kar\u015f\u0131lar emperyalistlere. (…) Esas olan, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ya da zay\u0131f, az ya da \u00e7ok, meydandaki t\u00fcm dinamikleri g\u00f6rebilmektir. Onlarca, hatta y\u00fczlerce slogan, talep aras\u0131nda esas olan ve asl\u0131nda y\u00fczbinleri oraya toplayan temel etken durumundakileri g\u00f6rebilmektir. Meydandan, k\u00fcrs\u00fcdekilerin \u00e7o\u011fu onaylam\u0131yor olsa da, \u00abNe ABD Ne AB, Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u00bb sloganlar\u0131 y\u00fckseliyordu. (\u2026) Bunlar, \u00absezgisel\u00bb de olsa, siyasal olarak AB\u2019cili\u011fin, Genelkurmayc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n etkisini azaltan, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve demokrasiyi birbirinden kopartan yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 a\u015fan tav\u0131rlar olarak dikkat \u00e7ekiciydi.\u201d (Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f)<\/p>\n
Kimileriyse, \u201canti-emperyalizm bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve K\u00fcrt kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, \u201cTam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye\u201d \u015fiar\u0131n\u0131n gerekleri \u00fczerinden geli\u015ftirme zaman\u0131d\u0131r. \u2026 \u015eimdi halk demokrasisini geli\u015ftirme zaman\u0131d\u0131r\u201d (sendika.org) diyerek, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilecek bir proleter devrim d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda da anti-emperyalizmin ve \u201chalk demokrasisinin\u201d geli\u015ftirilebilece\u011fi hayallerine sar\u0131l\u0131yorlar. G\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz ki, emperyalizmi \u00fc\u00e7 be\u015f geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkenin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik politikalar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva sosyalistler, Ekim Devriminin \u00fczerinden nice deneyimlerle dolu 90 y\u0131l ge\u00e7mesine ra\u011fmen, demokrasi m\u00fccadelesinin ve emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek ger\u00e7ek m\u00fccadelenin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 kavramaktan alabildi\u011fine uzakt\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva sollar\u0131n anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadele anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 konusunda Elif \u00c7a\u011fl\u0131 Kolonyalizmden Emperyalizme adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemektedir:<\/p>\n
\u201cK\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva demokratlar\u0131n anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadele anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 yar\u0131m yamalakt\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar, emperyalist politikalarla kapitalist i\u015fleyi\u015fin ekonomik temelleri aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmez ba\u011flar\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelirler. Emperyalizmin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00abulusal kapitalizm\u00bbi \u00e7\u0131kartarak, emperyalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir kapitalizmin de pek\u00e2l\u00e2 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilece\u011fi hayalini yayarlar. Emperyalizmi, t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkeleri ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131kla i\u00e7ine alan d\u00fcnya kapitalist sistemi olarak kavramaktan acizdirler ya da b\u00f6yle kavramak i\u015flerine gelmez. N\u00fcanslar\u0131 bir yana b\u0131rakacak olursak, t\u00fcm k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva sol ak\u0131mlara egemen olan \u00abanti-emperyalizm\u00bb anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fc \u015fudur; \u00fclke i\u00e7indeki kapitalist i\u015fleyi\u015fe k\u00f6kten tutum almayan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla anti-kapitalist i\u00e7erikten yoksun bulunan ve yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015f fakt\u00f6re indirgenmi\u015f olan s\u00f6zde bir emperyalizm kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131! K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi nezdin\u00adde anti-emperyalizm, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ve ilhak\u00e7\u0131 \u00abpolitikalara kar\u015f\u0131\u00bb tutum almaktan ibarettir.\u201d<\/p>\n
Emperyalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sorununu bir toplumsal kurtulu\u015f sorunu olarak de\u011fil ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sorunu olarak ele alan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva solculara kar\u015f\u0131 Elif \u00c7a\u011fl\u0131, emperyalizm d\u00f6neminin ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik d\u00f6neminin siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile bir tutman\u0131n hi\u00e7bir bilimsel temeli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtir ve \u015f\u00f6yle devam eder s\u00f6zlerine:<\/p>\n
\u201cZira, siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kazan\u0131lmas\u0131 kapitalist sistemin i\u015fleyi\u015fi ile \u00e7eli\u015fmemektedir. Tam tersine, emperyalist kapitalizm alt\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kapitalist \u00fclkeler, bu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa sahip t\u00fcm \u00fclkeleri de bin bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc ekonomik mekanizmayla kendilerine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmaktad\u0131rlar. Ama bu, art\u0131k sistemin bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak i\u015fleyi\u015fine i\u00e7sel olan e\u015fitsizlik temelinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k olgusudur. Kapitalizm alt\u0131nda bu ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131ktan kurtulmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Ve daha da \u00f6nemlisi, ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6stererek, az ya da orta derecede geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerin bir zamanlar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ya da yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerinde oldu\u011fu gibi bir ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi vermeleri gerekti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmek hi\u00e7 do\u011fru de\u011fildir.\u201d[8]<\/p>\n
\u00c7e\u015fitli gerek\u00e7elerle proleter devrimin \u00f6n\u00fcne bitmez t\u00fckenmez a\u015famalar koyanlar, bug\u00fcne dek say\u0131s\u0131z \u00fclkede i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 devrim yolundan sapt\u0131rd\u0131lar. Proletaryay\u0131 \u00fctopik bir \u201ctam ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d ve idealize edilmi\u015f bir burjuva demokrasisi hedefiyle s\u0131n\u0131rlayan, bu u\u011furda ona burjuvaziyle anti-tekel, anti-fa\u015fist, anti-emperyalist halk cepheleri kurma stratejilerini dayatan Stalinizm, pek \u00e7ok proleter devrim f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 burjuvazinin kuyru\u011funa takarak heba etti. Tek \u00fclkede sosyalizm, a\u015famal\u0131 devrim, yurtseverlik gibi Marksizm d\u0131\u015f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketinde bask\u0131n k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva sosyalist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n beklentilerinin tam tersine \u201cdemokrasiyi\u201d ve \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d getirmeyip, kapitalizmin en bask\u0131c\u0131, en gerici ve en sald\u0131rgan uygulamalar\u0131yla t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada zaferini ilan etmesini sa\u011flad\u0131.<\/p>\n
Y\u0131llar \u00f6nce Lenin, burjuvazinin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n hi\u00e7bir yerinde \u00e7\u00f6zememi\u015f oldu\u011fu burjuva demokratik g\u00f6revleri Ekim Devriminin \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede \u00e7\u00f6zd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirterek \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cBurjuva demokratik devrimin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131; ilerlerken, ge\u00e7erken, bizim esas ve ger\u00e7ek, bizim proleter-devrimci, sosyalist \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z\u0131n \u00abyan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc\u00bb olarak \u00e7\u00f6zd\u00fck. Reformlar … devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Burjuva demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler … proleter, yani sosyalist devrimin yan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr…. Birincisi ikincisine do\u011fru b\u00fcy\u00fcr. \u0130kincisi ge\u00e7erken birincisinin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zer.\u201d[9] B\u00f6ylece Lenin, demokrasi sorunu da dahil olmak \u00fczere \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmemi\u015f pek \u00e7ok burjuva demokratik g\u00f6revi tam olarak \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek tek iktidar\u0131n, devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n
O g\u00fcnlerden g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ya\u015fanan onca olumsuz deneyim, bu s\u00f6zleri tersinden de olsa defalarca do\u011frulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kom\u00fcnistlerin bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerinde savunacaklar\u0131 tek hat, b\u00fct\u00fcnsel bir ge\u00e7i\u015f program\u0131 ve s\u00fcreklilik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na dayanan ve d\u00fcnya devriminin par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131 gereken proleter devrim hatt\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u0130ster ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z topraklarda ister ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde olsun, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak d\u00fcnya kapitalizmine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmak zorunda olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendisini ulusal \u00e7itler i\u00e7inde tutmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan burjuvaziyi devirip iktidar\u0131 fethederek, d\u00fcnya sosyalist devrimi yolunda \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131m atm\u0131\u015f olacakt\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczdendir ki, devrimi ilerleterek b\u00fcy\u00fctmeyi ve t\u00fcm ulusal \u00e7itleri y\u0131karak kapitalizmi d\u00fcnya \u00fczerinden silmeyi hedefleyen devrimci proletaryan\u0131n \u015fiar\u0131, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u00fclke\u201d de\u011fil, t\u00fcm insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n birbirine karde\u015f\u00e7e ba\u011flan\u0131p kenetlendi\u011fi sosyalist bir d\u00fcnya olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
[1] Mehmet Sinan, \u201cMarksizm ve T\u00fcrkiye Solunun \u0130deolojik Gelene\u011fi\u201d, MT, Haziran 2005
[2] Mihri Belli, Yaz\u0131lar 1965-1970, Sol Y., s.56
[3] akt: Ergun Ayd\u0131no\u011flu, T\u00fcrkiye Solu, Versus Y., May\u0131s 2007, s.116
[4] akt: Ergun Ayd\u0131no\u011flu, age, s.152
[5] Mihri Belli, age, s.95-96 ve 384
[6] bkz. Ergun Ayd\u0131no\u011flu, age, s.162
[7] akt: \u015eeref I\u015f\u0131ldak, Endonezya Devrimi, Z Y., 2001, s.17
[8] Elif \u00c7a\u011fl\u0131, age, s.47 ve 33
[9] Lenin, \u201cEkim Devriminin D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc \u00dczerine\u201d, SE, c.6, \u0130nter Y.,1995, s.519
(Kaynak: Marksist Tutum dergisi, no:28, Temmuz 2007)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Beyin insana t\u00fcrl\u00fc t\u00fcrl\u00fc oyunlar oynayabilen bir organ. Bu oyunlardan biri de dejavu olarak bilinir. \u0130nsan bazen, bir olay\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada \u201cben bunu daha \u00f6nceden ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m\u201d hissine kap\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte son zamanlarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de insan\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla bu hisse s\u00fcr\u00fckleyebilecek t\u00fcrden \u015feyler ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Ama ne yaz\u0131k ki ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir dejavu, yani bir beyin oyunu de\u011fil, ger\u00e7eklik. \u201cTam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[98],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4266","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-turkiye"},"yoast_head":"\n
'Tam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye' De\u011fil Sosyalist Bir D\u00fcnya | \u0130lkay Meri\u00e7 - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/02\/27\/tam-bagimsiz-turkiye-degil-sosyalist-bir-dunya-ilkay-meric\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"'Tam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z T\u00fcrkiye' De\u011fil Sosyalist Bir D\u00fcnya | \u0130lkay Meri\u00e7\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Beyin insana t\u00fcrl\u00fc t\u00fcrl\u00fc oyunlar oynayabilen bir organ. Bu oyunlardan biri de dejavu olarak bilinir. \u0130nsan bazen, bir olay\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada \u201cben bunu daha \u00f6nceden ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m\u201d hissine kap\u0131l\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte son zamanlarda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de insan\u0131 fazlas\u0131yla bu hisse s\u00fcr\u00fckleyebilecek t\u00fcrden \u015feyler ya\u015fan\u0131yor. 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