{"id":4792,"date":"2010-11-29T11:01:28","date_gmt":"2010-11-29T08:01:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/11\/29\/yoldaslar-proletarya-diktatorlugu-sloganini-dusuncesizce-firlatip-atmayalim-etienne-balibar\/"},"modified":"2010-11-29T11:01:28","modified_gmt":"2010-11-29T08:01:28","slug":"yoldaslar-proletarya-diktatorlugu-sloganini-dusuncesizce-firlatip-atmayalim-etienne-balibar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/11\/29\/yoldaslar-proletarya-diktatorlugu-sloganini-dusuncesizce-firlatip-atmayalim-etienne-balibar\/","title":{"rendered":"Yolda\u015flar, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc slogan\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesizce f\u0131rlat\u0131p atmayal\u0131m ! | Etienne Balibar"},"content":{"rendered":"![](\"images\/stories\/etienne_balibar.jpg\")
L’Humanite ve France Nouvelle’de yay\u0131mlanan bir\u00e7ok yaz\u0131, kongreye sunulan belgede”proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc”ne at\u0131f yap\u0131lmas\u0131ndan k\u00e2h yana, k\u00e2h kar\u015f\u0131 tav\u0131r alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r; ve hatt\u00e2 bu kavram\u0131n parti t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde yer al\u0131p almamas\u0131ndan yana ya da kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f belirtmi\u015flerdir. Anten 2 radyo program\u0131nda sorulan bir soru \u00fczerine, Georges Marchais terimlerinden her ikisinin de ne bug\u00fcnk\u00fc duruma ne de Kom\u00fcnistlerin hedeflerine uydu\u011fu, \u201cproletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn terk edilmesinden yana oldu\u011funu bildirmi\u015ftir.”Kongre bu sorunu kesip atacakt\u0131r” diye eklemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6yleyse, \u015fu durum kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bulunuyoruz: 22. Kongre, ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan bu yana, Kom\u00fcnist partilerin siyasal eylem ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkelerden yap\u0131lacak radikal bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc onaylama tehlikesiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r. Marx’\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmaz olmayan tezlerini aktaran Lenin \u015f\u00f6yle yaz\u0131yordu<\/p>\n
“Marksizm’i s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi \u00f6\u011fretisiyle s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131rmak, onu burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan kabul edilebilir bir \u015feye indirgemek demektir. Sadece, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini tan\u0131may\u0131, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131maya vard\u0131ran kimse Marksisttir.” Devlet ve \u0130htil\u00e2l.<\/p>\n
1. \u0130lk uyar\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: B\u00f6ylesine \u00f6nemli bir teorik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f, mal ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131r gibi aceleyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemez. Nas\u0131l oluyor da, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n temeli olan Kongre haz\u0131rl\u0131k belgesi bunu sessizce ge\u00e7i\u015ftiriyor? Kom\u00fcnist militanlar, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a koyulan bir sorunun \u015fokuna dayanma ve siyasetlerinin ilkeleri \u00fczerine tam bir tart\u0131\u015fma y\u00fcr\u00fctebilme yetene\u011finden yoksun mudurlar? \u00d6zellikle Kongre dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Kom\u00fcnistlerin eylemini yeni temeller \u00fczerinde kurmaya, ona, bundan b\u00f6yle proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rakan yeni tarih\u00ee hedefler g\u00f6stermeye y\u00f6nelen kan\u0131tlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, Kom\u00fcnistlerin sadece”diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck” kelimesinin getirdi\u011fi itme duygusuyla de\u011fil de tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 bilerek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak sergilemek gerekmez miydi?<\/p>\n
Ger\u00e7ekte, ki bu benim ikinci uyar\u0131md\u0131r, ne yaz\u0131k ki biz Kom\u00fcnistlerin -yani partinin- \u015fu anda bu temel tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 iyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme yetene\u011finde olmamam\u0131z \u00e7ok endi\u015fe verici bir durumdur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, bunun ko\u015fullar\u0131 bir araya getirilmemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
(…) Fransa Kom\u00fcnistleri, daralt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde, bilimsel olarak analiz etmeden, Marksist gelenekle bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fturan ve kelimelere indirgenemeyecek bir ilkeyi reddetmeye \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lmaktad\u0131rlar. Onun yerine koyaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015feyin nesnel anlam\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ebilece\u011fimizden emin miyiz?<\/p>\n
2. Yukar\u0131da bir al\u0131nt\u0131 yapt\u0131m. Daha binlercesi g\u00f6sterilebilir. Al\u0131nt\u0131lar hi\u00e7bir \u015feyi kan\u0131tlamaz. Al\u0131nt\u0131lara indirgenince, Marksizm verimsiz bir skolastik, bir form\u00fcller dini olur: ac\u0131l\u0131 bir deneyin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, bize bunu yeterince \u00f6\u011fretti. Yine de \u015funu hat\u0131rlatal\u0131m:”proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” Marksist teorisyenlerin kafas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir teorik t\u00fcretim de\u011fildir, yapmak zorunda kald\u0131klar\u0131 ve uzun bir prati\u011fin derslerini \u00f6z\u00fcmleyen bir bulgudur. Ve bu prati\u011fin \u00f6\u011fretti\u011fi, \u00f6zellikle, devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, burjuva hukuk ideolojisinin \u00fczerinde temellendi\u011fi aldat\u0131c\u0131 alternatifler i\u00e7ine kapanmas\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2ns\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r: kendili\u011finden”diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck” ya da kendili\u011finden”demokrasi”; emek\u00e7ilerin, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f olarak devlet zorlamas\u0131 arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ya da kurtulu\u015flar\u0131 i\u00e7in demokratik kitle m\u00fccadelesi. Oysa, i\u015fte \u015fimdi bu alternatifler i\u00e7ine kendimizi kapatmaktay\u0131z.<\/p>\n
Ortaya koyulan \u015feyi iyi g\u00f6rmek gerekir. E\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, kendisine hedef olarak”basit\u00e7e” mutluluk, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi vb. de\u011fil de, b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklere ve hatt\u00e2 i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ku\u015fku verici \u00e7eli\u015fkilere ra\u011fmen proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc koyduysa, bunun madd\u00ee bir nedeni vard\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak burjuvazinin s\u0131n\u0131f diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc getirir ve bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6zel tarih\u00ee ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki e\u015fitsiz bi\u00e7imdeki \u015fiddetli ve a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bask\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imleri ne olursa olsun, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc onun \u00fczerine dayanmaktad\u0131r; ve \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, oldu\u011fu gibi”emek\u00e7ilerin hizmetinde” \u00e7al\u0131\u015famayacak olan, varolan devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmaya hemen giri\u015fmeksizin, burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn tarih\u00ee temellerini y\u0131kmak imk\u00e2ns\u0131zd\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ge\u00e7meden”ger\u00e7ek” demokrasi i\u00e7in, halk kitlelerinin demokrasisi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele edebilece\u011fimize inan\u0131yorsak, demek ki burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etti\u011fimizi s\u00f6ylemek istiyoruz ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc arac\u0131 olarak rol\u00fcn\u00fc ink\u00e2r ediyoruz. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Fransa’daki m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7inde emek\u00e7ilerin deneyine uygun d\u00fc\u015fen bu mudur?<\/p>\n
3. Kitlelerin hareketi \u00fczerinde a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 duyurdu\u011funun bilincine vard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z dramatik bir olguyla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Bu olgu, Sosyalist \u00fclkelerin (ya da baz\u0131 Sosyalist \u00fclkelerin) tarihinin”proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn” bi\u00e7imini bozmu\u015f ve de\u011ferden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Parti ile devleti \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirerek, onu proletarya \u00fczerinde diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn e\u015fanlaml\u0131s\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; pratik olarak, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve siyasal kitle demokrasisini kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirmi\u015ftir. A\u011f\u0131r siyasal bunal\u0131mlara ve uluslararas\u0131 Kom\u00fcnist harekette derin b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelere g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ama bu durum kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yak\u0131nmak yetmez, \u00f6nce i\u015fin i\u00e7inden s\u0131yr\u0131larak, sonra da proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sorununu reddederek yan\u0131ndan dola\u015fmay\u0131 ummak nafiledir. Tam tersine bu durumu analiz etmek gerekir. Tarihi bir olgunun tarihi nedenleri vard\u0131r. Sosyalist \u00fclkeler halklar\u0131n\u0131n proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tam olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmelerini engellemi\u015f (b\u00fct\u00fcn”ki\u015filik” sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde) ve b\u00f6ylece onu, e\u011filim olarak kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olan tarihi nedenler nelerdir? Burjuva devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n fiilen y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f bask\u0131s\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f dev toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin tam olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc engellemi\u015f olan tarihi nedenler nelerdir? Bu nedenler, bug\u00fcn kapitalist d\u00fcnya ve sosyalist d\u00fcnyada hangi bi\u00e7imlere b\u00fcr\u00fcnmektedirler ve bunlara kar\u015f\u0131 durmak nas\u0131l umulabilir? Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Kom\u00fcnistlerin devrimci eylemine k\u0131lavuzluk etmesi i\u00e7in proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kavram\u0131na getirilmesi gereken zenginle\u015ftirmeler (buna d\u00fczeltmeler de dahildir) nelerdir?<\/p>\n
4. Bu sorular\u0131n yoklu\u011fu, parti i\u00e7inde bug\u00fcnk\u00fc tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde i\u015fe yaramaz duruma sokmaktad\u0131r. Etkileri, bazen \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar g\u00f6steren belge tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n her sat\u0131r\u0131nda kendini hissettirmektedir. Bunun sadece bir tek \u00f6rne\u011fini verece\u011fim. Tasar\u0131,”uluslararas\u0131 ba\u011flam”a k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir paragraf ay\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bundan \u015fu izlenim \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ki, bir yanda, d\u00fcnyadaki durum ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde emperyalizmin zarar\u0131na, sosyalist kamp\u0131n, kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerinin, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin ve bu ilerici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birli\u011fi yarar\u0131na geli\u015fmektedir; \u00f6te yandan Fransa,”d\u00fcnyadaki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131” dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, emperyalizmin m\u00fcdahalesinden ka\u00e7arak kendi i\u00e7 toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme imk\u00e2nlar\u0131na sahiptir. Oysa, olgular bu basit ve iyimser g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc tamamen yalanlamaktad\u0131r. Son birka\u00e7 on y\u0131ld\u0131r emperyalizmden kurtulmay\u0131 ve Sosyalizme do\u011fru y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye ba\u015flamay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f olan halklar bunu, emperyalist m\u00fcdahaleye kar\u015f\u0131 uzun m\u00fccadeleler pahas\u0131na yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r: bunlar da K\u00fcba ve Vietnam’d\u0131r. Tabii bu zaferlerin tarih\u00ee \u00f6nemini az\u0131msamak s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bunlar, halklar ve emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in devrimin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedirler. Ve bu, sosyalist kamp\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve \u00fczerinde emperyalizmin ba\u015far\u0131yla oynamaktan geri durmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sosyalizmle ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k m\u00fccadeleleri aras\u0131ndaki ittifak\u0131n hassasl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan (Ortado\u011fu’ya bak\u0131n\u0131z!) do\u011fan engellere ra\u011fmen ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Peki o zaman, bu ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fc \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc olarak gidermek i\u00e7in de\u011finilen”Fransa’n\u0131n d\u00fcnyadaki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131” kan\u0131t\u0131 hakk\u0131nda ne d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnece\u011fiz? A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, bu bir tek anlama gelebilir: Fransa’n\u0131n kendisi de emperyalist bir \u00fclke oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, d\u00fcnya emperyalist sisteminin (ki kendisi de onun bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r) i\u00e7 tarihine m\u00fcdahalesini n\u00f6tralize etmek, hatt\u00e2 bundan tamamen ka\u00e7mak i\u00e7in daha elveri\u015fli ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde yer alacakt\u0131r! Ama bu kan\u0131t desteklenemez: bu y\u00fczden de ger\u00e7ekten hi\u00e7 kimse, bunu b\u00f6ylesine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a form\u00fcle etmeye kadar i\u015fi vard\u0131rmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc do\u011fru olan tersidir: bir \u00fclke ne kadar emperyalist sistemin y\u00fcre\u011finde yer al\u0131yorsa, emperyalizm i\u00e7in, onun devrimci geli\u015fimini engellemek o kadar hayatidir ve bunu yapmak i\u00e7in de o kadar ekonomik, ideolojik, siyasal ve askeri ara\u00e7lara sahiptir. Ayr\u0131ca halk g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ulusal birli\u011finin kendisine kar\u015f\u0131 kenetlenmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanacak bir d\u0131\u015f sald\u0131r\u0131 gibi a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir bi\u00e7ime hemen ba\u015fvurmak zorunda de\u011fildir. Fransa’da halk hareketi 1945-1947’de b\u00f6yle tecrit olmu\u015f ve yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama 1976’da, Frans\u0131z toplumunun d\u00fcnya emperyalist sistemine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 azalmam\u0131\u015f, \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u015eili, Portekiz, belki de \u015fu s\u0131ralarda kom\u015fu \u0130talya \u00f6rnekleri bize ne \u00f6\u011fretmektedir? Emperyalist m\u00fcdahalenin hi\u00e7bir zaman tam olarak ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7ime b\u00fcr\u00fcnmedi\u011fini, somut ko\u015fullara kendini uydurmak zorunda oldu\u011funu. Bunda dikkati \u00e7eken bi\u00e7imde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 oldu\u011funu da ekleyelim: kitle hareketinin \u00f6zg\u00fcl zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 her yerde s\u00f6m\u00fcren Avrupa sosyal-demokrasisinin kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci eyleminin k\u0131lavuzluk etmesi, n\u00f6bet de\u011fi\u015ftirmesiyle \u015furada askeri darbe, burada Ortak Pazar’\u0131n ekonomik bask\u0131lar\u0131. Bu \u00f6rnekler, varolan durumu belirleyen temel bir veriyi ortaya koymaktad\u0131r: emperyalizmin, bug\u00fcn hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck olan g\u00fcc\u00fc, giri\u015fim ve \u00f6nceden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilme yetenekleri Kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n herhangi bir \u00fclkesinde, sadece k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri kabul ettirmek i\u00e7in bile olsa, tam siyasal birliklerini hen\u00fcz ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmemi\u015f olsalar ve m\u00fccadelelerinin zorunlu sonucunun kapitalizmin devrilmesi oldu\u011funun bilincinde olmasalar da, kitlelerin siyasal alana bizzat m\u00fcdahale etmeye ba\u015flamalar\u0131, emperyalizmin m\u00fcdahale etmesi ve hatt\u00e2 \u00f6nce davranarak kar\u015f\u0131-devrimi \u00f6ng\u00f6rmesi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye ba\u015flamas\u0131 i\u00e7in yeterlidir.<\/p>\n
Bu y\u00fczden, \u00fclkemizde ger\u00e7ek bir toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin gereklili\u011fi ve ko\u015fullar\u0131 olgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 anda, buna ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in bir strateji, bug\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin politikas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan zedelenmi\u015f ve ilke olarak ona kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fmek zorunda olan toplumsal tabakalar\u0131n basit bir\u00a0 muhasebele\u015ftirilmesine dayanamaz; bu tabakalar\u0131n k\u00e2\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde”salt \u00e7o\u011funluk\u00e7u” olmalar\u0131 gibi basit bir g\u00f6zleme dayanamaz; genel sloganlar ve b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kendili\u011finden bir araya getirecek evrensel ideolojik temalar ileri s\u00fcrmekle yetinemez. Bizzat kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeten emperyalizmin m\u00fcdahalesinin \u00f6zel ko\u015fular\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmesi gerekir; \u00fczerinde emperyalizmin oynayabilece\u011fi halk kesimindeki \u00e7eli\u015fkileri, de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, hatt\u00e2 kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenler dahil b\u00fcy\u00fck kitleleri aya\u011fa kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in emperyalizmin elinde bulunan -ve t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kullanaca\u011f\u0131- ara\u00e7lar\u0131, analizde hesaba katmak gerekir (Portekiz’de kendisinin sefalete ve g\u00f6\u00e7e zorlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri \u00f6n hatta \u00e7\u0131karmay\u0131 ba\u015farmad\u0131 m\u0131?). Bunu \u015fematik olarak s\u00f6ylemek i\u00e7in, de\u011fi\u015fim ve sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015f i\u00e7in halk birli\u011finin temellerini g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne almak yetmez, gerektirdikleri m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerini analiz etmek ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek i\u00e7in, kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin potansiyel temellerini de g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne almak gerekir, b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck buradad\u0131r. Sorunun bu iki yan\u0131n\u0131 fark etmeyen her strateji hayalci olacakt\u0131r, zaferleri de\u011fil yenilgileri haz\u0131rlayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Burada -bu, sorunun sadece bir yan\u0131d\u0131r, kabul edilebilir s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde kalmak i\u00e7in ay\u0131rd\u0131m\u00a0 yeniden proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne geliyoruz.”Proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc” kelimesi de\u011fil, ortaya koymam\u0131z ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlememiz gereken, bizim yerimize hi\u00e7 kimsenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleyemedi\u011fi ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleyemeyece\u011fi proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sorunlar\u0131na geliyoruz. Burjuvazinin bize kabul ettirmek istedi\u011fi alternatife g\u00f6re, demokratik kitle m\u00fccadelesi yerine proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc fiilen ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiren, geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde demokratik, kitle m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerine s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclere ve burjuva devlete kar\u015f\u0131 emek\u00e7ilerin ve halk\u0131n m\u00fccadele birli\u011fine geliyoruz. Kendi, pay\u0131ma, \u00f6zg\u00fcn a\u015famalardan sosyalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fin, ba\u015fka kapitalist \u00fclkeler gibi Frans\u0131z toplumu i\u00e7in de”g\u00fcndemde” oldu\u011funa derinden inan\u0131yorum. D\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n ideolojik bask\u0131s\u0131na boyun e\u011ferek, bu s\u00fcrecin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini ger\u00e7ekte oldu\u011fundan daha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da de\u011ferlendirerek ve bunun gerektirdi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin keskinli\u011fi ve ortaya getirdi\u011fi \u00fczerinde kendimizi aldatarak buna ula\u015fabilme \u015fans\u0131m\u0131z oldu\u011funa inanm\u0131yorum.<\/p>\n
Yolda\u015flar, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc slogan\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesizce f\u0131rlat\u0131p atmayal\u0131m! Teoride ve pralikte, her zamankinden daha fazla Kom\u00fcnist olal\u0131m.<\/p>\n
Proletarya Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00dcst\u00fcne, Etienne Balibar<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"L’Humanite ve France Nouvelle’de yay\u0131mlanan bir\u00e7ok yaz\u0131, kongreye sunulan belgede”proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc”ne at\u0131f yap\u0131lmas\u0131ndan k\u00e2h yana, k\u00e2h kar\u015f\u0131 tav\u0131r alm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r; ve hatt\u00e2 bu kavram\u0131n parti t\u00fcz\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde yer al\u0131p almamas\u0131ndan yana ya da kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f belirtmi\u015flerdir. Anten 2 radyo program\u0131nda sorulan bir soru \u00fczerine, Georges Marchais terimlerinden her ikisinin de ne bug\u00fcnk\u00fc duruma ne de Kom\u00fcnistlerin hedeflerine […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[178],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4792","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-marksizm"},"yoast_head":"\n
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