{"id":4681,"date":"2010-08-26T10:35:58","date_gmt":"2010-08-26T07:35:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/"},"modified":"2010-08-26T10:35:58","modified_gmt":"2010-08-26T07:35:58","slug":"devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/","title":{"rendered":"Devrimci Proletarya ve Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 | V.\u0130.Lenin"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sosyal-Demokrat partilerin taktik kararlar\u0131n\u0131n ya da programlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu gibi, Zimmerwald bildirgesi de “uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131”n\u0131 ilan ediyor. Berner Tagwacht’\u0131n[92] n\u00b0 252 ve 253’te Parabellum[93] “var olmayan bir kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u0131m verme”yi “aldat\u0131c\u0131” diye niteledi, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na “proletaryan\u0131n kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci y\u0131\u011f\u0131nsal sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131”n\u0131, koydu. Bu arada, “biz toprak ilhak\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131z” diye g\u00fcvence verdi (bu g\u00fcvence Parabellum’un yaz\u0131s\u0131nda be\u015f kez yineleniyor ) ve uluslara kar\u015f\u0131 zora ba\u015fvurulmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 belirtti.
Parabellum’un, durumunu, desteklemek \u00fczere \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc savlar, bug\u00fcn Alsace-Lorraine, Ermenistan, vb. gibi [sayfa 197] ulusal sorunlar\u0131n emperyalizmin sorunlar\u0131 oldu\u011fu, ulusal devletler \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin sermayeye dar geldi\u011fi, tarih saatini, modas\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f ulusal devletler idealine geri alma olana\u011f\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sav\u0131yla ifade edilebilir.
Parabellum’ui\u0131 mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011fru mu, yanl\u0131\u015f m\u0131, onu g\u00f6relim.
Her\u015feyden \u00f6nce, “ulusal devlet ideali”nin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nca kabul\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 dururken \u0130ngiltere’yi, Fransa’y\u0131, \u0130talya’y\u0131, Almanya’y\u0131, yani ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketini gerilerde b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkeleri g\u00f6zon\u00fcnde tuttu\u011fu ama ulusal hareketin, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ve gelece\u011fin sorunu oldu\u011fu Asya’y\u0131, Afrika’y\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeleri dikkate almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ileriye de\u011fil, geriye bakan Parabellum’dur. Hindistan, \u00c7in, \u0130ran ve M\u0131s\u0131r’dan s\u00f6zetmek yeter.<\/p>\n

Bundan ba\u015fka, emperyalizm demek, sermayenin, ulusal devletlerin genel \u00e7er\u00e7evesini a\u015fmas\u0131 demektir; ulusal bask\u0131n\u0131n yeni bir tarihsel temelde y\u00fckseltilip geni\u015fletilmesi demektir. B\u00f6ylece bundan \u00e7\u0131kacak sonu\u00e7, Parabellum’a kar\u015f\u0131n, sosyalizm i\u00e7in devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, ulusal sorunda devrimci bir programla birle\u015ftirip ili\u015fkilendirmemiz gerekti\u011fidir.
S\u00f6ylediklerine bak\u0131l\u0131rsa Parabellum, demokrasi cephesinde tutarl\u0131 devrimci bir program\u0131, sosyalist devrim ad\u0131na k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseyerek reddetmektedir. B\u00f6yle yaparken yan\u0131lg\u0131 i\u00e7indedir. Proletarya, demokrasi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, yani demokrasiyi tam uygulayarak ve sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n her ad\u0131m\u0131n\u0131, en kararl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde form\u00fcle edilmi\u015f demokratik isteklerle ili\u015fkilendirerek zafer kazanabilir, b\u00f6yle yapmaks\u0131z\u0131n kazanamaz. Sosyalist devrimi ve kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, demokrasinin sorunlar\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca biriyle, burada ulusal sorunla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya koymak sa\u00e7mad\u0131r. Kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn demokratik isteklerle, yani cumhuriyet, halk ordusu (militia), resmi g\u00f6revlilerin halk taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilmesi, kad\u0131nlara e\u015fit hak verilmesi, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131, vb. gibi isteklerle ilgili devrimci bir program ve taktiklerle birle\u015ftirmeliyiz. Kapitalizm varolduk\u00e7a bu istekler -hepsi- yaln\u0131zca bir istisna olarak elde edilebilir. \u00dcstelik tam olarak de\u011fil, \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olarak… \u015eimdiye dek ba\u015far\u0131lm\u0131\u015f demokrasiye dayanarak ve bu demokrasinin kapitalizmde tam olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sererek, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu yoksullu\u011fun ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ve b\u00fct\u00fcn demokratik reformlar\u0131n tam ve her y\u00f6n\u00fcyle [sayfa 198] ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesinin gerekli temeli olarak kapitalizmin devrilmesini ve burjuvazinin m\u00fclk\u00fcne elkonmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz. Bu reformlar\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc burjuvazinin devrilmesinden \u00f6nce, bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc burjuvazinin devrilmesi s\u0131ras\u0131nda, bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de devrildikten sonra yap\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Toplumsal devrim tek bir \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmadan ibaret de\u011fildir, ama ekonomik ve demokratik reformun b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde, ancak burjuvazinin m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirilmesiyle tamamlanan bir dizi \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kapsayan bir d\u00f6nemdir. Demokratik isteklerimizin herbirini, bu sona1 ama\u00e7 i\u00e7in A’dan Z’ye kadar tutarl\u0131 devrimci bir yolda form\u00fcle etmeliyiz. Baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde, tek bir temel demokratik reform bile yap\u0131lmadan \u00f6nce, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin burjuvaziyi devirmelerinde akla-ayk\u0131r\u0131 hi\u00e7bir yan yoktur. Ne var ki, tarihsel bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak proletaryan\u0131n, en tutarl\u0131 ve kararl\u0131 devrimci bir demokrasi ruhuyla e\u011fitilerek haz\u0131rlanmad\u0131k\u00e7a burjuvaziyi yenebilmesi akl\u0131n alabilece\u011fi bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.
Emperyalizm, bir avu\u00e7 B\u00fcy\u00fck Devletin d\u00fcnya uluslar\u0131na, giderek artan bask\u0131s\u0131 demektir; uluslar\u0131n ezili\u015fini yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak \u00fczere B\u00fcy\u00fck Devletler aras\u0131nda patlak veren sava\u015flar d\u00f6nemi demektir; ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc sosyal-yurtsever ba\u011fnazlar\u0131n, yani “uluslar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” “uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131” ve “ata topraklar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131” bahanesiyle d\u00fcnya uluslar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun B\u00fcy\u00fck Devletler taraf\u0131ndan ezilmesini savunan bireylerin halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131 aldatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem demektir.
Bu nedenledir ki, sosyal-demokrat program\u0131n odak noktas\u0131nda, uluslar\u0131n ezen ve ezilenler diye ayr\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 yer almal\u0131d\u0131r. Emperyalizmin \u00f6z\u00fc buradad\u0131r. Sosyal-\u015fovenistler ve Kautsky bu noktay\u0131 sahtekarca atlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Burjuva bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da kapitalizm \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z uluslar aras\u0131nda bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l yar\u0131\u015f yollu bilisizin bilisizi \u00fctopya a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, uluslar\u0131n bu t\u00fcr b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131maz, ancak emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnme \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli, \u00e7ok anlaml\u0131d\u0131r. A’dan Z’ye demokratik ve devrimci olan ve sosyalizm i\u00e7in ilk a\u011f\u0131zdaki sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n genel amac\u0131na uygun d\u00fc\u015fen “uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131” tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n da, bu b\u00f6l\u00fcnmenin sonucu olmas\u0131 gerekir. \u0130\u015fte bu hak nedeniyle ve bu hakk\u0131n i\u00e7tenlikle tan\u0131nmas\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda, ezen \u00fclkelerin sosyal-demokratlar\u0131, ezilen uluslar\u0131n ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini bir istek olarak \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmelidirler. B\u00f6yle [sayfa 199] yapmazlarsa, uluslar\u0131n e\u015fit haklara sahip olduklar\u0131n\u0131n ve enternasyonal i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n kabul\u00fc, ger\u00e7ekte bo\u015f bir laf cambazl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ve ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fckten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayacakt\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan, ezilen uluslar\u0131n sosyal- demokratlar\u0131, ezen ve ezilen uluslar i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin birli\u011fine ve kayna\u015fmas\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem vermelidirler. B\u00f6yle yapmazlarsa, her zaman halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ve demokrasinin isterlerine ihanet eden ve kendi s\u0131ras\u0131 geldi\u011finde, toprak ilhak\u0131na ve ba\u015fka uluslar\u0131 ezmeye, her zaman haz\u0131r olan kendi ulusal burjuvazilerinin istemeye istemeye dostu haline geleceklerdir.
Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n altm\u0131\u015flar\u0131nda ulusal sorunun ortaya konu\u015f bi\u00e7imi, ders niteli\u011finde bir \u00f6rnek olabilir. Herhangi bir bi\u00e7imde s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve sosyalist devrim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine kafalar\u0131 yabanc\u0131 olan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva demokratlar, kendilerine bir \u00fctopya \u00e7izmi\u015flerdi. Buna g\u00f6re kapitalizm \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve e\u015fit olan uluslar bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde yar\u0131\u015facaklard\u0131. Toplumsal devrimin ilk a\u011f\u0131zdaki ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7iren prudoncular, ulusal sorunu ve uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcmden “reddettiler”. Marx, Frans\u0131z prudonculu\u011funu alaya ald\u0131 ve Frans\u0131z \u015fovenizmiyle aras\u0131ndaki ilintiyi ortaya koydu. (“Fransa’daki beyefendiler ‘yoksul1u\u011fu’ ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ncaya dek t\u00fcm Avrupa sesini \u00e7\u0131karmadan, yanpala gelip yatmal\u0131d\u0131r ve yatacakt\u0131r… Ulusal topluluklar\u0131 yads\u0131yarak [bu beyefendiler -\u00e7.] fark\u0131na varmadan, model Frans\u0131z ulusu taraf\u0131ndan yutulduklar\u0131n\u0131 anlam\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar.”) Marx, “her ne kadar, ayr\u0131l\u0131ktan sonra federasyon olabilirse de”, \u0130rlanda’n\u0131n Britanya’dan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu. Bunu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazinin bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l kapitalizm \u00fctopyas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ya da “\u0130rlanda i\u00e7in adalet”[94] d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle istiyor de\u011fildi; ezen ulusun, yani Britanya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n gerekleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan istiyordu. Bu ulusun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ba\u015fka bir ulusu ezmesiyle k\u0131s\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f, k\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcm olmu\u015ftu. E\u011fer \u0130rlanda’n\u0131n ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunmazsa, Britanya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n enternasyonalizmi, ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc bir s\u00f6zden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmazd\u0131. Hi\u00e7bir zaman k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletler kurulmas\u0131ndan, ya da genel olarak devletlerin b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinden veya federasyon ilkesinden yana \u00e7\u0131kmayan Marx, ezilen bir ulusun ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, federasyon y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir ad\u0131m, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da ayr\u0131lma do\u011frultusunda de\u011fil, siyasal ve [sayfa 200] ekonomik topla\u015fma yolunda, ama demokrasi temelinde bir topla\u015fma olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Parabellum’un g\u00f6z\u00fcnde, Marx, \u0130rlanda i\u00e7in ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunurken belki de “aldat\u0131c\u0131 bir sava\u015f” veriyordu. Ne var ki, ger\u00e7ekte yaln\u0131zca bu istek tutarl\u0131 devrimci bir program ortaya koymaktayd\u0131; yaln\u0131zca bu istek enternasyonalizmle uyu\u015fum halindeydi; yaln\u0131zca bu istek emperyalist olmayan bir do\u011frultuda toplan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu.
G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz emperyalizmi \u00f6yle bir durum yaratt\u0131 ki, uluslar\u0131n B\u00fcy\u00fck Devlet taraf\u0131ndan ezilmesi genelle\u015fti. Uluslar\u0131n ezili\u015fini yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla emperyalist bir sava\u015fa giri\u015fen d\u00fcnya uluslar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funu ve yery\u00fcz\u00fc n\u00fcfusunun b\u00fcy\u00fck kesimini ezen egemen uluslar\u0131n sosyal-\u015fovenizmine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m verilmesi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, bu nedenle, sosyal-demokrasinin u1usal soruna ili\u015fkin program\u0131nda kesin, belliba\u015fl\u0131 ve temel nokta olmal\u0131d\u0131r.
Sosyal-demokratik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin bu konuda bug\u00fcnk\u00fc e\u011filimlerine \u015f\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6zatal\u0131m. Kapitalizm \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde uluslar aras\u0131nda e\u015fitlik ve bar\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc g\u00f6ren k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva \u00fctopyac\u0131lar\u0131n yerini sosyal-emperyalistler ald\u0131. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva \u00fctopyac\u0131larla sava\u015fan Parabellum, yel de\u011firmenlerine sald\u0131r\u0131yor, b\u00f6ylece fark\u0131nda olmaks\u0131z\u0131n sosyal-emperyalistlerin ekme\u011fine ya\u011f s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Sosyal-\u015fovenistlerin ulusal sorun konusundaki program\u0131 nedir?
Sosyal-\u015fovenistler, ya Parabellum (Cunow, Parvus, Rus oport\u00fcnistler Semkovski, Liebman ve \u00f6tekiler) taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclenlere benzer savlar\u0131 kullanarak kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcmden yads\u0131yorlar, ya da bu hakk\u0131 ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc apa\u00e7\u0131k ortada olan bir bi\u00e7imde kabul ediyorlar; \u00f6rne\u011fin bu hakk\u0131, kendi uluslar\u0131n\u0131n ya da askeri bak\u0131mdan dost olduklar\u0131 uluslar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc uluslara uygulam\u0131yorlar (Plehanov, Hyndman, b\u00fct\u00fcn Frans\u0131z yanl\u0131s\u0131 yurtsever ba\u011fnazlar, sonra Scheidemann, vb., vb.). Sosyal-\u015fovenist yalan\u0131n en akla yatk\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcneni, bu nedenle de proletarya i\u00e7in en tehlikeli olan\u0131, Kautsky’nin bu form\u00fcl\u00fc. S\u00f6ze gelince Kautsky, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131ndan yana; s\u00f6ze gelince, “die Selbst\u00e4ndigkeit der Nationen allseitig [!] und r\u00fcckhaltlos [?] achtet und fordert”[*] (Die Neue Zeit, \u00b0 33, II, s. 241, [sayfa 201] 21 May\u0131s 1915) bir sosyal-demokrat partiden yana. Ne var ki i\u015f uygulamaya gelince Kautsky, ulusal program\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcn sosyal-\u015fovenizmine uyarlam\u0131\u015f, \u00e7arp\u0131tm\u0131\u015f ve k\u0131za\u011fa \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir; ezen uluslar sosyalistlerine d\u00fc\u015fen g\u00f6revlerin ne oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin kesin bir tan\u0131mlama yapmamaktad\u0131r; her ulus i\u00e7in “devlet ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131” istemenin (Staatliche selbstandigkeit) “\u00e7ok fazla” (“zu viel”, Die Neue Zeit, n\u00b0 33, II, s. 77, 16 Nisan 1915) \u015fey istemek olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylerken de demokratik ilkenin kendisini a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bozmaktad\u0131r. E\u011fer ho\u015funuza giderse, “ulusal \u00f6zerklik” yeter de artar bile! Kautsky, temel sorundan, emperyalist burjuvazinin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na izin vermeyece\u011fi temel sorundan yani, uluslar\u0131n ezilmesi \u00fczerine temellendirilmi\u015f devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 sorunundan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131yor; burjuvaziyi ho\u015fnut edebilmek i\u00e7in en temel olan \u015feyi programdan at\u0131yor. Proletarya yasall\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesi i\u00e7inde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 sorununda burjuvaziye “sessizce” ba\u015f e\u011fdi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, burjuvazi her t\u00fcrl\u00fc “ulusal e\u015fitlik” ve dilerseniz “ulusal \u00f6zerklik” s\u00f6z\u00fc vermeye haz\u0131rd\u0131r. Kautsky sosyal-demokrasinin ulusal program\u0131m devrimci bir bi\u00e7imde de\u011fil, reformcu bir anlay\u0131\u015fla d\u00fczenlemi\u015ftir.
Parabellum’un ulusal program\u0131n\u0131, ya da daha do\u011frusu, onun “biz toprak ilhaklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131z” yollu g\u00fcvencelerini, Parteivorstand,[**] Kautsky, Plehanov ve hempas\u0131 y\u00fcrekten destekliyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, o program, egemen durumda olan sosyal-yurtsever ba\u011fnazlar\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne sermemektedir. Bu program\u0131 burjuva bar\u0131\u015f yanl\u0131lar\u0131 da onaylayabilir. Parabellum’un g\u00f6rkemli genel program\u0131 (“kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci bir y\u0131\u011f\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131”), o programla uyu\u015fumlu olarak ve o ruh \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, e\u011filip-b\u00fck\u00fclmeyen ve ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devrimci bir ulusal sorun program\u0131 haz\u0131rlamas\u0131na yaram\u0131yor, ama -altm\u0131\u015flarda prudoncular\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi- meydan\u0131 sosyal- yurtsever ba\u011fnazlara b\u0131rakmas\u0131na yola\u00e7\u0131yor. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc emperyalist \u00e7a\u011fda d\u00fcnyadaki sosyalistlerin \u00e7o\u011fu, ba\u015fka uluslar\u0131 ezen ve bu durumu geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6steren uluslar\u0131n \u00fcyesidir. Bu nedenledir ki, gerek bar\u0131\u015f, gerek sava\u015f zaman\u0131nda, ezilen uluslar\u0131n ayr\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden yana propaganda yapmayan bir sosyalistin, ger\u00e7ekte sosyalist ya da enternasyonalist olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, yaln\u0131zca \u015fovenist oldu\u011funu ilan [sayfa 202] etmedi\u011fimiz s\u00fcrece, “toprak ilhaklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z” anlams\u0131z kalacak ve sosyal-yurtsever ba\u011fnazlar\u0131 hi\u00e7 \u00fcrk\u00fctmeyecektir. H\u00fck\u00fcmet yasaklar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 meydan okuyarak, yani \u00f6zg\u00fcr, yani yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 bas\u0131nda b\u00f6yle bir propaganda yapmaya yana\u015fmayan ezen \u00fclke sosyalisti, uluslar i\u00e7in e\u015fit haklar\u0131n ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc savunucusundan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.
Parabellum, hen\u00fcz burjuva-demokratik devrimini tamlamam\u0131\u015f olan Rusya hakk\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca bir t\u00fcmce s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor:
“Selbst das wirtschaftlich sehr zur\u00fcckgebliebene Russland hat in der Haltung der Polnischen, Lettischen, Arme- nicshen Bourgeoisie gezeigt, dass nicht nur die milit\u00e4rische Bewachung es ist, die die V\u00f6lker in diesem ‘Zuchthaus der V\u00f6lker’ zusammenh\u00e4lt, sondern Bed\u00fc1fnisse der kapitalistischen Expansion, f\u00fcr die das ungeheure Territorium ein gl\u00e4nzender Boden der Entwicklung ist.”[***]
Bu, “sosyal-demokratik bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f” de\u011fil liberal-burjuva g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr; enternasyonalist de\u011fil, B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rus \u015fovenist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Alman sosyal-yurtsever ba\u011fnazlar\u0131yla b\u00f6ylesine sava\u015fan Parabellum’un, Rus \u015fovenizmi hakk\u0131nda pek az bilgisi oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Parabellum’un s\u00f6zlerinin sosyal-demokrat bir yarg\u0131ya \u00e7evrilebilmesi ve ondan sosyal- demokrat sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in, de\u011fi\u015ftirilip \u015fu bi\u00e7ime sokulmas\u0131 gerekir:
Rusya, halklar\u0131n hapishanesidir. Bu, yaln\u0131zca \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n askeri-feodal niteli\u011finden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, yaln\u0131zca B\u00fcy\u00fck-Rus burjuvazisi \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131 destekledi\u011fi i\u00e7in de\u011fil, ama Polonya burjuvazisi ve benzeri burjuvaziler, kapitalist geli\u015fme u\u011fruna, uluslar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve genel olarak demokrasinin gereklerini kurban ettikleri i\u00e7in de b\u00f6yledir. Rus proletaryas\u0131, \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ezdi\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslar i\u00e7in Rusya’dan tam ve “r\u00fcckhaltlos”[****] ayr\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc derhal ileri s\u00fcrmeksizin halk\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde utkun bir demokratik devrime (ki bu onun ilk a\u011f\u0131zdaki g\u00f6revidir) do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcyemez, ya da sosyalist bir devrim i\u00e7in [sayfa 203) karde\u015flerinin, Avrupa proleterlerinin yan\u0131nda \u00e7arp\u0131\u015famaz. Bunu, sosyalizm i\u00e7in devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131zdan ayr\u0131 bir \u015fey olarak istiyor de\u011filiz; e\u011fer bu sava\u015f\u0131m, ulusal sorun dahil, demokrasinin b\u00fct\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131na devrimci bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla ili\u015fkilendirilmezse bo\u015f bir s\u00f6zden \u00f6teye gitmeyece\u011fi i\u00e7in istiyoruz. Kendi kaderini tayin etme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yani ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, yani ezen uluslardan ayr\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc istiyoruz. Bunu, \u00fclkeyi ekonomik bak\u0131mdan b\u00f6lmeyi, ya da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletler idealini d\u00fc\u015fledi\u011fimiz i\u00e7in de\u011fil, tam tersine, yaln\u0131zca ger\u00e7ekten demokratik, ger\u00e7ekten enternasyonalist bir temel \u00fczerinde, geni\u015f b\u00fcy\u00fck devletten ve uluslar\u0131n yak\u0131n birli\u011fi, hatta kayna\u015fmas\u0131ndan yana oldu\u011fumuz i\u00e7in istiyoruz. Ancak ayr\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olmaks\u0131z\u0131n b\u00f6yle bir temel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Nas\u0131l ki, Marx 1869’da, \u0130rlanda’n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, \u0130rlanda’yla Britanya, aras\u0131nda bir b\u00f6l\u00fcnme olsun diye de\u011fil, ama onun ard\u0131ndan gelecek \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir birlik i\u00e7in istediyse, “\u0130rlanda i\u00e7in adalet”i sa\u011flamak \u00fczere de\u011fil, ama Britanya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n devrimci sava\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in istediyse, biz de ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde, Rus sosyalistlerinin, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc istemeyi reddetmelerini, yukar\u0131da belirtti\u011fimiz anlamda, demokrasiye, enternasyonalizme ve sosyalizme do\u011frudan do\u011fruya ihanet say\u0131yoruz. [sayfa 204]<\/p>\n

16 (29) Ekim 1915 tarihinden \u00f6nce olmamak \u00fczere Almanca yaz\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u0130lk kez 1927’de Lenin Miscellany VI’da yay\u0131nland\u0131. Collected Works,vol. 21, s. 407-414.<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

[*] “Uluslar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fini, kapsaml\u0131 olarak ve duraksamaks\u0131z\u0131n isteyen ve buna sayg\u0131 duyan”.
[**] Alman Sosyal-Demokrat Partisi Y\u00f6netim Kurulu.
[***] “\u0130ktisadi bak\u0131mdan \u00e7ok geri olan Rusya bile, Polonya, Letonya ve Ermenistan burjuvazisinin tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 tutumla g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir ki, halklar\u0131, bu ‘halk hapishanesi’nde tutan \u015fey yaln\u0131zca askeri koruma de\u011fil, ama kapitalist geni\u015fleme gere\u011fidir. B\u00f6yle bir geli\u015fme i\u00e7in geni\u015f toprak, \u015fahane bir ortamd\u0131r.”
[****] \u00c7ekinmeden, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a.
A\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 Notlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

[92] Berner Tagwacht. – \u0130svi\u00e7re Sosyal-Demokrat Partinin gazetesi. -197.
[93] Parabellum. – K. Radek. -197.
[94] Marks’\u0131n Engels’e yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 7 ve 20 Haziran 1866 tarihli mektuplarla 2 Kas\u0131m 1867 tarihli mektubuna bak\u0131n\u0131z. -200.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sosyal-Demokrat partilerin taktik kararlar\u0131n\u0131n ya da programlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu gibi, Zimmerwald bildirgesi de “uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131”n\u0131 ilan ediyor. Berner Tagwacht’\u0131n[92] n\u00b0 252 ve 253’te Parabellum[93] “var olmayan bir kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u0131m verme”yi “aldat\u0131c\u0131” diye niteledi, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na “proletaryan\u0131n kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci y\u0131\u011f\u0131nsal sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131”n\u0131, koydu. Bu arada, “biz toprak ilhak\u0131na […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[57],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4681","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","category-vladimir-ilyic-lenin"],"yoast_head":"\nDevrimci Proletarya ve Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 | V.\u0130.Lenin - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Devrimci Proletarya ve Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 | V.\u0130.Lenin\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Sosyal-Demokrat partilerin taktik kararlar\u0131n\u0131n ya da programlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu gibi, Zimmerwald bildirgesi de “uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131”n\u0131 ilan ediyor. Berner Tagwacht’\u0131n[92] n\u00b0 252 ve 253’te Parabellum[93] “var olmayan bir kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u0131m verme”yi “aldat\u0131c\u0131” diye niteledi, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na “proletaryan\u0131n kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci y\u0131\u011f\u0131nsal sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131”n\u0131, koydu. Bu arada, “biz toprak ilhak\u0131na […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"narteks.net\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2010-08-26T07:35:58+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/narteks.png\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"300\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"90\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/png\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Tar\u0131k\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@narteks\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@narteks\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Yazan:\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Tar\u0131k\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"14 dakika\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Tar\u0131k\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#\/schema\/person\/61f37d9834294b72d31d274e7ed79bca\"},\"headline\":\"Devrimci Proletarya ve Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 | V.\u0130.Lenin\",\"datePublished\":\"2010-08-26T07:35:58+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\"},\"wordCount\":2727,\"commentCount\":0,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#organization\"},\"articleSection\":[\"Vladimir \u0130lyi\u00e7 Lenin\"],\"inLanguage\":\"tr\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/08\/26\/devrimci-proletarya-ve-uluslarin-kendi-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki-vilenin\/\",\"name\":\"Devrimci Proletarya ve Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 | V.\u0130.Lenin - 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