{"id":4305,"date":"2010-03-03T11:51:50","date_gmt":"2010-03-03T08:51:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/03\/03\/bakuninin-devrim-ve-devrimci-orgut-dusuncesi\/"},"modified":"2010-03-03T11:51:50","modified_gmt":"2010-03-03T08:51:50","slug":"bakuninin-devrim-ve-devrimci-orgut-dusuncesi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/03\/03\/bakuninin-devrim-ve-devrimci-orgut-dusuncesi\/","title":{"rendered":"Bakunin’in Devrim ve Devrimci \u00d6rg\u00fct D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi"},"content":{"rendered":"

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki yaz\u0131da Bakunin\u2019in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye dair \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler nispeten nesnel bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya konmakta. Bakunin\u2019in, ger\u00e7ek bir devrim i\u00e7in zorunlu oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ve kitleleri \u00f6znele\u015ftiren bir m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemini ortaya koyma \u00e7abas\u0131 anlat\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu \u00e7aban\u0131n \u00f6nemi vurgulan\u0131rken, \u00e7eli\u015fki bar\u0131nd\u0131ran taraflar\u0131 da ele\u015ftiriliyor. Yaz\u0131 Bakunin\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerine, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir toplumu kurma iste\u011fi ile, bunun tek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn yolu olan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve otoriter bir devleti y\u0131kma zorunlulu\u011fu aras\u0131ndaki bariz \u00e7eli\u015fkinin nas\u0131l ele al\u0131nabilece\u011fine dair bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131\u201d olarak yakla\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Michael Bakunin\u2019in yak\u0131n arkada\u015f\u0131 olan Rus devrimci liberal Alexender Herzan\u2019\u0131n anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hik\u00e2yeye g\u00f6re, Bakunin Paris\u2019ten Prag\u2019a yolculuk yaparken, alman k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin isyan\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131r. K\u00f6yl\u00fcler \u201ckalenin etraf\u0131nda g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fc koparmakta ve ne yapacaklar\u0131n\u0131 bilmemekteydiler. Bakunin arabadan indi ve isyan\u0131n neyle ilgili oldu\u011funu bulmakla zaman yitirmeden, k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri d\u00fczene soktu ve onlar\u0131 \u00f6yle yetenekli bir \u015fekilde y\u00f6nlendirdi ki, yolculu\u011funa devam etmek \u00fczere koltu\u011funa geri d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, kale d\u00f6rt taraf\u0131ndan da y\u00fckselen alevler i\u00e7indeydi\u201d. [1]<\/p>\n

Bakunin 1848\u2019den \u00f6ld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 1876\u2019ya kadar Avrupa devrimci hareketinin i\u00e7indeki bir devdi. 1.90l\u0131k boyu ve 110 kilogram a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kelimenin tam anlam\u0131yla bir dev ve burjuvazinin hayalini zaptetmi\u015f bir \u015feytand\u0131. \u00c7o\u011fu kez anar\u015fist hareketin babas\u0131 olarak betimlenmesine ra\u011fmen bug\u00fcn onun devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri anar\u015fistler ve marksistler taraf\u0131ndan yeterince anla\u015f\u0131lamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Onun yerine daha \u00e7ok 1. Enternasyonal\u2019deki marksizmin otoriter g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile hat\u0131rlan\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bakunin\u2019in ortaya koydu\u011fu \u00f6zg\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleriyle de\u011fil de, kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015feylerle hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131n\u0131n bir\u00e7ok ge\u00e7erli sebebi vard\u0131r. Marks\u2019\u0131n Britanya k\u00fct\u00fcphanesinde Das Kapital\u2019i tamamlamaya harcad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llar da Bakunin bir dizi hapishanede duvarlara zincirlenmekle ve iskorb\u00fct hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden di\u015flerini kaybetmekle me\u015fguld\u00fc. Ara\u015ft\u0131rmak ve yazmak i\u00e7in pek de iyi ko\u015fullar de\u011fil. Zaten 1870\u2019de bunu kabul etmi\u015ftir: \u201c Ben ne bir bilim adam\u0131 ne bir filozofum, hatta profesyonel bir yazar bile de\u011filim. Hayat\u0131mda \u00e7ok az \u015fey yazd\u0131m ve \u015fimdiye kadar yazd\u0131klar\u0131m da sadece kendi \u00f6zsavunmama y\u00f6nelik \u015feylerdi.\u201d [2] Ger\u00e7ekten de binlerce mektup yazd\u0131 fakat g\u00f6rece \u00e7ok az makale ve bro\u015f\u00fcr yazd\u0131. Bug\u00fcn elimizde mevcut olanlar\u0131n bir \u00e7o\u011fu yay\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n taslaklar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kendi yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda ve eylemliklerinde bir tutarl\u0131l\u0131k oldu\u011funu asla iddia etmemi\u015ftir. Hatta 1871\u2019de Marks\u2019la Birinci Enternasyonal\u2019in gelece\u011fi hakk\u0131nda kavga ederken, \u015f\u00f6yle yazabilmi\u015fti: \u201cbilgi (bilim) s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda Marks bana g\u00f6re kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamaz bir \u015fekilde ileriydi [1844\u2019te] ve hala da \u00f6yledir. O zaman politik-ekonomiye dair hi\u00e7bir \u015fey bilmiyordum, metafizik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerden kendimi tamamiyle kurtaramam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m … O bana duygusal bir idealist oldu\u011fumu s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti ve hakl\u0131yd\u0131; …\u201d. [3]<\/p>\n

Bir\u00e7ok Marksist, Marks\u2019\u0131 bug\u00fcn\u00fcn bile b\u00fct\u00fcn sorular\u0131n\u0131 cevaplamak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lacak kusursuz bir materyalist \u201cvahiy\u201d i\u00e7eren yaz\u0131lar yazm\u0131\u015f bir\u00e7e\u015fit peygamber olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr hale geldi. Bu aptalca bir yakla\u015f\u0131m, ama Marks\u2019\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131 boyunca yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n Bakunin\u2019in yazd\u0131klar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha tutarl\u0131 oldu\u011fu do\u011frudur. Gen\u00e7 Bakunin\u2019in yazd\u0131klar\u0131, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n sonunda yazd\u0131klar\u0131ndan epeyce farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bakunin\u2019in erken d\u00f6nemi<\/p>\n

Bakunin kendi ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n burjuva k\u00f6kenli bir\u00e7ok devrimcisine benzer bir yolu izledi. Marks ve Engels gibi o da bir d\u00f6nem sol Hegelciler\u2019le birlikte oldu. 1844\u2019de Proudhon\u2019la bulu\u015ftu\u011fu ve ondan etkilendi\u011fi Paris\u2019te, Marks\u2019\u0131n Demokratik Federasyon\u2019unun bir \u00fcyesiydi. (Burjuva parlamentosu ve yerel y\u00f6netim talebiyle y\u00fckselen) 1848 Devrimi patlak verdi\u011finde, Paris\u2019teki \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin Ulusal Muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131\u2019nda hizmet verdi. Ayaklanma bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda o, martta ayaklanmalar\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Almanya\u2019ya gitmi\u015fti, bir Polonya ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131na destek verebilece\u011fini umut ediyordu.<\/p>\n

Daha bu zamanlarda Bakunin\u2019in politik ideolojisi olduk\u00e7a \u015fekilsizdi fakat genelde \u201cPan-\u0130slavist\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Pek \u00e7ok yorumcu bu olguyu anlaml\u0131 bir ba\u011flama yerle\u015ftirmekte zorlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Marksistler genellikle Bakunin\u2019i anti-Alman (anti-Prusya) olmas\u0131 noktas\u0131ndan ele\u015ftirirken, anar\u015fistler bunu konu d\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemdeki yaz\u0131lar\u0131 ve eylemleri \u0130rlanda\u2019da sol cumhuriyet\u00e7ilik olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ak\u0131ma hayli yak\u0131n durmaktad\u0131r. \u2018Ulusal m\u00fccadelenin\u2019 ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hedefine ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 tetikleyebilecek bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olmas\u0131 fikri Connolly ve Tro\u00e7ki\u2019ninkilerde dahil olmak \u00fczere pek \u00e7ok Marksist metinde de bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

1848\u2019de Bakunin ayr\u0131ca Prag\u2019daki Slav kongresine kat\u0131l\u0131r ve \u201c Slavlara \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131\u201d metnini yay\u0131mlar. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 sonraki sol cumhuriyet\u00e7i ifadelerle ortak bir\u00e7ok \u015feye sahipti. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u201cAlman halk\u0131na, demokratik Almanya\u2019ya karde\u015f\u00e7e ellerimizi uzat\u0131rken\u201d Almanlar\u0131n, T\u00fcrklerin ve Macarlar\u0131n i\u015fgallerine kar\u015f\u0131, Devrimci Slav Birli\u011fi\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131na \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yapmaktayd\u0131. Sosyalizmi ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131 yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu: \u201cN\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun sefalet i\u00e7indeki bir varl\u0131\u011fa indirgendi\u011fi, e\u011fitimden, bo\u015f zamandan, ekmekten mahrum b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclere ve zenginlere \u00fczerine bas\u0131lacak bir zemin olarak hizmet etme yazg\u0131s\u0131na mahk\u00fbm edildi\u011fi yerde, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yalan olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 herkes anlamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. \u201d. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n sonu; \u201cToplumsal sorun, en ba\u015fta toplumun topyek\u00fbn alt\u00fcst edilmesi sorunu olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.\u201d.[4]<\/p>\n

Hapishanedeki y\u0131llar<\/p>\n

Bakunin, besteci Richard Wagner\u2019le kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve arkada\u015f oldu\u011fu Dresden\u2019e ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131. 1849\u2019un may\u0131s\u0131nda yap\u0131sal bir kriz ba\u015fka bir ayaklanmaya yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Wagner\u2019le beraber isyana kat\u0131ld\u0131 ve devrim subay\u0131 oldu. Marks, the New York Daily Tribune\u2019e (2 Kas\u0131m,1852) yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cAlmanya\u2019da Devrim ve Kar\u015f\u0131 Devrim\u201d makalesinde olaylar\u0131n \u00f6zetini veriyordu. \u201cDresden\u2019de, sokaklardaki m\u00fccadele d\u00f6rt g\u00fcn s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Dresden esnaf\u0131 \u201ctoplum muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131\u201d halinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiler. Sadece m\u00fccadele etmeyi reddetmekle kalmad\u0131lar, ayr\u0131ca bir\u00e7o\u011fu ayaklananlara kar\u015f\u0131 asker gruplar\u0131n\u0131 desteklediler. Hemen hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn isyanc\u0131lar \u00e7evredeki fabrikalardan i\u015f\u00e7ilerdi. Rus m\u00fclteci Bakunin\u2019in \u015fahs\u0131nda, kendi yetenekli ve so\u011fukkanl\u0131 \u00f6nderlerini buldular.<\/p>\n

Ayaklanmadan sonra Bakunin tutukland\u0131. \u015eans\u0131 t\u00fckenmi\u015fti. Zaten Ruslar taraf\u0131ndan aran\u0131yordu, 1844\u2019de \u00e7ar b\u00fct\u00fcn mallar\u0131na el koymu\u015ftu ve b\u00fct\u00fcn haklar\u0131n\u0131 elinden alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Dresden\u2019de \u00f6l\u00fcm cezas\u0131 h\u00fckm\u00fc alt\u0131nda 13 ay hapishanede kald\u0131. Bir gece Bakunin muhaf\u0131zlarca d\u0131\u015far\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6ld\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011fini sanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ama bunun yerine Avusturyal\u0131lara teslim edildi. \u0130ki ay boyunca duvara zincirlenmi\u015f olarak tutsak edilece\u011fi Olmutz kalesine g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmeden \u00f6nce onu Prag\u2019da 9 ay hapiste tuttular. Vatan haini diye idama mahk\u00fbm ettiler. Cezas\u0131 infaz edilmedi, Ruslara teslim edildi ve Peter-Paul kalesine hapsedildi. Burada iskorb\u00fct hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan di\u015flerini kaybetti ve akl\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmenin e\u015fi\u011fine geldi.<\/p>\n

1857\u2019de Sibirya\u2019ya s\u00fcrg\u00fcne g\u00f6nderilmesine kadar yakla\u015f\u0131k 10 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli hapishanelerde harcad\u0131. Sibirya\u2019da sa\u011fl\u0131n\u0131 tekrar kazand\u0131 ve 1861\u2019nin sonunda Japonya\u2019dan ge\u00e7erek Amerika\u2019ya ka\u00e7t\u0131, oradan da Londra\u2019ya ge\u00e7ti. Onun Sibirya\u2019dan inan\u0131lmaz ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f\u0131 (Japonya bat\u0131ya kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 1853\u2019te a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131) Bakunin\u2019in etraf\u0131n\u0131 saran efsanele\u015ftirme dalgas\u0131na iyiden iyiye katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015f oldu. Hapishanedeyken pan-islavist kald\u0131 ve hen\u00fcz bir anar\u015fist de\u011fildi. \u00c7ar, daha sonraki Rus y\u00f6netici ku\u015faklar\u0131 gibi, kurbanlar\u0131ndan itiraf i\u00e7erikli mektuplar almaktan ho\u015flan\u0131yordu. Bakunin kendi mektubunu, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ihtiyac\u0131 olan \u015feyin ya\u015fam ve e\u011fitim standard\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fckseltecek bir \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc diktat\u00f6ryel iktidar\u201d oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcren program\u0131n\u0131n tasla\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek i\u00e7in kulland\u0131. Baz\u0131lar\u0131 do\u011fru bir \u015fekilde b\u00f6yle bir itirafta s\u00f6ylenen \u015feylere ihtiyatla yakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini i\u015faret ederken, 1862 gibi ileri bir tarihte bile Bakunin \u201c\u00c7ar\u2019\u0131n halkla birlikte \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabilmeye yetenekli oldu\u011funu ve halk\u0131n \u00c7ar\u2019a Ulusal Meclis arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla kendi iradesini yans\u0131tabildi\u011fini\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu. [5]<\/p>\n

Buna z\u0131t bir \u015fekilde Bakunin bir di\u011fer yandan da \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc y\u00f6ndeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde geli\u015ftiriyordu. 1862\u2019de Herzen\u2019in dergisi \u2018Zil\u2019de \u201cRus, Polonyal\u0131 ve di\u011fer Slav dostlar\u0131ma\u201d adl\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k mektubu yay\u0131mland\u0131. \u00dcniversite \u00f6\u011frencilerine hitap etti\u011fi b\u00f6l\u00fcmde \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cHalka gidin. Bu sizin alan\u0131n\u0131z, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131z, biliminiz. \u0130nsanlardan onlar\u0131n ama\u00e7lar\u0131na en iyi nas\u0131l hizmet edece\u011finizi \u00f6\u011frenin. Unutmay\u0131n dostlar, e\u011fitimli bir gen\u00e7 ne bir \u00f6\u011fretmen, ne babacan bir yard\u0131m sever ne de halk\u0131n diktat\u00f6r bir lideri olmal\u0131d\u0131r, o halk\u0131n kendi kurtulu\u015funun bir ebesi olmal\u0131, bu yolda halka, birlikte davranarak ve \u00e7abalar\u0131nda e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fc sa\u011flayarak g\u00fc\u00e7lerini artt\u0131racaklar\u0131na dair ilham vermelidir\u201d. [6] Bu d\u00f6nemde pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkede i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na e\u011fitim verilmiyor olu\u015fu devrimci yazarlar\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n burjuvazinin saflar\u0131ndan gelmesi sonucunu do\u011furdu. Bunu bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131rsak, Bakunin \u201cdevrimci entelekt\u00fcel\u201d ile halk aras\u0131nda kurulacak (anar\u015fistlerin bu g\u00fcnde savundu\u011fu t\u00fcrden) \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir ili\u015fkiyi \u00f6neriyordu.<\/p>\n

Polonya\u2019daki 1863 k\u00f6yl\u00fc ayaklanmas\u0131ndan sonra Polonyal\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilerin Ukraynal\u0131 Slavlara destek vermekten \u00e7ok Ukrayna topraklar\u0131yla ilgilendiklerini ve onlar\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fc ayaklanmalar\u0131ndan \u00e7ardan bile daha fazla korkmakta olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnce en sonunda pan-islavizmi reddetti. D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde Londra\u2019da Marks\u2019\u0131 ziyaret etti. Marks onu birinci enternasyonale kat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in davet etti ve Engels\u2019e (4 Kas\u0131m 1864) \u015f\u00f6yle yazd\u0131; \u201cgeride b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z 16 y\u0131lda yozla\u015fmadan kalabilmi\u015f ve \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00fcstl\u00fck kendini daha da geli\u015ftirmi\u015f pek az insandan biri\u201d. [7]<\/p>\n

Bakunin daha hen\u00fcz birinci enternasyonalin (birinci enternasyonal o zaman \u0130ngiliz sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n ve Proudhon ve Blanquie\u2019nin Frans\u0131z takip\u00e7ilerinin bir birle\u015fimi olarak embiriyonik bir yap\u0131dayd\u0131) de\u011ferini anlamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Uluslararas\u0131 devrimci bir \u00f6rg\u00fct tasar\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131 \u0130talya\u2019ya gitti. Daniel Guerin\u2019e g\u00f6re \u201cKarde\u015fli\u011fin (Bakunin\u2019in \u0130talya\u2019da kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct) birka\u00e7 \u00fcyesi cumhuriyet\u00e7i Giuseppe Mazzini\u2019nin \u00f6nceki destekleyicileriydi ve bunlar gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye a\u015final\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve yak\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 Mazzini\u2019den edinmi\u015flerdi.\u201d [8] Brian Morris Karde\u015flik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcye listesine Rus ve Polonyal\u0131 s\u00fcrg\u00fcnlerini de dahil ediyor. [9]<\/p>\n

Bakunin\u2019e bu d\u00f6nemindeki gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctleri savunan tavr\u0131na bug\u00fcn\u00fcn devrimcilerden bir\u00e7ok ele\u015ftiri gelmekte. Ancak bu ele\u015ftiriler ge\u00e7mi\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fck, kitle sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n bir olgu oldu\u011fu ve devrimcilerin toplant\u0131 yapmaya ve gazeteler \u00e7\u0131karmaya nispeten \u00f6zg\u00fcr olduklar\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ve ABD\u2019nin g\u00f6reli emniyetli ortam\u0131ndan bir bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 yans\u0131tmakta. Bakunin zaman\u0131nda b\u00f6yle eylemler neredeyse her zaman illegaldi ve buna kar\u015f\u0131 yazar hapishanede y\u0131llarca h\u00fck\u00fcm cezas\u0131 alabilirdi, ki \u00f6l\u00fcm cezas\u0131 almazsa e\u011fer. Marks ve Engels b\u00f6yle gizli bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olan Adillerin Birli\u011fi\u2019nden (the League of the Just) \u2018Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019yu basm\u0131\u015flard\u0131 ve liberal \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin g\u00f6reli g\u00fcvenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen enternasyonalin kurulu\u015funa kadar b\u00f6yle bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme i\u00e7inde olmaya devam ettiler.<\/p>\n

Bakunin \u00e7evresindeki grup y\u0131llarca buna benzer gizli bir toplulukta \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nemde Rusya\u2019da ve Polonya\u2019da hi\u00e7bir yasal devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct yoktu. \u0130talya\u2019da ve Fransa\u2019da bu topluluklar genellikle H\u00fcr Masonlar\u2019\u0131 dayanak al\u0131rlar ve d\u00f6nemin standart \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarz\u0131 buydu. Bu sebeple bu grubun \u201cdevrimci ama\u00e7lara sahip bir birlik ister istemez gizli bir \u00f6rg\u00fct \u015feklinde olmak zorundad\u0131r\u201d gibi bir sonuca varm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 hi\u00e7 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. [10]<\/p>\n

Bu tip grupla\u015fmalar i\u00e7in t\u00fcz\u00fckler haz\u0131rlad\u0131lar, bunlardan ilki 1865 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 Devrimci Topluluk\/Karde\u015flik ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 metindi. Bakunin ar\u015fivlerinin edit\u00f6r\u00fc Arthur Lehning\u2019e g\u00f6re bu tip programlar ve modeller \u201cbir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fleyi\u015fi\u201dnden \u00e7ok Bakunin\u2019in evrilen program ve modellerini yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r. [11] Bu metinlerin yaz\u0131lmas\u0131ndaki niyet ger\u00e7ekten olu\u015fturulmu\u015f olan bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn betimlenmesinden \u00e7ok ideal bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn tasla\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6k\u00fcmanlardan ilki, Bakunin\u2019in \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fct anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na giden yolun \u00fczerinde oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k olmakla beraber, esas olarak Bakunin\u2019in anar\u015fist olmadan \u00f6nceki evresini yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r. Bu, onun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fct d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini ve bununla \u00e7eli\u015fkili olan bir parlamento kurma niyetini birle\u015ftirir; \u201cOrtak i\u015fleri y\u00f6netmek i\u00e7in bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet ve yerel meclis veya parlamento zorunlu olarak olu\u015fturulacakt\u0131r\u201d [12]<\/p>\n

Bu metin ayr\u0131ca devrim sorununu bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme sorununa indirger. Varsay\u0131ma g\u00f6re insanlar her yerde isyan etmeye haz\u0131rd\u0131r ve ihtiya\u00e7 duyulan \u015fey ise g\u00f6reli say\u0131lar\u0131 az olan devrimcilerin bu ayaklanmay\u0131 koordine etmesidir. Hem Tro\u00e7kist \u2018liderlik krizi\u2019 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde, hem de Gueverist devrimci odak (foci) kavram\u0131nda k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f olan bu fikir 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n Marksizminde de yayg\u0131nd\u0131r.<\/p>\n

E\u011fer bu program son ve kesin taslak olamasa da, konumuzla alakas\u0131z da de\u011fildir. Onlar\u0131n savunduklar\u0131 yeni toplum t\u00fcr\u00fc 1860lar\u0131n Avrupa\u2019s\u0131 i\u00e7in radikal bir ilerlemeydi ve \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz i\u00e7in de anlaml\u0131d\u0131r. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da yaz\u0131lanlar devrim sonras\u0131 topluma dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine ili\u015fkin bir fikir veriyor.<\/p>\n

Karde\u015flik\u2019in Program\u0131 (1865)<\/p>\n

\u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi devletlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u011fda\u015fmaz.
…
… \u00f6zg\u00fcr insan toplumu en sonunda . . . yukardan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f olarak de\u011fil . . . \u00f6zg\u00fcr bireylerin, \u00f6zg\u00fcr birliklerin \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve \u00f6zerk (otonom) kom\u00fcnlerin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle kurulacakt\u0131r.
…
\u2026kad\u0131nlar, erkeklerden farkl\u0131d\u0131rlar ama onlardan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildirler, erke\u011fin oldu\u011fu kadar zeki, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkan ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrd\u00fcrler. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn politik ve sosyal haklara e\u015fit bir \u015fekilde sahip olduklar\u0131 ilan edilmelidir.. dini ve resmi evlilik \u00f6zg\u00fcr evlilikle yer de\u011fi\u015ftirmelidir ve b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n bak\u0131m\u0131 e\u011fitimi ve yeti\u015ftirilmesi sorumlulu\u011fu herkesin i\u015fi, b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumun sorumlulu\u011fu olmal\u0131d\u0131r… \u00e7ocuklar ne topluma ne de ebeveynlerine ait olmal\u0131, aksine kendi m\u00fcstakbel (gelecekteki) \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerine ait olmal\u0131d\u0131rlar.
devrim\u2026 sadece insanlar (halk\/kitleler) taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilir\/ba\u015far\u0131labilir.
….
devrim\u2026 d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda bir yang\u0131n gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir alan\u0131 kapsamazsa ba\u015far\u0131lamaz\u2026 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 i\u00e7in t\u00fcm Avrupay\u0131 sarmal\u0131d\u0131r ve ondan sonra da t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyay\u0131
….
toplumsal devrim\u2026. b\u00fct\u00fcn uygar toplumlardaki b\u00fct\u00fcn devletler yok edilmeden \u00f6nce, k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 b\u0131rakmayacakt\u0131r. [13]<\/p>\n

Bakunin bundan sonra Bar\u0131\u015f ve \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Birli\u011fi\u2019nce (League of Peace and Brotherhood) onaylanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in devrimci sosyalist bir program olu\u015fturmaya giri\u015fti. Bu 1867\u2019nin a\u011fustosunda Cenevre\u2019de bir konferansta \u201ct\u00fcm\u00fc, \u00f6zg\u00fcr demokrasinin dostlar\u0131 olan\u201d 6000 insan\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla kurulan bir birliktir. Bakunin\u2019in konferansta konu\u015fmak i\u00e7in s\u00f6z almas\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle tasvir ediliyor: \u201cinsanlar a\u011f\u0131zdan a\u011fza hayk\u0131r\u0131yordu \u2018Bakunin!\u2019 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k koltu\u011fundaki Garibaldi, aya\u011fa kalkt\u0131 birka\u00e7 ad\u0131m ilerdi ve onu kucaklad\u0131. Devrimin iki eski ve g\u00fcvenilir sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n bu heybetli bulu\u015fmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir etki yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131… herkes aya\u011fa kalkt\u0131, s\u00fcrekli ve \u015fevkle alk\u0131\u015flayan eller vard\u0131.\u201d [14]<\/p>\n

Baz\u0131 insanlar Bakunin\u2019in anar\u015fizmi bu noktadan itibaren savunmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia ederler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Bakunin konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fu k\u0131nad\u0131, bu \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemdeki pan-islavisminden bir kopu\u015ftu. Di\u011ferleri bu k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n bir sonraki Berne kongresinde 1868\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini iddia ederler. Herhal\u00fckarda bu d\u00f6nemden sonra Bakunin\u2019in esas olarak, 1. Enternasyonal de dahil olmak \u00fczere, devrimci kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin in\u015fas\u0131na \u00e7aba harcad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu noktadan sonrad\u0131r ki, anar\u015fizm ile tutarl\u0131 olan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme y\u00f6ntemlerinin savunuculu\u011funu yapmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. 1873\u2019te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 son b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 Rusya\u2019daki devrimci gen\u00e7lik i\u00e7in a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki program\u0131n ana hatlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer:<\/p>\n

\u201c…d\u00fcr\u00fcst, samimi, kararl\u0131 sosyal devrimci Rus gen\u00e7li\u011fi, entellekt\u00fcel proletaryam\u0131z ne yapabilir? Elbetteki halka gitmelidirler; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bug\u00fcn art\u0131k t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada ve \u00f6zellikle de Rusya\u2019da, halk\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, milyonlarca emek\u00e7inin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hayat, dava, gelecek yoktur. [15]<\/p>\n

\u201cBug\u00fcne dek Rusya\u2019da genel bir halk isyan\u0131n\u0131 sekteye u\u011fratan ve imkans\u0131z k\u0131lan esas problem, kom\u00fcnlerin kendi kendilerine yeter olmalar\u0131, yerelliklerinden kaynakl\u0131 yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fckleridir. Her ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun bu yal\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131rmal\u0131 ve devrimci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin, devrimci iradenin ve eylemin canl\u0131 ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 bu birbirinden kopuk d\u00fcnyalara sokmal\u0131y\u0131z. B\u00fct\u00fcn k\u00f6ylerin, kazalar\u0131n ve m\u00fcmk\u00fcnse b\u00f6lgelerin en ilerici k\u00f6yl\u00fclerini, do\u011fal devrimcilerini birle\u015ftirmeli ve m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan her yerde, ayn\u0131 hayati ba\u011f\u0131 fabrika i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda da yaratmal\u0131y\u0131z…<\/p>\n

Bu ilerici bireyleri (ve b\u00fct\u00fcn halk\u0131 olmasa da, onlar \u00fczerinden b\u00fcy\u00fck bir halk kesimini, halk\u0131n en hareketli kesimini) ilkin bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak halk\u0131n, Rusya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki ve hatta d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm k\u00f6ylerin, kazalar\u0131n ve b\u00f6lgelerin ayn\u0131 kaderi ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tek bir ortak davay\u0131 payla\u015f\u0131yor oldu\u011funa inand\u0131rmal\u0131y\u0131z. Onlar\u0131, halk\u0131n yenilmez bir g\u00fcc\u00fc oldu\u011funa, \u015fimdiye dek kurtulu\u015fa varamamas\u0131n\u0131n sadece yo\u011funla\u015famamas\u0131ndan, heryerde e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olarak ve uyum i\u00e7inde hareket edememesinden dolay\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz d\u00fc\u015fmesinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131na ikna etmeliyiz. Bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in k\u00f6ylerin, kazalar\u0131n ve b\u00f6lgelerin ortak bir plan do\u011frultusunda, genel bir kurtulu\u015f hedefiyle birle\u015fmesi gerekir. Halk\u0131m\u0131zda ger\u00e7ek bir birlik ruhu ve bilinci yaratmak i\u00e7in herhangi bir yerde ba\u015f g\u00f6steren bir k\u00f6y veya fabrika ayaklanmas\u0131 hakk\u0131nda, Bat\u0131 Avrupa proleteryas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi \u00f6nemli devrimci hareketler hakk\u0131ndaki bilgileri derhal Rusya\u2019n\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir k\u00f6\u015fesine, en ufak yerle\u015fim birimine dek yayabilecek bir halk gazetesi yarat\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

… Rus halk\u0131 gen\u00e7li\u011fimizle ancak kendi hayat\u0131, kendi kaderi, davas\u0131 ve umutsuz isyan\u0131 i\u00e7inde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda onu kendisinden bir par\u00e7a kabul edecektir. Gen\u00e7lik \u015fu andan ba\u015flayarak art\u0131k tan\u0131k vasf\u0131yla de\u011fil aktif kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 vasf\u0131yla, herzaman ve heryerde, b\u00fcy\u00fck olsun olmas\u0131n t\u00fcm halk ayaklanmalar\u0131n\u0131n, f\u0131rt\u0131nalar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6n\u00fcnde, kendini d\u00fczeni y\u0131kmaya adam\u0131\u015f olarak yer almal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6zenle tasarlanm\u0131\u015f ve belirlenmi\u015f bir planla uyum i\u00e7inde hareket ederek, faaliyetlerini zaferin vazge\u00e7ilmez \u015fart\u0131 olan birle\u015fikli\u011fi yaratmak y\u00f6n\u00fcnde en s\u0131k\u0131 disiplinle seferber ederek, kendisini ve halk\u0131 sadece direni\u015f i\u00e7in de\u011fil cesaretli bir sald\u0131r\u0131 i\u00e7in de haz\u0131rlamal\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d [16]<\/p>\n

Bu tek al\u0131nt\u0131 Bakunin\u2019in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeline dair en yayg\u0131n olan yanl\u0131\u015f anlamalar\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcr. Ancak kendisine y\u00f6neltilen devrimci \u00f6zneyi sanayi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 tutmamas\u0131na dair yayg\u0131n bir ele\u015ftiriyi de do\u011frular. Bakunin devrimci \u00f6zne olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kadar olmasa da, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden ve zanaatkarlardan da umutludur. Bu ele\u015ftiri her ne kadar bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Avrupa\u2019s\u0131 ve Kuzey Amerika\u2019s\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde anlaml\u0131 olsa da, 1870\u2019lerde sadece \u015fehirli i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iren bir devrim ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmaya mahkumdu. O d\u00f6nemde \u015fehirli i\u015f\u00e7iler k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir az\u0131nl\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin \u0130talya\u2019daki devrimciler i\u00e7in benzer bir stratejiyi savunurken Bakunin \u015f\u00f6yle der: \u201c. . . \u0130talya koca bir proleteryaya sahip . . . En az\u0131ndan iki ya da \u00fc\u00e7 milyon \u015fehirli fabrika i\u015f\u00e7isi ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck zanaatkar ve yakla\u015f\u0131k yirmi milyon topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fc.\u201d [17] Bakunin Marks\u2019tan farkl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin devrim cephesine aktif bir \u015fekilde kat\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve o d\u00f6nemdeki say\u0131lar\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc o d\u00f6nemde k\u00f6yl\u00fclersiz bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemezdi.<\/p>\n

Fakat Bakunin s\u0131k s\u0131k iddia edildi\u011finin aksine sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerini reddetmez. Ger\u00e7ekte Marks\u2019tan ilerde bir \u015fekilde ve Rus devriminin fabrika komiteleri hareketini \u00f6ng\u00f6rerek \u015funu vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201ckooperatif birlikler \u00e7oktan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sanayi kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 idare etmeye yetenekli olduklar\u0131n\u0131, bu i\u015fin kendi aralar\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilen ve kendileriyle ayn\u0131 \u00fccreti alan i\u015f\u00e7ilerce y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclebilece\u011fini g\u00f6sterdiler.\u201d [18] Ancak bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak proleteryan\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmanca yakla\u015fabilecek olan bir i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u0130ngiliz, Alman ve \u0130sve\u00e7 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n belirli bir katman\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 da temkinliydi.<\/p>\n

Bakunin\u2019in devricilerin nas\u0131l \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri gerekti\u011fine dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ise s\u0131kl\u0131kla insanlar \u00fczerinde gizli bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck kurmak gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmekle ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye ili\u015fkin 1867\u2019de ve 1868\u2019de yazd\u0131klar\u0131 (yukar\u0131da anm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fumuz metinler) a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131da da g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011fi gibi ger\u00e7ekte garip bir \u00e7eli\u015fki bar\u0131nd\u0131rmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cBu birlik \u015fu ger\u00e7eklik \u00fczerine kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r, devrimler asla bireyler ya da gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctler taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lmazlar. Onlar \u015feylerin do\u011fas\u0131ndan, olaylar\u0131n ve eylemlerin e\u011filiminden kaynaklan\u0131r . . . \u0130yi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir grubun t\u00fcm yapabilece\u011fi, ilkin kitlelerin i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleriyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fen fikirleri kitleler aras\u0131nda yayarak devrimin ebeli\u011fini yapmak ve devrimin ordusunu de\u011fil \u2013 \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc her zaman halk\u0131n kendisi ordu olmal\u0131d\u0131r \u2013 , her \u015feyden \u00f6nce halk\u0131n ger\u00e7ek dostu olan, k\u00fcstah\u00e7a kendini be\u011fenmi\u015f olmayan, devrimci fikir ile halk\u0131n i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleri aras\u0131nda arac\u0131 olabilecek kararl\u0131, enerjik ve zeki bireylerden olu\u015fan bir devrimci genel kadro \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektir.<\/p>\n

Bu bireylerin say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olmas\u0131 gerekmez. S\u0131k\u0131 ve ciddi bir \u015fekilde birle\u015fmi\u015f y\u00fcz devrimci t\u00fcm Avrupa i\u00e7in yeterli olacakt\u0131r. \u0130ki ya da \u00fc\u00e7 y\u00fcz devrimci en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkeleri \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye yeter.\u201d [19] Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki Bakunin\u2019in bir yandan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in iki ya da \u00fc\u00e7 y\u00fcz devrimcinin yeterli olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunurken, di\u011fer yandan (daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir alan olan) Avrupa i\u00e7in sadece y\u00fcz devrimcinin gerekli oldu\u011fu noktas\u0131nda yo\u011funla\u015fmakta.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki Bakunin\u2019in yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda yeniden ve yeniden kendini g\u00f6sterir, \u00f6rne\u011fin 1870\u2019te \u015funu yazar:<\/p>\n

\u201cBu y\u00fczden gizli bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn biricik amac\u0131 , halk\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olan yapay bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturmak de\u011fil, halk\u0131n kendili\u011finden geli\u015fen g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u2013yani tek olas\u0131 ve tek ger\u00e7ek devrimci ordunun – uyand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, birle\u015ftiricisi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicisi olmakt\u0131r . . . \u00f6rg\u00fct sadece bu ordunun personeli, kendisinin de\u011fil halk\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicisi olmal\u0131d\u0131r . . . Devrimci bir fikir ancak tarihsel s\u00fcrecin sonucu olan yayg\u0131n i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleri ifade ediyorsa ya da bu i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleri yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda devrimci, canl\u0131 ve ger\u00e7ektir. Halk\u0131n i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fclerine yabanc\u0131 olan – kendi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini halka zorla kabul ettirmeye \u00e7abalamak, halk\u0131 yeni bir devlete boyun e\u011fdirme niyetini beraberinde getirir. \u00d6rg\u00fct t\u00fcm samimiyetiyle kendisinin (halk\u0131n refah\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu olsa bile) halk\u0131n bir komutan\u0131, y\u00f6neticisi de\u011fil, hizmetkar\u0131 ve yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 oldu\u011fu fikrini kabul etmelidir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rg\u00fct muazzam bir g\u00f6revle y\u00fczy\u00fczedir: propaganda ve halk g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn birle\u015ftirilmesi yoluyla halk\u0131n devriminin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak, bu devrimin g\u00fcc\u00fc ile varolan t\u00fcm ekonomik, toplumsal ve politik d\u00fczeni tamamen y\u0131kmak . . . ve dahas\u0131 halk\u0131n zaferinden sonra halk \u00fczerinde herhangi bir devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 imkans\u0131z k\u0131lmak, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc her iktidar kendine ne ad verirse versin, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak halk\u0131 yeni bir bi\u00e7imdeki k\u00f6leli\u011fe tabi k\u0131lacakt\u0131r . . .<\/p>\n

Bizler t\u00fcm resmi iktidarlar\u0131n keskin d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131y\u0131z; bu iktidarlar son derece devrimci olsalar bile. Bizler alenen tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f her t\u00fcrl\u00fc diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131y\u0131z; biz toplumsal-devrimci anar\u015fistleriz. \u015eimdi siz bize soracaks\u0131n\u0131z; e\u011fer anar\u015fistsek hangi hakla insanlar\u0131 etkilemeyi \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze koyuyoruz? Hangi y\u00f6ntemle insanlar\u0131 etkileyebiliriz? Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc iktidar\u0131 reddediyorsak, hangi g\u00fcc\u00fc kullanarak insanlar\u0131n devrimini y\u00f6nlendirebiliriz? \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn kolektif diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc son derece g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u0131lacak, hi\u00e7 kimse taraf\u0131ndan fark edilmeyen, hi\u00e7 kimseye dayat\u0131lmayan g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez bir g\u00fc\u00e7\/iktidar ile. \u00d6yle bir iktidar ki ne kadar g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez ve tan\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f ise, resmi yasall\u0131ktan o kadar uzak ve o kadar \u00f6nemsiz kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n

D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn . . . \u00f6yle bir gizli \u00f6rg\u00fct ki, \u00fcyelerini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gruplar halinde imparatorlu\u011fun t\u00fcm alan\u0131na yaym\u0131\u015f. S\u0131k\u0131 bir \u015fekilde yan yana durmak yerine, ortak bir idealden hareket eden . . . bulundu\u011fu her yerde ortak bir plana g\u00f6re hareket eden bir \u00f6rg\u00fct. Kimse taraf\u0131ndan b\u00f6yle oldu\u011fu bilinmeyen bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gruplar hi\u00e7 bir resmi olarak tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f g\u00fcce sahip de\u011fildir. Bunlar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc insanlar\u0131n (halk\u0131n) i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fclerini, arzular\u0131n\u0131 ve taleplerini ifade eden ideallerinden kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r . . .<\/p>\n

Bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131kardan, kibirden ve ihtirastan muaft\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc o isimsizdir (anonim), g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezdir ve ne grubun bir \u00fcyesine ne de grubun t\u00fcm\u00fcne bir avantaj, \u015feref ya da resmi iktidar vermez. \u0130nsanlar\u0131n iktidar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir tehdit olu\u015fturmaz \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc her t\u00fcrl\u00fc resmi nitelikten muaft\u0131r . . .\u201d [20] Bakunin bir yandan \u201cgelecekteki toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131 bir \u015fekilde olu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131\u201d savunur. [21] \u00d6te yandan da bu yeni toplumun yarat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n kendili\u011finden geli\u015fecek bir devrimle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fecek bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, fakat \u201cbir ideal ve ayn\u0131 program etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmi\u015f\u201d bir devrimciler \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc gerektirdi\u011fini savunur. [22]<\/p>\n

G\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fumuz gibi Bakunin\u2019in ciddi bir ayaklanma deneyimi vard\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan o da Marks gibi Hegel\u2019in diyalektik y\u00f6nteminin, yani a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde \u00e7eli\u015fkili olan iki \u015feyin yeni bir durum ya da fikir yaratmak \u00fczere kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k birbirlerini etkileyecekleri ve bunun da her iki \u015feye g\u00f6re bir ilerleme olaca\u011f\u0131 fikrinin savunucusudur. Bu a\u015famadaki yaz\u0131lar\u0131nda Bakunin, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir toplumla, otoriter bir toplumu y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in gereken \u00f6rg\u00fctsel y\u00f6ntemler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi a\u015fman\u0131n bir yolunu savunmaktad\u0131r. Di\u011fer ve sonraki devrimciler de bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyle y\u00fczle\u015fmi\u015f ve kimi devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeyi hedefleyen g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir \u015fekilde merkezile\u015fmi\u015f partiyi savunmu\u015f, kimi de ciddi \u00f6rg\u00fctsel y\u00f6ntemlerin gerekli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme e\u011filiminde olmu\u015ftur. Bakunin bu iki z\u0131t fikrin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7meye ve ger\u00e7eklikle uyu\u015fan yeni \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme varmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bakunin\u2019in devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fcte dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri birbirlerinden ayr\u0131 fakat gayri resmi olarak birbirleriyle ili\u015fkili olan katmanlara ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f devrimcileri ile bir t\u00fcr d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn pastas\u0131na benzetilebilir. Tepede y\u00fcz ki\u015filik, g\u00f6revi \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki gayri resmi ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 kurmak ve geli\u015ftirmek olan grup bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu grup bir yandan uluslararas\u0131 ayaklanman\u0131n ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ko\u015fullar\u0131n olgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n karar\u0131n\u0131n verilmesinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynayacak ve \u00f6te yandan da bu ayaklanman\u0131n e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flayacakt\u0131. Bu grup gizli bir \u015fekilde i\u015flemeli (tutuklanma tehlikesinden dolay\u0131) ve (1868\u2019den sonra) olaylar\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 fikirlerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcyle etkilemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir gayri resmi ili\u015fkiler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bunun yan\u0131nda daha geni\u015f ve daha a\u00e7\u0131k olan ikinci bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olacakt\u0131. Bu \u2018\u0130ttifak\u2019t\u0131 ve onun ba\u015fl\u0131ca rol\u00fc devrimci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri prolateryan\u0131n kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde, \u00f6zellikle bu enternasyonel birli\u011fin b\u00f6lgesel seksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturma yoluyla yaymakt\u0131. 1868\u2019den sonra Enternasyonal\u2019i bu \u2018pastan\u0131n\u2019 (d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn pastas\u0131) taban\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Taban, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan eylemi hedefleyen ve politik aktiviteleri (\u00f6rn. se\u00e7imler) reddeden organlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturacakt\u0131. \u0130ttifak bu politikalar\u0131n daha da keskinle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in Enternasyonal i\u00e7inde \u00e7aba harcayacakt\u0131. Bu zorunluydu \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, diye yaz\u0131yordu Bakunin, -okuma yazmas\u0131 olmayan, hayatta kalmak i\u00e7in uzun saatler boyunca \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan- i\u015f\u00e7i kitlesi sosyalizme sadece soyut d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler yoluyla kazan\u0131lamazd\u0131 ve \u015f\u00f6yle devam ediyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cBu sebepten \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, proleteryan\u0131n okuma yazma bilmeyen k\u00fctlelerinin y\u00fcreklerine dokunabilmek, onlar\u0131n g\u00fcvenini, onay\u0131n\u0131, kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ve i\u015fbirli\u011fini kazanabilmek i\u00e7in, bu i\u015f\u00e7ilerle ili\u015fkiye ge\u00e7erken bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak uluslararas\u0131 proleteryan\u0131n genel s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131ndan de\u011fil de, onlar\u0131n g\u00fcnl\u00fck ve \u00f6zel rahats\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131ndan konu\u015fmaya ba\u015flamak zorunludur. Onlarla kendi i\u015fleri ve ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 spesifik yereldeki kendi i\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131, g\u00fcnl\u00fck \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n zorlu\u011fu ve uzun i\u015f saatleri, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler, patronlar\u0131n kabal\u0131klar\u0131, hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bir aileyi ge\u00e7indirmenin onlar\u0131n i\u00e7in nas\u0131l da imkans\u0131z hale geldi\u011fi hakk\u0131nda konu\u015fmak gerekir.\u201d [23]<\/p>\n

Bu, Bakunin\u2019in bir devrimin haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 yolunda zorunlu olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir \u015feydi. Ama savundu\u011fu \u015fey \u00fcst katmandakilerin alttakileri komuta etmesi de\u011fildi, \u00f6te yandan da \u015fu konuda \u0131srarc\u0131yd\u0131: \u201chalk\u0131n devrimi … devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ilkesine ba\u011fl\u0131 kalarak, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131ya, \u00e7evreden merkeze do\u011fru d\u00fczenleyecektir.\u201d [24]<\/p>\n

\u201cKom\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine gelince, kurulu duran barikatlar\u0131n bir federasyonu kurulacakt\u0131r ve Devrimci bir Kom\u00fcn Kons\u00fcl\u00fc her barikattan gelen (her sokak ya da semt i\u00e7in birer tane olmak \u00fczere) bir ya da iki temsilci temelinde i\u015fleyecek; bu temsilcilere verilen yetki ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 bir vekalet olacak, bunlar her zaman i\u00e7in sorumlu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclecek ve geri \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131labilir olacaklard\u0131r.\u201d [25]<\/p>\n

T\u00fcm illere, kom\u00fcnlere ve dernek tipi birlikteliklere, onlar\u0131 ba\u015fkent taraf\u0131ndan ortaya konmu\u015f olan \u00f6rne\u011fin izinden gitmeleri i\u00e7in davet eden bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yay\u0131mlanacak. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 t\u00fcm yerelleri yeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 i\u00e7in devrimci saflarda olu\u015fturulacak yeni bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye giri\u015fmeye, isyanc\u0131 derneklerin, kom\u00fcnlerin ve ta\u015fran\u0131n ayn\u0131 ilkelerin daha da ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmesini hedefleyen bir federasyonun kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ve de kar\u015f\u0131-devrimi yenilgiye u\u011fratmak i\u00e7in (\u00f6nceden anla\u015f\u0131lan bir yerde) d\u00fczenlenecek kongreye temsilci g\u00f6revlendirmeye davet edecek (bu temsilciler de ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 vekaletle yetkilendirilmi\u015f, eylemlerinden sorumlu ve geri \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131labilir olacaklar). Resmi devrimci komiserler de\u011fil ama, devrimci propagandac\u0131lar t\u00fcm ta\u015fraya, t\u00fcm kom\u00fcnlere ve \u00f6zellikle de k\u00f6yl\u00fclere da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lacak. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ne ilkeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, ne herhangi bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kararnameleriyle devrimcile\u015ftirilebilirler. Onlar\u0131 devrime s\u00fcr\u00fckleyecek tek \u015fey devrim hareketinin kendisidir, yani devrimin do\u011fal sonucu olan devletin yasal ve resmi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n her kom\u00fcnden (yerel birimden) tamamen \u00e7ekili\u015fidir.\u201d [26]<\/p>\n

Bu sadece tarihsel bir soru de\u011fildir. Bat\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde devrimcilerin, Bakunin\u2019in \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na k\u0131yasla gazete satma, toplant\u0131 d\u00fczenleme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sahip olduklar\u0131 do\u011frudur. Ancak devletteki bu liberalizmin, \u00e7o\u011fu devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn bir tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmemesinden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. O ya da bu t\u00fcrden devrimcilerin tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc zamanlarda, Kara Panterler\u2019den tutun da, \u0130rlanda vatanda\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131 hareketine ya da 1970lerin \u0130talya\u2019s\u0131na, eldivenler \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131l\u0131r, \u00f6rg\u00fct i\u00e7ine s\u0131zmak, provakasyon yapmak da dahil olmak \u00fczere her t\u00fcrl\u00fc devlet ter\u00f6r\u00fc kullan\u0131ma sokulur. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde k\u00fcreselle\u015fme eylemlerinde Kara Blok\u2019un yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6rece \u00f6nemsiz tehdit bile bir ki\u015finin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesine varacak kadar devlet bask\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na sebep oldu. Bakunin\u2019in yaz\u0131lar\u0131 bize bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin yani, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir toplumu kurma iste\u011fi ile, bunun tek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn yolu olan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve otoriter bir devleti y\u0131kma zorunlulu\u011fu aras\u0131ndaki bariz \u00e7eli\u015fkinin nas\u0131l ele al\u0131nabilece\u011fine dair bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar
1 \u015eu kitapta al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: To the Finland Station, Edmund Wilson, Fontana 1960, s271
2 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018Who am I\u2019 adl\u0131 metni, p126, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, \u015furadan al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: La Commune de Paris et la notion de l\u2019Etat 1870, Oeuveres IV, s249ff
3 \u015eu kitapta al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Brian Morris, Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom, 1993, s14
4 \u2018Appeal to the Slavs (1848)\u2019 metni, \u015fu kitaptan: Bakunin on Anarchism, Sam Dolgoff, Black Rose Books, 1972, s63-68
5 Brian Morris, Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom, 1993, s26
6 Sam Dolgoff, ed, Bakunin on Anarchy, New York, 1973, s388
7 \u015eu kitapta al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Brian Morris, Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom, 1993, s29
8 Daniel Guerin in No Gods No Master Vol 1, s 132
9 Brian Morris, Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom, 1993, s30
10 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018The Program of the Brotherhood (1865)\u2019 metni, \u015fu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s138
11 No Gods No Master Vol 1, s 132
12 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018The Program of the Brotherhood (1865)\u2019 metni, \u015fu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s142
13 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018The Program of the Brotherhood (1865)\u2019 metni, \u015fu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s133 – 137
14 Bir Rus pozitivistinden rapor. \u015eu kitapta al\u0131nt\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Brian Morris, Bakunin: The Philosophy of Freedom, 1993, s34
15 Bakunin, Statism and anarchism, Appendix A (1873), ed Marshal Shatz, Cambridge University Press, 1990, s212 [Bakunin, Devlet ve Anar\u015fi, \u00d6teki Yay\u0131nevi, 2000, s 334]
16 Bakunin, Statism and anarchism, Appendix A (1873), ed Marshal Shatz, Cambridge University Press, 1990, s215 [Bakunin, Devlet ve Anar\u015fi, \u00d6teki Yay\u0131nevi, 2000, s 338-339]
17 Bakunin, Statism and anarchism (1873), ed Marshal Shatz, Cambridge University Press, 1990, s6
18 The capitalist system (Kapitalist Sistem), http:\/\/struggle.ws\/anarchists\/bakunin\/writings\/capitalist_system.html
19 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018Program and Object of the Secret Revolutionary Organisation of the International Brotherhood (1868)\u2019 metni. \u015eu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s156
20 \u2018Bakunin to Nechayev on the role of secret revolutionary societies\u2019 (\u2018Bakunin\u2019den Ne\u00e7ayev\u2019e, gizli devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fctler \u00fczerine\u2019), June 2, 1870, http:\/\/struggle.ws\/anarchists\/bakunin\/writings\/nechayev_secret_disagree….
21 The Paris Commune and the Idea of the State (1871) (Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc ve Devlet D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi), http:\/\/flag.blackened.net\/daver\/anarchism\/bakunin\/paris.html
22 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018The Program of the Brotherhood (1865)\u2019 metni, \u015fu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s139
23 Founding of the Workers International (\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Enternasyonali\u2019nin kurulu\u015fu), http:\/\/flag.blackened.net\/daver\/anarchism\/bakunin\/bakunin3.html
24 Bakunin\u2019in \u2018Program and Object of the Secret Revolutionary Organisation of the International Brotherhood (1868)\u2019 (Uluslararas\u0131 Karde\u015flik Gizli Devrimci \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn Program\u0131 ve Hedefleri) metni. \u015eu kitapta yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. God and the State, No Gods, No Masters Vol 1, s155
25 a.g.e. (\u00fcstte ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en eser) s155
26 a.g.e. s156<\/p>\n

\u0130rlanda\u2019daki \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Dayan\u0131\u015fma Hareketi\u2019nin (Workers Solidarity Movement) teorik yay\u0131n\u0131 olan Red&Black Revolution dergisinin 2002 k\u0131\u015f tarihli 6. say\u0131s\u0131nda Andrew Flood imzas\u0131yla yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki yaz\u0131da Bakunin\u2019in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye dair \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler nispeten nesnel bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya konmakta. Bakunin\u2019in, ger\u00e7ek bir devrim i\u00e7in zorunlu oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ve kitleleri \u00f6znele\u015ftiren bir m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemini ortaya koyma \u00e7abas\u0131 anlat\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu \u00e7aban\u0131n \u00f6nemi vurgulan\u0131rken, \u00e7eli\u015fki bar\u0131nd\u0131ran taraflar\u0131 da ele\u015ftiriliyor. Yaz\u0131 Bakunin\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerine, \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir toplumu kurma iste\u011fi ile, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[99],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4305","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","category-dunya"],"yoast_head":"\nBakunin'in Devrim ve Devrimci \u00d6rg\u00fct D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/03\/03\/bakuninin-devrim-ve-devrimci-orgut-dusuncesi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bakunin'in Devrim ve Devrimci \u00d6rg\u00fct D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"A\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki yaz\u0131da Bakunin\u2019in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye dair \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler nispeten nesnel bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya konmakta. Bakunin\u2019in, ger\u00e7ek bir devrim i\u00e7in zorunlu oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi ve kitleleri \u00f6znele\u015ftiren bir m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemini ortaya koyma \u00e7abas\u0131 anlat\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu \u00e7aban\u0131n \u00f6nemi vurgulan\u0131rken, \u00e7eli\u015fki bar\u0131nd\u0131ran taraflar\u0131 da ele\u015ftiriliyor. 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