{"id":4652,"date":"2010-07-31T11:06:53","date_gmt":"2010-07-31T08:06:53","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/07\/31\/teorinin-pratigi-pratigin-teorisi-komunist-manifesto-ertugrul-kurkcu\/"},"modified":"2010-07-31T11:06:53","modified_gmt":"2010-07-31T08:06:53","slug":"teorinin-pratigi-pratigin-teorisi-komunist-manifesto-ertugrul-kurkcu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/07\/31\/teorinin-pratigi-pratigin-teorisi-komunist-manifesto-ertugrul-kurkcu\/","title":{"rendered":"Teorinin Prati\u011fi, Prati\u011fin Teorisi | Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto \u2013 Ertu\u011frul K\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"

Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto’yu 1848 Alman Devrimi ba\u015flarken kaleme alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Manifesto tarihin testinden ge\u00e7ti. 160 y\u0131l sonra hala kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 yapacak bir\u015feyi olanlara zihin a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendine g\u00fcven, giri\u015fim cesareti sunmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

160 y\u0131l \u00f6nce bug\u00fcn, hen\u00fcz adlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctleri “Kom\u00fcnistler Birli\u011fi” \u00fcyeleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kimsenin bilmedi\u011fi iki Alman devrimcisinin kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 modern kom\u00fcnizmin ilk manifestosu yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131:\u00a0 Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto. Aradan ge\u00e7en birbu\u00e7uk y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n zamana kar\u015f\u0131n Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels’in “zincirlerinden ba\u015fka kaybedecek bir\u015feyleri olmayan” b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ilerini “koca bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kazanmaya” \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ran bildirgeleri, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n neden kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 aya\u011fa kalkmaks\u0131z\u0131n edemeyece\u011fini bug\u00fcn de en inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde a\u00e7\u0131klamaya devam edebilen, daha m\u00fckemmeli hen\u00fcz kaleme al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f bir d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda devrim \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 olarak de\u011ferini koruyor, hatta belki de kapitalist k\u00fcreselle\u015fme \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda as\u0131l de\u011ferine kavu\u015fuyor.<\/p>\n

Francis Fukuyama’n\u0131n Marx’a y\u00f6nelik bir istihzayla “Tarihin Sonu…”nu ilan etmesinden sadece yedi y\u0131l sonra BBC’nin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 online anket d\u00fcnyada “biny\u0131l\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fc”n\u00fcn Karl Marx olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koymu\u015ftu. <\/p>\n

Manifesto’nun 1848 Devrimleri deneyimi \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Marx ve Engels taraf\u0131ndan yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki makale 1987’de Sosyalizm ve Toplumsal M\u00fccadeleler Ansiklopedisi’nde yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Manifesto’yu 160. y\u0131l\u0131nda an\u0131msama ve tart\u0131\u015fmaya katk\u0131s\u0131 olsun diye yeniden yay\u0131nlamak istedim.<\/p>\n

Teorinin Prati\u011fi, Prati\u011fin Teorisi\u00a0
<\/strong>
Karl Marx, 1848 Devrimleri’nin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir proleter devrimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine ili\u015fkin sonuncu umudunun da Fransa’da III. Napol\u00e9on’un darbesi ile y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan giri\u015fti\u011fi bir genel muhasebe olan Louis Bonaparte’\u0131n 18 Brumaire’i’nde \u015funlar\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131:<\/p>\n

“\u0130nsanlar, tarihlerini kendileri yaparlar, ama bunu, kendi keyiflerine g\u00f6re, kendi se\u00e7tikleri ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde de\u011fil, do\u011frudan verili olan ve ge\u00e7mi\u015ften miras kalan ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde yaparlar. \u00d6l\u00fc ku\u015faklar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn gelene\u011fi, olanca a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u0131yla ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n zihinleri \u00fczerine \u00e7\u00f6ker ve onlar kendileriyle birlikte kendi d\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnyay\u0131 bir ba\u015fka bi\u00e7ime d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmekle, yepyeni bir \u015fey yaratmakla u\u011fra\u015f\u0131r g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fckleri zaman bile, \u00f6zellikle devrimci bunal\u0131m d\u00f6nemlerinde, korkuyla ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki ruhlar\u0131 kafalar\u0131nda canland\u0131r\u0131rlar…<\/p>\n

“…Proletarya devrimleri, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l devrimleri olarak durmaks\u0131z\u0131n kendilerini ele\u015ftirir, ilerleyi\u015fleri boyunca kendi geli\u015fmelerini s\u00fcrekli yar\u0131da keser, tamamlanm\u0131\u015f olana geri d\u00f6nerek onu tazelemek ve canland\u0131rmak i\u00e7in ilk giri\u015fimlerinin karars\u0131zl\u0131k, zaaf ve zavall\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ac\u0131mak-s\u0131z\u0131n didik didik ederler… kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n muazzam sonsuzlu\u011fu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda her t\u00fcrl\u00fc geri \u00e7ekili\u015fi art\u0131k olanaks\u0131z k\u0131l\u0131ncaya kadar her seferinde yeniden gerilerler ve sonunda bizzat ko\u015fullar kendilerine hayk\u0131r\u0131r: ‘Hic Rhodus, hic salta!'”<\/p>\n

Marx’\u0131n burada yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fcn yaln\u0131zca 1848 Devrimleri’nin bir genel muhasebesiyle ili\u015fkili olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; “kendisini ele\u015ftiren devrim” metaforu ile kastedilenin, asl\u0131nda, Engels’le birlikte kendisinin, 1848 Devrimleri’nin gidi\u015fat ve sonucuna ili\u015fkin \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcleriyle, bu devrim s\u00fcreci i\u00e7indeki pratiklerinin bir ele\u015ftirisi oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, “\u00f6l\u00fc ku\u015faklar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn gelene\u011finin olanca a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n zihinleri \u00fczerine \u00e7\u00f6kmesi”nin, yaln\u0131zca, Paris’te, Viyana’da, Berlin’de ayaklanan kitlelerin 1789 ve 1830’da oldu\u011fu gibi, ba\u015flar\u0131nda burjuvazilerilyle bir devrim yapabileceklerine dair hayallerinin edebi bir anlat\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmekle yetinilebilir mi? Bu g\u00f6zlemin, en az bu kitlelerin hayalleri kadar, Marx ve Engelsin 1848 Devrimleri’nin gidi\u015fat\u0131n\u0131n her evresinde y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011frat\u0131lan beklentileri i\u00e7in de do\u011fru oldu\u011funu, Engels’in kendisi, Marx’\u0131n “Fransa’da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri’ne 1895’te yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, “Giri\u015f”te \u015f\u00f6yle dile getirmi\u015fti:<\/p>\n

“\u015eubat devrimi patlak verdi\u011fi zaman hepimiz, ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve devrimci hareketlerin gidi\u015fini kavrama bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihsel deneyimin, \u00f6zellikle de Frans\u0131z deneyiminin b\u00fcy\u00fcl\u00fc etkisi alt\u0131ndayd\u0131k. Genel alt\u00fcst olu\u015f i\u015fareti bu sefer de, 1789’dan bu yana t\u00fcm Avrupa’n\u0131n tarihine h\u00fckmetmi\u015f olan Fransa’dan gelmemi\u015f miydi? Bu y\u00fczden \u015eubat 1848’de Paris’te ilan edilen ‘toplumsal’ devrimin, proletarya devriminin, nitelik ve gidi\u015fat\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki fikirlerimizin, 1789 ve 1830 modellerinin an\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n damgas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131, a\u015fikar oldu\u011fu kadar ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u015feydi de.”<\/p>\n

Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, “kendilerini ele\u015ftiren… ilk giri\u015fimlerinin karars\u0131zl\u0131k zaaf ve zavall\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ac\u0131maks\u0131z\u0131n didik didik edenler”, herhalde, Engels’in, “hen\u00fcz, zaferden sonra izlenecek yol hakk\u0131nda kesinlikle hi\u00e7bir fikirleri bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131]”, “kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ne oldu\u011funu idrak edeme[di\u011fini], bunlar\u0131 ancak belirsiz bir duygu halinde hissetti\u011fini]\u201d yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 (Fransa’da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri) Paris ve Berlin proletaryas\u0131 olamazd\u0131. Bu ele\u015ftiri prati\u011finin \u00f6znesinin, Manifesto’da ” hareket hatt\u0131n\u0131, ko\u015fullar\u0131, ve proleter hareketinin nihai genel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kavrama \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sahip” oldu\u011funu yazd\u0131klar\u0131 kom\u00fcnistler, yani en ba\u015fta Marx ve Engels oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek hem mant\u0131\u011fa hem tarihsel ger\u00e7e\u011fe uygun d\u00fc\u015fer.<\/p>\n

1848 Devrimleri’nin bir genel bilan\u00e7osu, Marx ve Engels’in faaliyetlerinin de\u011ferlendirilmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan paradoksal sonu\u00e7lar verir. Kesin olan iki \u015feyden s\u00f6zedilebilir: Marx ve Engels, “proleter hareketinin nihai genel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131\u201d ger\u00e7ekten de herkesten iyi kavrad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, Manifesto’da kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131; ancak \u201c1848 Devrimleri\u201d, bunun pratikte do\u011frulanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in pek fazla kan\u0131t sunmad\u0131, Manifesto’da \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclenin tersine, kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesi 1848’den sonra daha da h\u0131zland\u0131. Manifesto’da sergilenen, kapitalist toplumun yerini bir devrimle kom\u00fcnist topluma b\u0131rakmas\u0131n\u0131n diyalekti\u011fi, 1848 Devrimleri\u2019nden sonra da, hen\u00fcz sadece bir teorik hakikatti. Kapitalizm, y\u0131k\u0131laca\u011f\u0131na dair hi\u00e7bir pratik i\u015faret vermi\u015f de\u011fildi. Almanya ve Polonya’daki devrimin “hareket hatt\u0131n\u0131 ve ko\u015fullar\u0131”n\u0131 ise, do\u011fru tespit edememi\u015flerdi. 1848 Devrimi, Engels’in deyi\u015fiyle “onlar\u0131 ve onlar gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenleri” haks\u0131z \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Manifesto’dan, Talepler’e<\/strong><\/p>\n

“Proleter hareketinin nihai genel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131”na ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, Kom\u00fcnist Parti Manifestosu’nda dile getirilmi\u015fti. “Avrupa’da bir hayalet kol geziyor, kom\u00fcnizm hayaleti”, c\u00fcmlesiyle ba\u015flayan, ba\u015fl\u0131ca d\u00f6rt b\u00f6l\u00fcmden olu\u015fan bu metnin “Burjuvalar ve Proleterler” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan birinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, maddeci tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla d\u00fcnya tarihi \u00fczerinde h\u0131zla g\u00f6z gezdirdikten sonra, kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesinin, bug\u00fcn de parlakl\u0131k ve canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 koruyan, edebi bak\u0131mdan son derece g\u00fczel bir anlat\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 verir. Proleterler ve burjuvalar aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 bir devrime g\u00f6t\u00fcren “tahamm\u00fcl edilmez” ko\u015fullar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klar.<\/p>\n

“Proleterler ve Kom\u00fcnistler” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan ikinci b\u00f6l\u00fcm, kom\u00fcnistlerin, devlet, toplum, aile, m\u00fclkiyet, toplumsal ili\u015fkiler hakk\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini a\u00e7\u0131klar ve devrimle egemen s\u0131n\u0131f konumuna s\u0131\u00e7rayacak olan proletaryan\u0131n burjuvaziyi m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirerek, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131nda bir devrim meydana getirmesinin program\u0131n\u0131, bir sosyalist program\u0131 ortaya koyar.<\/p>\n

“Sosyalist ve Kom\u00fcnist Literat\u00fcr” ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fcm, Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde ya\u015famakta olan \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyalist e\u011filimlerin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini; proleter sosyalizmi ile, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva, burjuva, gerici ve \u00fctopyac\u0131 sosyalist hareketler aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131 dile getirir.<\/p>\n

“Kom\u00fcnistlerin Varolan \u00c7e\u015fitli Muhalefet Partileri Kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki Durumu” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fcmde de, kom\u00fcnistlerin \u00f6teki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partileriyle olan ili\u015fkilerini ve devrimin arefesinde \u00f6z\u00fc demokratlarla ittifak olan, takti\u011fini form\u00fcle eder.<\/p>\n

Marx, 1848 Devrimleri’nden \u00e7\u0131karken, Manifestonun d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin darbeleriyle \u00e7\u00f6kertilen parlamentolar\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 alt\u0131nda b\u0131rakacak, ama hen\u00fcz bir nebula halindeki siyasal kavramlar donan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da bu darbeler alt\u0131nda bi\u00e7imlendirecekti.<\/p>\n

Manifesto’nun ilk \u00fc\u00e7 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc yazarken, Marx ve Engels’in zihinlerinin gerisinde kapitalizmin en geli\u015fmi\u015f bi\u00e7imlerini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran \u0130ngiltere vard\u0131. Sonuncu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc yazarlarken de geri, feodal-b\u00fcrokratik bir rejim alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayan Almanya’y\u0131 bir an olsun ak\u0131llar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131karmam\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkeleri bir devrimci kayna\u015fma haline sokan Avrupa devrimi i\u00e7inde, gene de do\u011frudan eyleme giri\u015febilecekleri tek \u00fclkenin Almanya’dan ba\u015fkas\u0131 olamayaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse, Manifesto’nun kurgusundaki bu asimetriyi anlamak kolayla\u015f\u0131r.
Kom\u00fcnist Partisi’nin Almanya’daki Talepleri<\/p>\n

Kom\u00fcnist Manifesfo’nun taktik plan\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir reprod\u00fcksiyonu olan “Talepler” metni, Marx ve Engels’in Almanya’da yakla\u015fmakta olan devrimin karakteri hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin temel belgesidir. Bu taktik plan, bir burjuva devriminde proletaryan\u0131n en u\u00e7 muhalefet partisi olarak kapitalizm \u00e7er\u00e7evesindeki taleplerinin bir form\u00fclasyonunu i\u00e7erir. “Talepler”in en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fc, Manifesto’da bir burjuva devrimini, proleter devrimine ba\u011flayacak halka olarak kaydedilen “m\u00fclkiyet sorunu”-nun herhangi bir bi\u00e7imde dile gelmemi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Manifesto da kom\u00fcnistlerin devrimci demokratik hareketler i\u00e7inde “o andaki geli\u015fme derecesi ne olursa olsun ba\u015fl\u0131ca sorun olarak m\u00fclkiyet sorununu \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmalar\u0131”n\u0131n gereklili\u011fi \u00f6zellikle vurgulanm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu halde, “Talepler”de hi\u00e7bir bi\u00e7imde bireysel \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet ile toplumsal m\u00fclkiyet aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn edilmedi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u00d6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lan sorun, Almanya’n\u0131n bir demokratik cumhuriyet alt\u0131nda birle\u015ftirilmesi ve feodal ili\u015fkilere son verilmesidir.<\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, Marx’\u0131n Hegel’in Hukuk Felsefesinin Ele\u015ftirisine Katk\u0131ya Giri\u015f’te yazd\u0131klar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lacak olursa daha da \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 hale gelir. Marx, bu metninde, Almanya i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir burjuva kurtulu\u015f program\u0131 olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle kaydetmi\u015fti:<\/p>\n

“Almanya i\u00e7in bir \u00fctopyac\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f olan \u015fey, radikal devrim, insan\u0131n genel kurtulu\u015fu de\u011fil, k\u0131smi, s\u0131rf siyasal bir devrim, yap\u0131n\u0131n temellerini ayakta b\u0131rakan bir devrimdir. (…) k\u0131smi bir kurtulu\u015f (…) sivil toplumun bir kesiminin kendisini kurtararak genel egemenli\u011fe ula\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. (…) Ama Almanya’da hi\u00e7bir s\u0131n\u0131f, onu toplumun y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 temsilcisi yapacak c\u00fcret, kararl\u0131l\u0131k ve ac\u0131mas\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa sahip de\u011fildir… Almanya sonuna kadar giden bir devrim yapmad\u0131k\u00e7a, devrim yapm\u0131\u015f olamaz. Almanya’da Orta\u00e7a\u011f’dan kurtulu\u015f Orta\u00e7a\u011f \u00fczerindeki k\u0131smi zaferlerden de kurtulu\u015fla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.”<\/p>\n

Oysa “Talepler”de k\u0131smi kurtulu\u015f’un, yani burjuva devriminin, nihai kurtulu\u015f’un, yani proleter devriminin \u00f6n \u015fart\u0131 halinde ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlara kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, \u00e7eli\u015fik gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bu belirlemeler aras\u0131nda bir i\u00e7 ba\u011flant\u0131n\u0131n bulundu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u00dczerinde durulmas\u0131 gereken birinci nokta, tarihsel tecr\u00fcbeyle ilgilidir. Bir proleter devriminin imk\u00e2nlar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn teorik spek\u00fclasyonlara ra\u011fmen, 1848 Devrimleri patlak verene kadar d\u00fcnya tarihinde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir proleter devrimi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f de\u011fildi ve Engels’in yukar\u0131da at\u0131fta bulunulan pasaj\u0131nda dile getirildi\u011fi gibi, elde bulunan yegane model, burjuva devrimlerine ili\u015fkindi.<\/p>\n

Bu tecr\u00fcbeye dayal\u0131 varsay\u0131m \u015fuydu: Bu az\u0131nl\u0131k devrimleri, mant\u0131ki sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in hamle yapt\u0131klar\u0131nda bir tutucu ve bir radikal kanada b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcrler; radikal kanat, son bir \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131n\u0131\u015fla, y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc pleblere d\u00f6ner, onlar\u0131n taleplerinin s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc haline gelerek yeni g\u00fc\u00e7ler derlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rd\u0131. \u0130lk tarihsel eylemi, mutlakiyet\u00e7i rejimleri devirmek olan ve bu y\u00fczden burjuvaziyi siyasal sahnenin merkezine do\u011fru s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesi beklenen 1848 Devrimlerinde de, devrim mekanizmas\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde \u00e7al\u0131\u015facak olursa, burjuva kamp\u0131 eski d\u00fczenle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda bu \u015fekilde b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, Almanya’da 17. y\u00fczy\u0131l \u0130ngilteresi’ne ve 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l Fransas\u0131’na g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha geli\u015fmi\u015f olan proletarya, “Avrupa uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok daha ileri ko\u015fullar\u0131nda”, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7erek radikal kanada d\u00fc\u015fen rol\u00fc oynayabilirdi. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, yeni imk\u00e2nlar ancak eski model i\u00e7inde tasarlanabiliyordu. Yeni bir model, ancak yeni bir tecr\u00fcbeden \u00e7\u0131kabilirdi. Bunun i\u00e7in ise, proletaryan\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z eylemiyle tarih sahnesinde yerini almas\u0131 gerekliydi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, modelin zaaf\u0131n\u0131n mant\u0131ksal de\u011fil, tarihsel oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130kinci nokta, kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmesinden do\u011fan kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc \u00f6zelliklerdir. Almanya, uluslaras\u0131 ticaretten beslenen bir ticaret burjuvazisi ve mali burjuvaziye sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, \u00f6zellikle Ren ve Saksonya b\u00f6lgelerinde yeni mekanize sanayi teknolojisi temeli \u00fczerinde bir sanayi burjuvazisi geli\u015fmi\u015fti. Proletaryan\u0131n, Marx’\u0131n tabiriyle “doksan dokuz par\u00e7aya b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f” olan Almanya’da merkez\u00ee bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelebilmesi ve ulusal \u00f6l\u00e7ekte bir n\u00fcfuz edinebilmesi i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu her \u015fey, bu sanayi burjuvazisinin feodal rejime kar\u015f\u0131 talepleriyle b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyordu. Proletaryan\u0131n ger\u00e7ek bir toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturabilmesi, sanayinin geli\u015fmesini, sanayinin geli\u015fmesi ise monar\u015fik rejimin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiriyordu.<\/p>\n

1848 Devrimleri’nin gidi\u015fat\u0131, Marx ve Engels’in bu varsay\u0131mlara dayal\u0131 taktik \u00e7izgilerini sonu\u00e7suz b\u0131rakt\u0131. Fransa’daki Haziran Ayaklanmas\u0131, Avrupa tarihinde ilk kez bir proleter devriminin pratik bir imk\u00e2n haline geldi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir g\u00f6stermez, Alman burjuvazisinin proletaryadan duydu\u011fu i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcsel korku, dolays\u0131z bir siyasal davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi. Daha en ba\u015ftan monar\u015fi ile uzla\u015fma kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k tutmay\u0131 benimsemi\u015f olan Alman burjuvazisi, kendisini gericili\u011fin, militarizmin ve despotlu\u011fun kollar\u0131na att\u0131. Neue Rheinische Zeitung’da Aral\u0131k 1848 de yay\u0131nlanan Marx’\u0131n \u015fu sat\u0131rlar\u0131, eski takti\u011fin sonunun geldi\u011finin de ilan\u0131yd\u0131.:<\/p>\n

“Prusya burjuvazisi, eski toplumun temsilcileri olan monar\u015fi ve soylular kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn modern toplumu temsil eden 1789’un Frans\u0131z burjuvazisine benzemiyordu. Bir t\u00fcr z\u00fcmre konumuna d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f…daha en ba\u015ftan halka kar\u015f\u0131 ihanete meyletmi\u015fti…\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kendisi zaten eski topluma ait bulunuyordu.”<\/p>\n

Devrimin bundan sonraki hikayesi biliniyor. \u00d6nce Fransa’da, ard\u0131ndan Almanya, Avusturya, Macaristan ve her yerde her milletin “pa\u015falar\u0131”, k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 burjuvazinin emrine verdiler, bir proleter devrimi korkusuyla titremekten kurtard\u0131klar\u0131 burjuvalar da “k\u0131l\u0131\u00e7 hakk\u0131” olarak onlara burjuva toplumunun yekpare siyasal egemenli\u011fini kullanma hakk\u0131n\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131\u015flad\u0131lar. B\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa ba\u015fkentleri proleterlerin kan\u0131yla y\u0131kand\u0131.
S\u00fcrekli devrim ve proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/p>\n

Modern toplumun iki s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn ulusu iki kampa b\u00f6lerek birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015ftikleri ilk \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olan 1848 Devrimleri, yeni bir maddi tecr\u00fcbe miras\u0131 olu\u015fturdu. Marx ve Engels’in bu tecr\u00fcbenin \u00fczerinden daha bir y\u0131l ge\u00e7meden inan\u0131lmaz bir zeka k\u0131vrakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131klar\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar, proleter devrimlerinin daha sonraki geli\u015fme yollar\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n perspektif ve takti\u011fini Manifesto’nun nihai genel sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na ekledi. Bu teorik faaliyetin iki \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, -s\u00fcrekli devrim ve proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc- proleter devrimin politik cephaneli\u011finin ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki kavram\u0131 olarak teorinin ve sosyalist hareketin geli\u015fimi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131lar. Sosyalist hareketin tarihinde u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131 her b\u00f6l\u00fcnme, bu iki kavram\u0131n \u00e7evresinde bir teorik tart\u0131\u015fma k\u00fclliyat\u0131n\u0131n birikmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

S\u00fcrekli devrim takti\u011fi, \u00f6nceki taktik \u00e7izgiden, burjuvaziye hi\u00e7bir devrimci rol atfetmemesiyle, \u00f6te yandan, eski rejim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda anl\u0131k olarak devrimci roller oynayabilecekleri varsay\u0131lan s\u0131n\u0131flarla kesin bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ayr\u0131m \u00f6ng\u00f6rmesiyle ve “b\u00fct\u00fcn az ya da \u00e7ok m\u00fclk sahibi olan s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n egemenlik mevkiiinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131na, proletaryan\u0131n devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 fethetmesine kadar devrimi s\u00fcrekli k\u0131lmak” g\u00f6revini g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015f olmas\u0131yla ay\u0131rdedilir. Marx, b\u00fct\u00fcn Alman Devrimi boyunca Kom\u00fcnistler Birli\u011fi’nin “Talepleri” i\u00e7inde ifade edilmi\u015f olmayan \u015feyi, Mart 1850 de Merkez Komitesi’nin Tebli\u011fi’nde s\u00fcrekli devrim takti\u011finin hedefi k\u0131lar:<\/p>\n

“Bizim i\u00e7in mesele, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin \u015fekil de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi de\u011fil, yokedilmesi; s\u0131n\u0131f uzla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n yumu\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131; varolan toplumun iyile\u015ftirilmesi de\u011fil, yeni bir toplumun kurulmas\u0131 olabilir ancak”.<\/p>\n

S\u00fcrekli devrim takti\u011fi, h\u00e2l\u00e2, burjuva toplumun genel \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde kalabilecek b\u00fct\u00fcn devrimci talepler ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeksizin proleterlerin ger\u00e7ek kurtulu\u015f yoluna giremeyeceklerini \u00f6ng\u00f6rmekle birlikte, Alman Devrimi’nin tecr\u00fcbesinden \u00e7\u0131kan en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lardan biri olarak proletaryan\u0131n bu devrimde burjuva kurumlar\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra, bir hareket \u00fcss\u00fc ve \u0130kinci bir iktidar merkezi olarak yerel egemenlik organlar\u0131 olu\u015fturmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr ve modern proleter devrimin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi i\u00e7in de yepyeni bir ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme modeli sunar.<\/p>\n

Marx, 1848 Devrimleri’nin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 Fransa’da izlerken s\u00fcrekli devrim kavram\u0131n\u0131, yaln\u0131zca gecikmi\u015f burjuva devrimlerinin s\u0131n\u0131f mevzilendirilmesine ili\u015fkin bir problematik i\u00e7inde g\u00f6rmedi\u011finin bir a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131 da vermi\u015f olur. Marx, ilk kez 1848 Devrimleri’nde kendisini fiilen \u00f6teki sosyalizmlerden ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran proleter sosyalizminin, tarihsel tecr\u00fcbenin belirledi\u011fi niteliklerini Fransa’da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri’nde s\u0131ralarken \u015f\u00f6yle der:<\/p>\n

“Bu sosyalizm, genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n; bu s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n dayand\u0131klar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin; bu \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine tekab\u00fcl eden b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal m\u00fcnasebetlerin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na; bu toplumsal m\u00fcnasebetlerden \u00e7\u0131kan b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edilmesine varana kadar devrimin s\u00fcreklili\u011finin ilan\u0131d\u0131r ve, zorunlu bir ge\u00e7i\u015f u\u011fra\u011f\u0131 olarak proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr.”<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, Manifesto’da “egemen s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f proletarya” form\u00fclasyonuyla, hen\u00fcz bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin somut bi\u00e7imlerinin tecr\u00fcbeye dayal\u0131 bilgisi ortada bulunmaks\u0131z\u0131n belirlenmi\u015f olan iktidar u\u011fra\u011f\u0131 da tarihsel form\u00fcl\u00fcne kavu\u015fur. B\u00f6ylelikle, sanki bir kere daha 1844’te, Hegel ele\u015ftirisi s\u0131ras\u0131nda elde edilmi\u015f olan teorik pozisyona geri d\u00f6n\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f gibidir; bir kere daha Almanya’da “genel kurtulu\u015f, herhangi bir k\u0131smi kurtulu\u015fun sine qua non’u” olarak ilan edilmektedir. Ancak aradaki pratik momentin zengin bilgisinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 muazzam fark g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcnde tutuldu\u011funda, bunun eski saf teorik pozisyonlara \u00e7ekili\u015f olmay\u0131p o teorik konumun sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 dayanakla tecr\u00fcbenin zihinde yeniden \u00fcretilmesi ve b\u00f6ylelikle ileriye do\u011fru at\u0131lan bir ad\u0131m oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Marx’in, “yerine getirilmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnene geri d\u00f6nmek”le kast etti\u011finin bu oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n

“Ele\u015ftiri silah\u0131”, teorik bir imk\u00e2n olarak bir proleter devriminin bilgisini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, “silahlar\u0131n ele\u015ftirisi” ise imk\u00e2n\u0131n ger\u00e7e\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme momentinin bilgisinin teoriye kazan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131ld\u0131. B\u00f6ylece modern sosyalizm, maddeci tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f siyasal donan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n en elemanter unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 t\u0131pk\u0131 kendi bilgisini olu\u015ftururken oldu\u011fu gibi ak\u0131ldan de\u011fil, tarihten \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131. 1848 Devrimleri, teoride spek\u00fclatif olan her \u015feyi topra\u011fa g\u00f6merken, dolays\u0131z tecr\u00fcbeyi teori kat\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karman\u0131n tarihsel imk\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 sundu.<\/p>\n

Marx ve Engels’in 1848 Devrimleri’nin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesine ili\u015fkin yan\u0131lg\u0131lar\u0131 bir bak\u0131ma teorinin do\u011frulu\u011funun kan\u0131tlar\u0131 olarak da kabul edilebilir. Marx , “Feuerbach \u00dczerine Tezler”inin 2.’sinde ” …insan, hakikati, yani d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini ve g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, bu yanl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (Diesseitigkeit) pratikte kan\u0131tlamal\u0131d\u0131r”, demi\u015fti. Ancak bir devrim, Marx’\u0131n devrimin taktik an\u0131na ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin hakikatle ilgisini kurabilirdi. Marx ve Engels, tutarl\u0131 maddeciler olarak, Almanya’da devrim prati\u011finin do\u011frulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini bir yana b\u0131rakmakta duraksamad\u0131lar. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, “silahlar\u0131n ele\u015ftirisi’nin ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 da teoriye dahil ederek 1848’den \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131nda, modern sosyalizm, devrimin bilgisi ve kavramsal ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla donanm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Modern sosyalizmin sonraki b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihi, bu bilginin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7ileri taraf\u0131ndan m\u00fclk edinilmesi i\u00e7in her somut durumda yeniden uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n tarihi oldu. Her seferinde \u00f6\u011frenilen, teorinin bir\u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fkeni i\u00e7ermekle birlikte bir sabit unsurunun da bulundu\u011fudur- her devrimin bilgisi ancak o devrimin kendisinden elde edilebilir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto’yu 1848 Alman Devrimi ba\u015flarken kaleme alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Manifesto tarihin testinden ge\u00e7ti. 160 y\u0131l sonra hala kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 yapacak bir\u015feyi olanlara zihin a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendine g\u00fcven, giri\u015fim cesareti sunmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. 160 y\u0131l \u00f6nce bug\u00fcn, hen\u00fcz adlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck gizli \u00f6rg\u00fctleri “Kom\u00fcnistler Birli\u011fi” \u00fcyeleri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kimsenin bilmedi\u011fi iki Alman devrimcisinin kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[156],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4652","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-genel-tarih"},"yoast_head":"\nTeorinin Prati\u011fi, Prati\u011fin Teorisi | Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto \u2013 Ertu\u011frul K\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/07\/31\/teorinin-pratigi-pratigin-teorisi-komunist-manifesto-ertugrul-kurkcu\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Teorinin Prati\u011fi, Prati\u011fin Teorisi | Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto \u2013 Ertu\u011frul K\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fc\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto’yu 1848 Alman Devrimi ba\u015flarken kaleme alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. 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