{"id":4857,"date":"2011-01-27T11:47:49","date_gmt":"2011-01-27T08:47:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/01\/27\/gramsci-ve-sivil-toplum-kavrami-2bolum-norberto-bobbio\/"},"modified":"2011-01-27T11:47:49","modified_gmt":"2011-01-27T08:47:49","slug":"gramsci-ve-sivil-toplum-kavrami-2bolum-norberto-bobbio","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/01\/27\/gramsci-ve-sivil-toplum-kavrami-2bolum-norberto-bobbio\/","title":{"rendered":"Gramsci ve Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131 (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Norberto Bobbio"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131n\u0131n Tarih-yaz\u0131nsal ve Pratik-Politik Kullan\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gramsci’nin kavramsal sisteminde sivil toplum’un dikkate de\u011fer ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zelli\u011fi, Marx ve Engels’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin geleneksel yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re “bir de\u011fil, fakat iki tersine \u00e7eviri\u015fe yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r: birincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015furken; ikincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n kendi i\u00e7inde, ideolojik momentin kurumsal moment \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n tarihsel yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kavramsal \u015femas\u0131 haline gelen sivil toplum-devlet \u015feklindeki sade ve basit ikili yap\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Gramsci’nin \u015femas\u0131 daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekten yaln\u0131zca k\u0131smen \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fan iki ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r: birincisi, yap\u0131 ile \u00fcstyap\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ikili yap\u0131ya tek\u00e2b\u00fcl eden, zorun\u00adluluk ile (\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck aras\u0131ndad\u0131r; di\u011feri ise ideolojiler ile kurumlar aras\u0131ndaki ikili yap\u0131ya tekab\u00fcl eden, \u00abg\u00fc\u00e7\u00bb ile \u00abonay\u00bb aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bu olduk\u00e7a karma\u015f\u0131k \u015fema i\u00e7e\u00adrisinde, sivil toplum hem ilk ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n etkili momen\u00adti (pasife kar\u015f\u0131t), hem de ikinci ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n olumlu mo\u00admentidir (olumsuza kar\u015f\u0131t). Bu bize Gramsci\u2019nin sisteminin ger\u00e7ek merkezi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir.<\/p>\n

Bu yorum, Gramsci\u2019nin hapishanedeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin\u00adde bu iki ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131k ve de\u011fi\u015fik kullan\u0131m\u0131 ile \u00e7izdi\u011fi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n incelenmesi yoluyla kan\u0131tlanabilir. San\u0131r\u0131z, ikili yap\u0131lar\u0131n farkl\u0131 kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, daha yararl\u0131 ve a\u00e7\u0131k olacakt\u0131r: ikili yap\u0131lar\u0131n, tarihsel yorumlama-a\u00e7\u0131klama\u2019n\u0131n temel ta\u015flar\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, salt tarih-yaz\u0131nsal bir kullan\u0131\u015f; ve ayn\u0131 ikili yap\u0131lar\u0131n, ne yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ne yap\u0131lmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011finden ay\u0131rt edici k\u0131staslar olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, do\u011frudan pratik-\u00adsiyasal bir kullan\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n

Genel olarak s\u00f6ylenebilir ki; Gramsci’nin tarih-yaz\u0131n\u00adsal kullan\u0131m\u0131nda, ekonomik moment ile ethik-politik moment aras\u0131ndaki ilk ikili yap\u0131, tarihsel s\u00fcrecin temel \u00f6gelerini \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeye; ethik moment ile politik mo\u00adment aras\u0131ndaki ikinci ikili yap\u0131 ise, olumlu ya da olumsuz momentlerin egemenli\u011fine g\u00f6re tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 bo\u00adyunca y\u00fckseli\u015f ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6nemlerini ay\u0131rt etmeye yara\u00admaktad\u0131r. Bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle Gramsci’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin temel kavram\u0131 \u2018Tarihsel Blok\u2019dan yola \u00e7\u0131karak \u2014ki Gramsci bu kavram\u0131 ile yap\u0131sal ve \u00fcstyap\u0131sal her iki \u00f6geyi de i\u00e7eren, tarihsel bir durumun b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ifade etmektedir\u2014, birinci ikili yap\u0131 belirli bir tarihsel bloku tan\u0131mlamaya ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmeye, ikincisi ise ilerici bir tarihsel bloku gerici bir tarihsel bloktan ay\u0131rt etme\u00adye yaramaktad\u0131r. Birka\u00e7 \u00f6rnek verirsek; birinci ikili ya\u00adp\u0131, Gramsci’nin \u2018Eylem Partisi’ (Action Party)’ni de\u011fil \u00abIl\u0131ml\u0131 Parti\u00bb (Moderate Party)’yi, \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n birli\u011fini sa\u011flayan hareket olarak se\u00e7ip ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, kavramsal bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r, (bu, Risorgimento \u00fczerine notlarda en temel temalardan birisidir); ikinci ikili yap\u0131 ise, hakim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n y\u00f6\u00adnetici s\u0131n\u0131f olma niteli\u011fini yitirdi\u011fi \u0130talyan toplumunun Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bunal\u0131m\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r ki, bu bunal\u0131m, y\u00f6netenler ile y\u00f6netilenler ara\u00ads\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeden dolay\u0131 \u2018ancak kat\u0131ks\u0131z (mutlak) zor kullan\u0131m\u0131\u2019 (41) ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenebilir. Bunal\u0131m\u0131n yani bir tarihsel blokun erimesinin temel belirtisi, art\u0131k onun sivil toplumun kahramanlar\u0131 olan \u2018Ayd\u0131nlar\u2019\u0131 yan\u0131na \u00e7ekemeyi\u015findendir. Geleneksel ayd\u0131nlar manevi \u00f6\u011f\u00fctler ve\u00adrirler, geleneksel olmayanlar ise \u00fctopia yarat\u0131rlar, yani her ikisinin de ger\u00e7ek ile ili\u015fkisi yoktur (42).<\/p>\n

Pratiksel y\u00f6n ya da siyasal eylem i\u00e7inde, Gramsci\u2019nin ilk ikili yap\u0131y\u0131 kullan\u0131m\u0131, ekonomizme kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrekli polemiklerinin zeminini olu\u015fturur. Bu kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f, ezi\u00adlen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n tarihsel sorununun, bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ekonomik ili\u015f\u00adkiler alan\u0131 ve meydana getirdikleri kar\u015f\u0131t uzla\u015fmaz g\u00fc\u00e7\u00adler (birlikler) alan\u0131 i\u00e7inde yo\u011fun etkililikleri ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi sav\u0131nad\u0131r. \u0130kinci ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7 erki\u00adnin ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flarca d\u00fczenli \u015fekilde ele ge\u00e7irili\u015finin, ilk \u00f6nce sivil toplumda olu\u015fmas\u0131 gereken d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bir i\u015flevi olarak varsay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, Hapishane Defterleri’ndeki en \u00f6nemli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerden birisidir. Gramsci\u2019nin ele\u015ftirisini y\u00f6neltti\u011fi bu iki y\u00f6n, ancak ikili yap\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli \u00e7ak\u0131\u015f\u00adt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yolundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn tam anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ile a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Ele\u015ftirisi yaln\u0131zca yap\u0131y\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne almaya kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131s\u0131r ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fcz bir s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131na y\u00f6nlendirmektedir; ayn\u0131 zamanda da, yaln\u0131zca \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n olumsuz momentinin g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenli ve azimli bir ele ge\u00e7iri\u015fe y\u00f6nlendirmemektedir. \u0130ki alandaki bu sava\u00ad\u015f\u0131m yine sivil toplum i\u00e7inde yer almaktad\u0131r. Bir alan, yap\u0131 i\u00e7inde i\u015fleyen maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n s\u00fcregenli\u011finin ko\u00adrunmas\u0131 ile ili\u015fkilidir; di\u011feri ise bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleni\u015fini simgelemektedir (\u00f6rne\u011fin; onays\u0131z saf bir egemenli\u011fin olabilece\u011fi gibi). \u0130kili yap\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6gelerinden biri ya da di\u011ferinin yersiz kullan\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 ya da hi\u00e7 kullan\u0131l\u00admay\u0131\u015f\u0131, kuramda iki kar\u015f\u0131t hataya yol a\u00e7ar: sivil toplum ile yap\u0131n\u0131n kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sendikalizm yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 meyda\u00adna \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131r; sivil toplum ile siyasal toplumun kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u00admas\u0131 ise devlete tapmaya yol a\u00e7ar (43).<\/p>\n

Siyasal Liderlik ve K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Liderlik<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ekonomizme kar\u015f\u0131 olan ilk polemik parti temas\u0131 ile birle\u015ftirilirken, diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ikinci polemik \u2014sivil toplumun bir yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesi ile birlikte bulunmayan\u2014 \u00abhegemonya\u00bb temas\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak\u00adtad\u0131r. Buraya de\u011fin yap\u0131lan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme, parti ve hege\u00admonya konular\u0131n\u0131n, Gramsci\u2019nin toplum ve siyasal m\u00fccadele kavramlar\u0131nda i\u015fgal etti\u011fi \u00f6nemli yerin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131nda bizi en iyi konuma getirmektedir. Ger\u00e7ekten bunlar sivil toplumun iki \u00f6gesi olarak; hem sivil toplumun \u00fcstyap\u0131sal momenti temsil etmesinden dolay\u0131 ‘yap\u0131\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131tt\u0131rlar, hem de yine, sivil toplum \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n olumlu momentini temsil etti\u011finden g\u00fc\u00e7-devlet ili\u015fki\u00adsinin olumsuz momentine kar\u015f\u0131tt\u0131rlar. Parti ve hegemon\u00adya \u2014her ikisi ile ili\u015fkili olan ayd\u0131nlar konusu ile de bir\u00adlikte\u2014 Hapishane Defterleri’nin iki temel konusudur ve ayn\u0131 zamanda Gramsci ile Lenin aras\u0131nda bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma sa\u011flayacak olgulard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Hapishanedeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi boyunca Gramsci, hege\u00admonya kuramc\u0131s\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Lenin’e s\u0131k s\u0131k sayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 atfetmektedir (44). Ancak Gramsci genel olarak, ‘hegemonya’ teriminin Lenin’in ola\u011fan diline ait olmad\u0131\u00ad\u011f\u0131n\u0131, fakat onu erdemli \u015fekilde kutsalla\u015ft\u0131ran Stalin’in dilinin bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi oldu\u011funu kavrayamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Lenin, ‘Liderlik ve Lider’den s\u00f6z etmeyi uygun bulmu\u015ftur. Hegemonyay\u0131 elinde tutan \u2014Holder of Hegemony\u2014 te\u00adriminin ge\u00e7ti\u011fi seyrek b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerden birinde, bu terimi a\u00e7\u0131k olarak lider ile e\u015fanlaml\u0131 kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (45). Hegemonya terimi ve bundan t\u00fcreyen di\u011ferleri, Gramsci’de de olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7 olarak \u2014Hapishane Defterleri’nden \u00f6n\u00adceki son \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan 1926’daki iki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda-ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r (Letter to the Central Committe of the Soviet Communist Party-Sovyet Kom\u00fcnist Partisi Merkez Komitesine Mektup ve tamamlanmam\u0131\u015f dene\u00admesi-Question Meridionale; G\u00fcney Sorunu’nda) (46). Ak\u00adsine bu terim, 1917’den 1924’e kadar Lenin’den do\u011frudan esinlendi\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda \u00e7ok seyrek kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u00adt\u0131r (47).<\/p>\n

Ensonu, bizi as\u0131l ilgilendiren kavramsal sorundur, dile ait olan de\u011fil. Kavramsal a\u00e7\u0131dan hegemonya terimi, Hapishane Defterleri’nde (Mektuplar’da da), 1926’daki iki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada yer alan terimle ayn\u0131 anlam\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mamak\u00adtad\u0131r. Bu iki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada terim \u2014Sovyet metinlerindeki resmi anlam\u0131na da uygun\u2014 siyasal liderlik (48) anlam\u0131yla, i\u015f\u00e7iler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131nda ittifak\u0131 belirtmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131l\u0131rken, ilk metinlerde genellikle ‘k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik’ (49) anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Gramsci’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin \u00f6zelli\u011fi bu anlam de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011finde yatar. Bu de\u011fi\u015fiklik genellikle ve hatal\u0131 \u015fekilde d\u0131\u015ftalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, burada Marksizm’deki g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda, Gramsci’nin Lenin’e hegemonya kuramc\u0131s\u0131 olarak atfetti\u011fi sayg\u0131ya ra\u011fmen, ilk hegemonya kuramc\u0131s\u0131 Lenin de\u011fil, Gramsci’nin kendisidir. \u00c7izemsel olarak bu de\u011fi\u015fim, iki anlam aras\u0131nda bilin\u00e7sizce ama \u00f6nemli bir farkl\u0131la\u015fma yoluyla olu\u015fmu\u015ftur; hegemonya’n\u0131n \u00absiyasal liderlik\u00bbi ifade et\u00adti\u011fi dar bir anlam (bu, Gramsci’nin 1926 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda ve ayn\u0131 zamanda Sovyet Marksizm gelene\u011finde yer al\u00add\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlamd\u0131r), ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00abk\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik\u00bbi ifa\u00adde etti\u011fi geni\u015f bir anlam aras\u0131nda. Ayn\u0131 zamanda diyo\u00adruz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Hapishane Defterleri ikinci anlam\u0131 d\u0131\u015ftala\u00admaz, fakat birinci anlam\u0131 i\u00e7erir ve b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirir. \u00abMo\u00addern Prens\u00bb ad\u0131na sunulan sayfalarda (Machiavelli \u00fcze\u00adrine notlar, ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda) Gramsci, .modern partinin ince\u00adlenmesinde iki temel tema \u00f6nerir: biri ‘ortak irade’nin olu\u015fmas\u0131 \u00fczerinde (siyasal liderlik temas\u0131d\u0131r), di\u011feri de ‘ahlaki ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel reform’un olu\u015fmas\u0131 \u00fczerinde (k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik temas\u0131d\u0131r) (50). Bu iki farkl\u0131 hegemonya anlam\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u0131srar ediyoruz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc san\u0131r\u0131z, ancak yazarlar\u0131n yap\u0131tlar\u0131nda hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015f olarak k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik momentini de i\u00e7erdi\u011fi anlamda al\u0131rsak yaln\u0131zca, Lenin ile Gramsci aras\u0131ndaki bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rma yararl\u0131 (bir sonuca ula\u015fabilir. Ayr\u0131ca ‘k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik’ kavram\u0131 ile Gramsci’nin, terimin siyasal kullan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7er\u00addi\u011fi \u00abzay\u0131f\u00bb anlama kar\u015f\u0131t olarak, terimin (t\u00f6reler ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcne tekab\u00fcl eden \u00abg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u00bb anlamda, bir \u00abreform\u00bb kasdetti\u011fini de bilmemiz (gerekir (reformcu ile reformist ayr\u0131m\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi).<\/p>\n

Diyebiliriz ki, Lenin’de siyasal liderlik anlam\u0131 ge\u00e7er\u00adli iken Gramsci’de ise k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik ge\u00e7erlidir; ancak bu ge\u00e7erlili\u011fin iki farkl\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fc oldu\u011funu da eklememiz gerekir:<\/p>\n

a. Gramsci i\u00e7in, \u2018g\u00fc\u00e7\u2019 momenti ara\u00e7sal ve dola\u00ady\u0131s\u0131yla da hegemonya momentine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 iken, Lenin’de devrim s\u0131ras\u0131nda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yap\u0131t\u0131nda, ‘diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck’ ve ‘hegemonya’ birlikte ilerlemektedir, ve yine ne olursa olsun ‘g\u00fc\u00e7’ momenti birincil ve belirleyici oland\u0131r.<\/p>\n

b. Gramsci i\u00e7in, hegemonyan\u0131n ele ge\u00e7irili\u015fi erk’in ele ge\u00e7irili\u015finden \u00f6nce gelmekte iken, Lenin’de birincisi ikincisine e\u015flik etmekte, en az\u0131ndan takip etmekte\u00addir (51).<\/p>\n

Ancak, her ne kadar bu iki farkl\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6nemli ve yazar\u00adlar\u0131n metinlerine dayal\u0131 ise de, en temel olanlar de\u011fildir. Her iki kuram\u0131n da, derinle\u015ftirildi\u011fi tarihsel durumlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayabilir: Lenin’in kuram\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m boyunca, Gramsci’nin kuram\u0131 ise yenilgi son\u00adras\u0131 geri \u00e7ekilme boyuncad\u0131r. Ancak temel farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir ba\u015fka \u015feyde oldu\u011fu kan\u0131s\u0131nday\u0131z. Bu, fazla ya da az, \u00f6n\u00adce veya sonra gibi de\u011fil, ama niteliksel bir farkl\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. \u015e\u00f6yle ki, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k hegemonya ve diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck moment\u00adleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkide de\u011fil, fakat \u2014bu ili\u015fkinin tarih\u00adsel olarak a\u00e7\u0131klanabilecek farkl\u0131 kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir \u015fekilde\u2014 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak iki sistem\u00adde hegemonya kavram\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi ve i\u015flevinde yat\u00admaktad\u0131r. Geni\u015fletilmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Gramsci’de hegemon\u00adya, her iki siyasal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik momentlerini i\u00e7er\u00admektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu kavram, yaln\u0131zca partiyi de\u011fil, fakat k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn geni\u015flemesi ve yay\u0131lmas\u0131 ile ba\u011flar\u0131 olan sivil toplumun t\u00fcm di\u011fer kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 da kapsamakta\u00add\u0131r (52). \u0130\u015flevi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ise, hegemonya yaln\u0131zca yeni bir devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 yaratmaya ve toplumu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye yeterli ortak iradenin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7lamaz, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni bir d\u00fcnya kavram\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi ve yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 da ama\u00e7lar. K\u0131saca, Gramsci’nin he\u00adgemonya kuram\u0131 yaln\u0131zca bir parti ve devlet kavram\u0131 ya da kuram\u0131 ile ili\u015fkili olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, yaln\u0131zca siyasal e\u011fi\u00adtimi de ama\u00e7lamaz, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda, t\u00fcm bi\u00e7imleri ile birlikte, bir \u00fcstyap\u0131sal birincil moment olarak alg\u0131la\u00adnan yeni ve geni\u015f bir sivil toplum kavram\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7e\u00adrir.<\/p>\n

Bu, Gramsci’nin sisteminde sivil toplumun \u00f6nemini ayd\u0131nlatmaktad\u0131r. Gramsci’nin salt egemenli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131n hegemonyada g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kararl\u0131 i\u015flev, yap\u0131 ile ikincil \u00fcstyap\u0131sal moment aras\u0131nda bir arac\u0131 moment olan sivil top\u00adlumun y\u00fcksek konumunu ayd\u0131nlatmaktad\u0131r. Hegemonya, belirlenmi\u015f nesnel ko\u015fullar ile y\u00f6netici grubun ger\u00e7ek \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn biti\u015fme momentidir; bu biti\u015fme [******] sivil top\u00adlum ‘i\u00e7inde’ olu\u015fur. Daha \u00f6nce de g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi, bu biti\u015fme momenti, sivil toplumda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, Marx’da de\u011fil ama yaln\u0131zca Gramsci’de sistem i\u00e7inde \u00f6zerk bir alana sahiptir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, Lenin’de de\u011fil ama yaln\u0131zca Gramsci’de, sivil toplumun, \u00f6zerk alan\u0131 i\u015fgal edecek \u015fekilde geni\u015fletilen hegemonya momenti, yeni bir boyut ve geni\u015f bir i\u00e7erik edinmektedir (53).<\/p>\n

Sivil Toplum ve Devletin Ortadan Kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

Devletin ortadan kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131, sivil toplum kavram\u0131n\u0131n birincil role sahip oldu\u011fu Gramsci’nin temalar\u0131ndan sonuncusudur. S\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplumda devletin s\u00f6nmesi, Lenin’in devrim s\u00fcresince yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u00adl\u0131\u015fmalarda sabit bir tema ve ayn\u0131 zamanda Ortodoks marksizmin ideal bir \u00e7er\u00e7evesidir. Hapishane Defterleri’nde yeni devletin (SSCB’nin – Ed. N.) hen\u00fcz sa\u011flamca te\u00admellendi\u011fi s\u0131ralarda yaz\u0131lan sayfalarda bu tema belir\u00admekte, fakat yaln\u0131zca marjinal bir \u015fekilde olmaktad\u0131r. Devletin ortadan kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eden b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerin \u00e7o\u011fun\u00adda, ‘siyasal toplumun sivil toplum i\u00e7inde yeniden \u00f6z\u00fcm\u00adlenmesi’ olarak alg\u0131lanmaktad\u0131r (54). Gramsci’nin \u00abd\u00fczenlenmi\u015f toplum\u00bb diye isimlendirdi\u011fi devletsiz toplum, sivil toplumun geni\u015flemesinden do\u011fmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131y\u00adla siyasal toplumca i\u015fgal edilen t\u00fcm alanlar\u0131 hegemonya momentinin yok edi\u015finden ve geni\u015flemesinden do\u011fmak\u00adtad\u0131r. Bu ana kadar varolan devlet, sivil toplum ile si\u00adyasal toplumun, hegemonya ile egemenli\u011fin diyalektik bir b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bask\u0131 momentini gereksizle\u015ftirecek \u015fe\u00adkilde kendi hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 o denli evrensel k\u0131lmada ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olacak toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f, d\u00fczenli bir topluma ge\u00e7i\u00ad\u015fin ko\u015fullar\u0131na ula\u015facakt\u0131r. S\u00f6z\u00fc edilen b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerden bi\u00adrinde ‘d\u00fczenli toplum’ sivil toplumun (ve yine ethik dev\u00adletin) bir e\u015fanlaml\u0131s\u0131 olarak, (55) yani sivil toplumun siyasal toplumdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131 olarak da kullan\u0131l\u00adm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her ne kadar sorun bir ‘kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k’ de\u011fil, bir ‘vur\u00adgulama’ farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 bile olsa, diyebiliriz ki, Lenin’in al\u0131p yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Marx ve Engels’in kuram\u0131nda, .devletin s\u00f6nmesine yol a\u00e7an hareket temel olarak yap\u0131sal iken (s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kendilerinin bask\u0131lanmas\u0131na de\u011fin, s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkinin s\u00fcregen k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131) Gramsci’de \u00f6zellikle \u00fcstyap\u0131sal bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir (sivil toplumun evrenselle\u015fmesine de\u011fin geni\u015flemesi). Marx ve Engels’de antitezin iki terimi: s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplum\/s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplum; Gramsci’de siyasal toplum ile bir\u00adlikte sivil toplum\/siyasal toplumsuz sivil toplum’dur. Sivil toplumun yap\u0131 ile \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n olumsuz momen\u00adti aras\u0131nda bir arac\u0131 \u00f6ge oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi, devletin s\u00f6nmesine yol a\u00e7an diyalektik s\u00fcre\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli bir sonu\u00e7 do\u011furmaktad\u0131r: terimler sadece iki, yani si\u00advil toplum-devlet iken, en son moment (yani s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z top\u00adlum) diyalektik s\u00fcrecin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc terimidir, yani olumsu\u00adzun olumsuzu; terimler zaten \u00fc\u00e7 iken en son momente, arac\u0131 bir terimin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi ile ula\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u015eu\u00adras\u0131 \u00f6nemlidir ki. Gramsci, s\u00fcregenle\u015ftirilme’den (ya da bask\u0131lanmadan) ,de\u011fil fakat ‘yeniden \u00f6z\u00fcmlenme’ den s\u00f6z etmektedir.<\/p>\n

Daha \u00f6nce de s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fimiz gibi, yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131\u00adl\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda End\u00fcstri Devrimi hakk\u0131ndaki ilk d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00adceler devrikle\u015ftirilmi\u015f (tersine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f) bir devlet – top\u00adlum ili\u015fkileri kavram\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Do\u011fal hukuk felse\u00adfecilerinin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda, devlet kuram\u0131n\u0131n iyimser ya<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

(1) Daha fazla ayr\u0131nt\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. incelemem; ‘Hegel e il giusna\u00adturalismo’, Rivista di Filosofia, 57, 1966, p. 397.<\/p>\n

(2) \u2018Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right\u2019, Marx and Engels Collected Works, Moscow, Progress Publishers, London, Law\u00adrence & Wishart, 1975, vol. 3, p. 63.<\/p>\n

(3) \u00d6rne\u011fin bkz. b\u00f6l\u00fcm: ‘L’Organisateur’, OEuvres de Claude-Henri de Saint-Simon i\u00e7inde, Paris Editions Anthropos, 1966, vol. 2, pp. 17ff. \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisi The Political Thought of Saint-Simon i\u00e7inde, ed. G. Ionescu, Oxford University Press, 1976, pp. 138-42.<\/p>\n

(4) Karl Marx, Capital, London, Lawrence & Wishart, 1970, vol. 1, p. 703.<\/p>\n

(5) Manifesto of the Communist Party, K. Marx ve F. Engels, Selected Works i\u00e7inde (3 vols.), Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1973, vol. I, pp. 110-11.<\/p>\n

(6) F. Engels, ‘On the History of the Communist League’, Selected Works, vol. 3, p. 178.<\/p>\n

(7) K. Marx, Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Po\u00adlitical Economy, Selected Works, vol. I, p. 503.<\/p>\n

Cool2) Metaphysik der Sitten’de, b\u00fcrgerliche Gesellschaft status civilis’i, yani kelimenin geleneksel anlam\u0131nda Devlet’i temsil eder. \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisi, I. Kant, The Metaphysical Elements of Justice i\u00e7inde, \u00e7ev. J. Ladd, NewYork, Bobbs-Merrill, 1964, p. 75.<\/p>\n

(9) Ibid., pp. 75-7.<\/p>\n

(10) A. Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, London, 1920, p. 249.<\/p>\n

(11) G. W. F. Hegel, Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, \u00e7ev. Knox, Oxford University Press, 1965, pp. 123-4.<\/p>\n

(12) M\u00fckemmelle\u015ftirilmi\u015f siyasal devlet do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi, insan\u0131n, maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n aksine, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015fsal-g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu ben\u00adcil ya\u015fam\u0131n t\u00fcm \u00f6n varsay\u0131mlar\u0131, sivil toplum i\u00e7inde devletin alan\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, fakat sivil toplumun nitelikleri olarak varol\u00admaya devam eder.’ (K. Marx, Early Writings, \u00e7ev. R. Livingstone ve G. Benton, Harmondsworth, Penguin Book in association with New Left Review, 1975, p. 220). Ayr\u0131ca bkz. ‘Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts (1844)’, Early Writings, p. 369, ‘Top\u00adlum, siyasal iktisat\u00e7\u0131ya da g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, sivil toplumdur’.<\/p>\n

(13) F. Engels; ‘Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy’, Marx ve Engels, Selected Works, vol. 3, p. 369.<\/p>\n

(14) `Bu \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin t\u00fcm\u00fc, toplumun ekonomik yap\u0131s\u0131\u00adn\u0131, belirli toplumsal bilin\u00e7 bi\u00e7imlerine tekab\u00fcl eden bir hukuk\u00adsal ve siyasal \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi, somut temeli olu\u015f\u00adturur.’ (Selected Works, vol. I, p. 503).<\/p>\n

(15) The German Ideology, Selected Works, vol. I, pp. 38, 76.<\/p>\n

(16) Daha fazla ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klama i\u00e7in bkz. \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam; ‘Sulla nozione di societa civile’, De homine, nos. 24-5, pp. 19-36.<\/p>\n

(17) Bildi\u011fime g\u00f6re, \u00f6zellikle, G. Tamburrano, Antonio Gramsci, Manduria, 1963, pp. 220, 223-4.<\/p>\n

(18) Quarderni del Carcere, ed. V. Gerratana, Turin, Einaudi, 1975, p. 9. \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisi, Selections from the Prison Notebooks i\u00e7inde, ed. ve \u00e7ev. Hoare ve Nowell Smith, London, Law_ rence & Wishart, 1971, p. 12. Hatta, iyi bilindi\u011fi gibi, sivil top\u00adlumun, dar anlamda, devletin bir momenti olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 baz\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcmler vard\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca bkz. Lettere dal Carcere, Turin, Einaudi, 1948, p. 481; Note sul Machiavelli, Turin, Einaudi, 1966, p. 130, Prison Notebooks, p. 261; Passato e Presente, Turin, Einaudi, 1966, p. 72, Prison Notebooks, p. 239.<\/p>\n

(19) Machiavelli, p. 121, Prison Notebooks, p. 170 n.<\/p>\n

(20) Passato e Presente, p. 164.<\/p>\n

(21) Machiavelli, p. 128, Prison Notebooks, p. 259.<\/p>\n

(22) Ibid.<\/p>\n

(23) Daha evvelce Sichirollo taraf\u0131ndan i\u015faret edilen, Hegel’in tarafl\u0131 bir yorumu i\u00e7in, Hegel’in felsefesinde ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6nemi \u00fczerine olan b\u00f6l\u00fcme bak\u0131n\u0131z. (Quarderni del Carcere, p. 46-7).<\/p>\n

(24) G. W. F. Hegel, Philosophie des Rechts, para. 308, \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisi, Hegel’s Philosophy of Rights, op. cit.<\/p>\n

(25) Passato e Presente, p. 164.<\/p>\n

(26) Hegel, op. cit., para. 255.<\/p>\n

(27) Ibid, para. 265.<\/p>\n

(28) Ibid., para. 256; Kurumlar yolu iledir ki, ‘sivil toplumun alan\u0131ndan, devlete ge\u00e7i\u015f yer al\u0131r’.<\/p>\n

(29) K. Marx, Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Selected Works, vol. 1, p. 503.<\/p>\n

(30) Studi Gramsciani, Editori Riuniti, Rome, Instituto Grams\u00adci, 1958, p. 280-1.<\/p>\n

(31) Ibid., p. 281.<\/p>\n

(32) Il Materialismo Storico e la filosofia di Benedetto Croce, Turin, Einaudi, 1948, p. 40, Prison Notebooks, p. 366.<\/p>\n

(33) ‘Yap\u0131, ger\u00e7ekte somut ge\u00e7mi\u015f’tir, zira, neyin yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u00ad\u011funun ve \u015fimdi’nin bir durumu olarak neyin varolmaya devam etti\u011finin ve neyin gelece\u011finin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz bir belgesi, bir tutana\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.’ (Il Materialismo Storico, p. 222).<\/p>\n

(34) Ibid., p. 40, Prison Notebooks, p. 367.<\/p>\n

(35) Kadercili\u011fin bir yorumu ve ele\u015ftirisi i\u00e7in bkz . Passato e Presente, p. 203.<\/p>\n

(36) Tamburrano bana, sivil toplum ile devlet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015f\u00adkiler konusunda, bunun bir antitezden \u00e7ok, bir ay\u0131r\u0131m konusu oldu\u011funu i\u015faret etti. Bu, keskin ve sert bir uyarmad\u0131r. Ancak ben, ay\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 antiteze d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmenin, diyalektik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi oldu\u011funu ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir kimsenin bunlar\u0131n \u00fcste\u00adsinden gelebilmesi i\u00e7in bunu izliyebilece\u011fini yan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m.<\/p>\n

(37) Machiavelli, p. 121, Prison Notebooks, p. 170 n.<\/p>\n

(38) Lettere del Carcere, Turin, Einaudi, 1948, p. 481.<\/p>\n

(39) \u2018Hakim s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi her devirde hakim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncedir : yani, toplumun hakim maddi g\u00fcc\u00fc olan s\u0131n\u0131f, ayn\u0131 zamanda ha\u00adkim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel (entellekt\u00fcel) g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr\u2019. Hemen sonras\u0131nda, iktidar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekten, yani ger\u00e7ekte, ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplumun ideolojik bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olarak g\u00fc\u00e7ler ay\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 doktrini\u2019 \u00f6rne\u011fini vermektedir. (bkz. The German Ideology, Selected Works, p. 47).<\/p>\n

(40) A. Labriola, Saggi sul materialismo storico, Rome, 1964, p. 136-7.<\/p>\n

(41) Passato e Presente, p. 38, Prison Notebooks, p. 276.<\/p>\n

(42) Machiavelli, p. 150-1.<\/p>\n

(43) Passato e Presente, p. 38, Prison Notebooks, p. 268.<\/p>\n

(44) Il Materialismo Storico, p. 32, 39, 75, 189, 201, Prison Notebooks, p. 55-6 n, 357, 365, 381-2, 381 n; Lettere del Carcere, p. 616.<\/p>\n

(45) \u2018\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f toplumun birtek tam devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olarak, \u2014pro\u00adleterya\u2014, s\u00f6m\u00fcrenlere ve ezenlere kar\u015f\u0131, t\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve t\u00fcm s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda, hegemonyay\u0131 elinde tutan ve lider olmak zorundad\u0131r. Proleterya, bu hegemonya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin bilin\u00adcinde oldu\u011fu ve bunu prati\u011fe uygulayabildi\u011fi ba\u011flamda devrim\u00adcidir\u2019. (11, p. 349). Paragrafta ki bu ve di\u011fer dilsel bilgi i\u00e7in, Vittorio Strada’n\u0131n nezaketine minnettar\u0131m. San\u0131r\u0131m, Gramsci’nin \u00f6\u011frencileri taraf\u0131ndan i\u015faret edilen ve \u00abhegemonyay\u0131 elinde tu\u00adtan\u00bb teriminin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, Lenin’den tek al\u0131nt\u0131, Due tattiche della social-democrazia nella rivoluzione democratica’dir : Opere Scelte i\u00e7inde, Rome, 1965, p. 319; Bkz. Duemila Pagine di Gramsci’ye \u00f6ns\u00f6z, ed. G. Perrata ve N. Gallo, Milan, Il Saggiatore, 1964, vol. 1, p. 96: Lenin’in ger\u00e7ekten kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 terim \u00abhegemonyay\u0131 elin\u00adde tutan\u00bb de\u011fil, ancak \u00abLider\u00bb (rukovoditel) dir. Stalin’in ifadesi i\u00e7in- bkz. Dal coloquio con la prima delegazione operaia ameri\u00adcana; burada Lenin’in Marx’\u0131n doktrinini geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi temalar\u0131 aktar\u0131rken \u015f\u00f6yle demektedir : ‘D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, devrimde prole\u00adteryan\u0131n hegemonya temas\u0131, vb.’ (J. U. Stalin, Opere Scelte, Moscow, 1947, vol. 1, p. 35).<\/p>\n

(46) Duemila pagine di Gramsci, vol. 1, p. 799 ve p. 824-25.<\/p>\n

(47) Ferrata, \u00abhegemonik Kapitalizm\u00bb (Ordine Nuovo, (1919-20), Turin, Einaudi, 1954, p. 145-6) deyiminin bulundu\u011fu, ‘La Russia Potenza Mondiale’, 14 August 1920, adl\u0131 makaleyi hat\u0131rlatmaktad\u0131r. Rogionieri, \u00abhegemonya\u00bb teriminin Gramsci’nin 1924’te ya\u00adz\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan birisinde de kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etmekte\u00addir.<\/p>\n

(48) ‘Tart\u0131\u015fmaya getirilen, proleteryan\u0131n hegemonya ilkesi ve prati\u011fidir; i\u015f\u00e7iler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131ndaki temel ittifak ili\u015fkileri zarar g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f ve tehlikeye girmi\u015ftir’. (Duemila pagine di Gramsci, vol. 1, p. 824); ‘Proleterya, bir s\u0131n\u0131f ittifaklar\u0131 sistemi yaratmay\u0131 ba\u015farabildi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde lider ve hakim s\u0131n\u0131f durumuna gelebilir, vb.’ (Duemila pagine di Gramsci, vol. 1, p. 799). \u0130ngilizce \u00e7eviri\u00adsi, Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Political Writings 1921-26 i\u00e7inde, \u00e7ev. ve ed. Q. Hoare, London, Lawrence & Wishart, 1978, pp. 431, 433.<\/p>\n

(49) Lettere del Carcere, p. 616: ‘Hegemonya ya da k\u00fclt\u00fcrel liderlik momenti’. Yine: ‘entellekt\u00fcel ve moral liderlik’ (II Risorgimento, Turin, Einaudi, 1949, p. 70, Prison Notebooks. p. 59).<\/p>\n

(50) Machiavelli, p. 6-8.<\/p>\n

(51) Gramsci’nin, Risorgimento s\u00fcresince \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131lar\u0131n politikalar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131, iyi bilinen b\u00f6l\u00fcmlere g\u00f6nderme yap\u0131\u00adyorum (Il Risorgimento, pp. 70-2.). Lenin i\u00e7in, Parti’nin Onbirin\u00adci Kongresinde ki (1922) Politik Rapor\u2019dan olan b\u00f6l\u00fcm olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemlidir. Burada, kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131nki ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ko\u00adm\u00fcnist k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yetersizli\u011fi konusunda yak\u0131nmaktad\u0131r: ‘e\u011fer yenenlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u00fczeyi yenilenlerden daha y\u00fcksekse, kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini bunlar \u00fczerine bask\u0131n k\u0131larlar; e\u011fer kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ge\u00e7erli ise, yenilenler kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerini yenenler \u00fczerinde bask\u0131n k\u0131lar\u00adlar.’ (Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 33, London, Lawrence & Wis\u00adhart, 1966, p. 262).<\/p>\n

(52) Lettere del Carcere, p. 481, ‘kilise, ticaret birlikleri, okul\u00adlar, vb. gibi, \u00f6zel organizmalar diye adland\u0131r\u0131lanlar yoluyla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen, bir toplumsal grubun ulusal toplumun b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcze\u00adrindeki hegemonyas\u0131ndan\u2019 s\u00f6z eder.<\/p>\n

(53) Gramsci’nin, hegemonyan\u0131n etkin \u00f6znesi (ayd\u0131nlar) sorunu ile ilgilendi\u011fi ve yeni hegemonyan\u0131n kapsam\u0131n\u0131 (ulus-halk tema\u00ads\u0131 \u2014 [yani, ulus karakteri kazanm\u0131\u015f halk…] – Ed. N.) anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6nde, bu yeni boyut ve geni\u015f i\u00e7eri\u011fin iki temel kan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 bula\u00adbiliriz. Ancak bunlar iki geni\u015f i\u00e7erik olduklar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131, yal\u00adn\u0131zca \u015fu iki g\u00f6zlem ile yetinece\u011fim:<\/p>\n

a) Gramsci, partinin lideri olarak saptanmas\u0131 gereken yeni ayd\u0131n \u00fczerindeki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinde, \u015f\u00fcphesiz Lenin’den esinlenmi\u015f\u00adtir. Gramsci’nin de\u011fi\u015fmez ‘interlocutor’u (s\u00fcrekli polemi\u011fe giren\u2014\u00c7.N.), yaln\u0131zca Benedetto Croce olsa bile, halen, ayd\u0131nlar sorununa gelindi\u011finde, e\u011fer bunun, b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal ve ekonomik bunal\u0131m y\u0131llar\u0131 boyunca (Benda, 1927; Mannheim, 1929; Ortega, 1930), 1930’lar da dramatik bir \u015fekilde ba\u015flayan ve s\u00fcren, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015flevleri \u00fczerine olan tart\u0131\u015fma ile ili\u015fkileri g\u00f6zard\u0131 edil\u00addi\u011finde, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi anla\u015f\u0131lamamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

b) \u0130talya’n\u0131n tarih-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n tarih-yaz\u0131nsal \u00f6zg\u00fcn ko\u00adnusu ‘ulus-halk’ \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ile birlikte, Gramsci, top\u00adlumsal devrim sorununu, \u0130talyan devrimi sorunu ile ili\u015fkilendirmektedir. Entellekt\u00fcel ve moral reform sorunu, Renaissance’dan Risorgimento’ya kadar, \u0130talya’n\u0131n tarihi \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncele\u00adri de beraberinde getirmekte, ve ilk interlocutor’lar\u0131 olarak, birinci sorun konusunda Machiavelli, ikinci sorun konusunda da Gioberti (Gramsci’nin kaynaklar\u0131 \u00fczerine ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne\u00admi, yaln\u0131zca Asor Rosa tarafinca vurgulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r) ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u00admaktad\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n

(54) Machiavelli, pp. 94, 130, Prison Notebooks, pp. 253, 261. Il Materialismo Storico, p. 75’de, yaln\u0131zca ‘siyasal toplumun kay\u00adbolmas\u0131ndan’ ve ‘d\u00fczenlenmi\u015f toplumun gelmesinden’ s\u00f6z etmektedir. Farkl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde, Lettere del Carcere, p. 160’da, parti, ‘sivil\u2014siyasal toplumdan \u00abd\u00fczenlenmi\u015f toplum\u00bba ge\u00e7i\u015f i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7’ olarak betimlenmektedir, zira bunlar\u0131n \u00fcstesinden gelebil\u00admek i\u00e7in her ikisini de \u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n

(55) Machiavelli, p. 132, Prison Notebooks, p. 263.<\/p>\n

* in se ve per se: Latince olup \u00abkendinde\u00bb ve \u00abkendi i\u00e7in\u00bb anlam\u0131ndad\u0131r. (Ed. N.) <\/p>\n

[**] ED\u0130T\u00d6R\u00dcN NOTU: Gramsci’nin en temel kavramlar\u0131ndan biri olan \u00abmoment\u00bbi, burada tek bir kelimeyle kar\u015f\u0131laman\u0131n uygun olmayaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde oldu\u011fumuzdan T\u00fcrk\u00e7e kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kullanmad\u0131k. Bu kavram etimolojik anlam\u0131ndan hemen daima farkl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bat\u0131da Gramscigil terminolojide de yerle\u015fmi\u015f bir anlam\u0131 hen\u00fcz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 olmazsa T\u00fcrk\u00e7e kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerle\u015fene kadar kavram karga\u015fas\u0131 yaratmamak ve spek\u00fclasyona yol a\u00e7mamak i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evirmedik.<\/p>\n

Moment kelime olarak k\u0131sa s\u00fcre, evre, an, lahza.. vb. anlam\u0131nda olup; Fizikte, \u00abharekete ge\u00e7iren, itme kuvveti, hareketin nedeni\u00bb olarak; Felsefel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede ise; \u00abherhangi bir geli\u015fmenin, maddi de\u011fi\u015fmenin evreleri\u00bb, anlam\u0131nda kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Hegelise bu kavram\u0131 (diyalektik moment) fizikteki anlamlar\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fik kullan\u0131m\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u00ab… bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi kar\u015f\u0131tiyle bize g\u00f6nderen (yans\u0131tan) ve idea’da oldu\u011fu kadar realite’de de geli\u015fmenin a\u015famas\u0131na \u2014u\u011fra\u011f\u0131na\u2014 g\u00f6t\u00fcren kuvvet …\u00bb olarak kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

J. Texier’in makalesinin \u00e7evirmeni Kenan Somer ise momentin T\u00fcrk\u00e7e kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak \u00abu\u011frak\u00bb\u0131 uygun g\u00f6rmekte ve metinde momentin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, u\u011frak kelimesini kullanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[***] Asosyal devlet burada devleti toplumun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ondan ba\u00ad\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir olgu olarak ele alan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi anlatmak i\u00e7in kul\u00adlan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (Ed. N.)<\/p>\n

[****] Kurumlardan burada anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken \u00f6zel toplumsal \u00abyap\u0131\u00bb ya da \u00abd\u00fczenlenme\u00bblerdir.<\/p>\n

[*****] Burada ekonomi ve \u00fcretim tipi olarak belirtilen kavram\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel bir yakla\u015f\u0131m oldu\u011fu, \u00dcretim Tarz\u0131\/\u00dcretim Bi\u00e7imi tar\u00adt\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ile ilgili olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulmal\u0131d\u0131r. (Ed. N.)<\/p>\n

[******] Biti\u015fme, \u0130ngilizce’deki \u00abJunction\u00bb kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\u00adle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. Kav\u015fak, biti\u015fme yeri, birle\u015fme ve hatta ba\u011flanma olarak da kullan\u0131labilmektedir. (Ed. N.)<\/p>\n

\u00c7eviri: Arda \u0130pek<\/p>\n

Kaynak: Bobbio, N. (1982). Gramsci ve Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131. Norberto Bobbio ve Jacques Texier. Gramsci ve Sivil Toplum (S. 1-42)i\u00e7inde. Ankara<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131n\u0131n Tarih-yaz\u0131nsal ve Pratik-Politik Kullan\u0131\u015f\u0131 Gramsci’nin kavramsal sisteminde sivil toplum’un dikkate de\u011fer ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zelli\u011fi, Marx ve Engels’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin geleneksel yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re “bir de\u011fil, fakat iki tersine \u00e7eviri\u015fe yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r: birincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015furken; ikincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n kendi i\u00e7inde, ideolojik momentin kurumsal moment \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n tarihsel yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kavramsal \u015femas\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[162],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-4857","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-antonio-gramsci"},"yoast_head":"\nGramsci ve Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131 (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Norberto Bobbio - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/01\/27\/gramsci-ve-sivil-toplum-kavrami-2bolum-norberto-bobbio\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Gramsci ve Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131 (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Norberto Bobbio\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Sivil Toplum Kavram\u0131n\u0131n Tarih-yaz\u0131nsal ve Pratik-Politik Kullan\u0131\u015f\u0131 Gramsci’nin kavramsal sisteminde sivil toplum’un dikkate de\u011fer ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zelli\u011fi, Marx ve Engels’in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin geleneksel yorumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re “bir de\u011fil, fakat iki tersine \u00e7eviri\u015fe yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r: birincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015furken; ikincisi, \u00fcstyap\u0131n\u0131n kendi i\u00e7inde, ideolojik momentin kurumsal moment \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. 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