{"id":5836,"date":"2011-03-10T14:38:26","date_gmt":"2011-03-10T11:38:26","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/03\/10\/koyluler-savasi-onsoz-friedrich-engels\/"},"modified":"2011-03-10T14:38:26","modified_gmt":"2011-03-10T11:38:26","slug":"koyluler-savasi-onsoz-friedrich-engels","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/03\/10\/koyluler-savasi-onsoz-friedrich-engels\/","title":{"rendered":"K\u00f6yl\u00fcler Sava\u015f\u0131 | \u00d6ns\u00f6z – Friedrich Engels"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u00d6NS\u00d6Z
I
Bu yap\u0131t, daha yeni tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bulunan kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin dolays\u0131z etkisi alt\u0131nda, 1850 yaz\u0131nda Londra’da yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; 1850’de, Hamburg’da, Karl Marks taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen iktisadi ve siyasal bir dergi olan Neue Rheinische Zeitung’un [Yeni RenGazetesi] 5. ve 6. say\u0131lar\u0131nda yay\u0131mland\u0131. Almanya’daki siyasal dostlar\u0131m bu yap\u0131t\u0131n yeniden bas\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyorlar ve ben de onlar\u0131n bu iste\u011fine uyuyorum, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yap\u0131t, ne yaz\u0131k ki, h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fcncel bir de\u011fer ta\u015f\u0131yor.
Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, yeni bir ki\u015fisel belge verme iddias\u0131nda de\u011fil; tersine, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ayaklanmalar\u0131 ve Thomas M\u00fcnzer ile ilgili t\u00fcm gere\u00e7ler, Zimmermann’dan [1] [sayfa 15] en iyi derlemesi olarak kal\u0131r. Zaten Zimmermann da, konusunu \u00e7ok sever. Kitab\u0131n her yan\u0131nda ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f yarar\u0131na kendini g\u00f6steren o devrimci i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc, onu a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-solun Frankfurt’taki en iyi temsilcilerinden biri durumuna getirmi\u015fti. O g\u00fcnden beri, ku\u015fkusuz biraz ya\u015flanm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131.
Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, Zimmermann’\u0131n kitab\u0131nda i\u00e7 ba\u011flant\u0131n\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, onun, zaman\u0131nda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan dinsel ve siyasal sorunlar\u0131, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n yans\u0131s\u0131 olarak sunma ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steremedi\u011fi, bu sava\u015f\u0131mlarda, ezenler ve ezilenlerden, k\u00f6t\u00fcler ve iyilerden, ve en sonunda da k\u00f6t\u00fclerin zaferinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey g\u00f6rmedi\u011fi, sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n patlak vermesini oldu\u011fu gibi sonucunu da belirleyen toplumsal ili\u015fkileri kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n son derece eksik oldu\u011fu her ne kadar do\u011fruysa da, bunun kusuru, bu kitab\u0131n yay\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemdedir. Hatta bu kitab\u0131n, zaman\u0131 i\u00e7in, hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i oldu\u011fu, ve idealist Alman tarihcilerinin yap\u0131tlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, \u00f6v\u00fclmeye de\u011fer bir istisna olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bile s\u00f6ylenebilir.
Benim a\u00e7\u0131klamam, sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n tarihsel ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ancak kal\u0131n \u00e7izgileri i\u00e7inde \u015f\u00f6yle bir \u00e7izerek, K\u00f6yl\u00fcler Sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6kenini, bu sava\u015fa kat\u0131lan \u00e7e\u015fitli partiler taraf\u0131ndan al\u0131nan konumlar\u0131, bu partilerin davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamak i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurduklar\u0131 siyasal ve dinsel teorileri, ve son olarak sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n sonucunu, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n zorunlu sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, ben, Almanya’n\u0131n siyasal d\u00fczeninin, bu d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmalar\u0131n, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n siyasal ve dinsel teorilerinin, tar\u0131m, sanayi, ula\u015ft\u0131rma yollar\u0131, emtia ve para ticaretinin bu \u00fclkede eri\u015fmi\u015f bulunduklar\u0131 geli\u015fme derecesinin nedenleri de\u011fil, ama sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Tarihin tek materyalist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olan bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, benden de\u011fil, Marks’tan gelir; bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, onun 1848-49 Frans\u0131z devrimi \u00fczerine, yukarda ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en dergide yay\u0131mlanan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda, ve Louis Bonaparte’\u0131n 18 Brumaire’i adl\u0131 yap\u0131t\u0131nda bulunur.
1525 Alman devrimi ile 1848-49 Alman devrimi aras\u0131ndaki [sayfa 16] benzerlik, benim bu yap\u0131t\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131m s\u0131ralarda, g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7mayacak kadar a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bununla birlikte, olaylar\u0131n genel ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n, orada [1525’te, -\u00e7.] oldu\u011fu gibi burada da [1848-49’da da, -\u00e7.], \u00e7e\u015fitli yerel ayaklanmalar\u0131n, birbiri ard\u0131na, bir tek ve ayn\u0131 prensler ordusu taraf\u0131ndan ezilmesi sonucunu veren benze\u015fmesi yan\u0131nda, her iki durumda da, kent burjuvazisinin davran\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki, bazan g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7l\u00fc\u011fe kadar varan benzeyi\u015f yan\u0131nda, son derece a\u00e7\u0131k ve se\u00e7ik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar da var:
“1525 devriminden kim yararland\u0131? Prensler. 1848 devriminden kim yararland\u0131? B\u00fcy\u00fck H\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar, Avusturya ve Prusya. 1525’in k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck prenslerinin arkas\u0131nda, onlara vergi \u00f6demekle ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar vard\u0131; 1850’nin b\u00fcy\u00fck prenslerinin ard\u0131nda, Avusturya ve Prusya’n\u0131n ard\u0131nda ise, devlet borcu arac\u0131yla bunlar\u0131 \u00e7ar\u00e7abuk kendilerine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lan modern b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvalar var. Ve b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvalar\u0131n arkas\u0131nda da, proleterler.
Bu t\u00fcmcede, Alman b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazisinin gere\u011finden \u00e7ok \u00f6v\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6ylemek zorunda kalmaktan \u00fczg\u00fcn\u00fcm. Alman b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazisi, Prusya’da oldu\u011fu gibi, Avusturya’da da, “devlet borcu arac\u0131yla krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 “\u00e7ar\u00e7abuk kendine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lma f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 buldu; ama bu f\u0131rsattan hi\u00e7bir zaman, hi\u00e7bir yerde yararlanamad\u0131.
1866 sava\u015f\u0131ndan sonra, Avusturya, g\u00f6ksel bir ba\u011f\u0131\u015f gibi, burjuvazinin eline d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr; ama bu burjuvazi egemen olmas\u0131n\u0131 bilmez, hangi konuda olursa olsun g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz ve yeteneksizdir. O sadece bir \u015fey bilir. Emek\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131, bunlar k\u0131m\u0131ldar k\u0131m\u0131ldamaz, sert davranmak. Sadece Macarlar’\u0131n buna gereksinmeleri oldu\u011fu i\u00e7indir ki, d\u00fcmeni elinde tutar.
Ya Prusya’da? Ger\u00e7i devlet borcu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcz bir bi\u00e7imde artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, b\u00fct\u00e7e s\u00fcrekli olarak a\u00e7\u0131k verir, kamu harcamalar\u0131 her y\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fcr, burjuvalar Mecliste \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fa sahiptir, onlar olmadan ne vergiler art\u0131r\u0131labilir, ne de yeni bor\u00e7lanmalara gidilebilir ama nerde burjuvalar\u0131n devlet \u00fczerindeki iktidarlar\u0131? Daha birka\u00e7 ay \u00f6nce, b\u00fct\u00e7e yeniden a\u00e7\u0131k verdi\u011fi [sayfa 17] zaman, son derece uygun bir konumlar\u0131 vard\u0131. Sadece az\u0131c\u0131k bir direngenlikle, bir\u00e7ok \u00f6d\u00fcn kopartabilirlerdi. Ama ne yap\u0131yorlar? H\u00fck\u00fcmetin, ayaklar\u0131n\u0131n dibine, ve sadece bu y\u0131l de\u011fil, ama gelecekteki her y\u0131l i\u00e7in de, 9 milyon koymalar\u0131na izin verme tenezz\u00fcl\u00fcnde bulunmas\u0131n\u0131, yeterli bir \u00f6d\u00fcn say\u0131yorlar.
Meclisin bu zavall\u0131 “ulusal-liberallerini, hak ettiklerinden \u00e7ok k\u0131namak istemem. Bunlar\u0131n, arkalar\u0131nda bulunan kimseler taraf\u0131ndan, burjuvazi y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcz\u00fcst\u00fc b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 biliyorum; burjuvazi y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 egemen olmak istemiyor: 1848’in an\u0131s\u0131 hen\u00fcz onda \u00e7ok canl\u0131.
Alman burjuvazisinin neden bu kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck bir korkakl\u0131k g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini daha ilerde g\u00f6sterece\u011fiz.
Kald\u0131 ki, yukarda aktar\u0131lan t\u00fcmce, dipten doru\u011fa do\u011frulanm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. 1850’den bu yana, art\u0131k Prusya ya da Avusturya’n\u0131n \u00e7evirdi\u011fi dolaplara alet olmaktan ba\u015fka bir i\u015fe yaramayan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletlerin, gitgide daha belirgin bir bi\u00e7imde arka plana ge\u00e7tiklerini; Avusturya ile Prusya aras\u0131nda, sonunda, Avusturya’n\u0131n kendi eyaletlerini elde tuttu\u011fu, Prusya’n\u0131n, dolays\u0131z ya da dolayl\u0131 olarak, t\u00fcm kuzeyi kendine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, oysa \u00fc\u00e7 G\u00fcney-Do\u011fu devletinin \u015fimdilik ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f bulundu\u011fu 1866 metazori \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne ba\u011flanan, durmadan daha \u015fanl\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n birbirlerini izlediklerini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. [2]
B\u00fct\u00fcn bu b\u00fcy\u00fck devlet olaylar\u0131n\u0131n, Alman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sadece \u015fu \u00f6nemi var.
Birinci olarak, genel oy hakk\u0131 sayesinde, i\u015f\u00e7iler, yasama Meclisinde, kendilerini do\u011frudan do\u011fruya temsil ettirme olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elde etmi\u015flerdir.
\u0130kinci olarak, Prusya, tanr\u0131sal hukukun \u00fc\u00e7 \u00f6b\u00fcr tac\u0131n\u0131 el\u00e7abuklu\u011fu ile yokederek ilk iyi \u00f6rne\u011fi vermi\u015ftir. [3] Art\u0131k ulusal-liberaller bile, bu i\u015ften sonra, \u00fclkelerinin, bir zamanlar inand\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, tanr\u0131sal hukukun ayn\u0131 lekesiz tac\u0131na h\u00e2l\u00e2 sahip bulundu\u011funa inanm\u0131yorlar. [sayfa 18]
\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, art\u0131k Almanya’da, devrimin ancak bir tek ciddi d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 var: Prusya h\u00fck\u00fcmeti.
Ve d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak da, Avusturyal\u0131-Almanlar, son bir kez olarak, kendilerine, ne olmak istediklerini: Alman m\u0131, Avusturyal\u0131 m\u0131 olmak istediklerini; daha \u00e7ok neye ba\u011fland\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131: Almanya’ya m\u0131, yoksa Leitha-\u00f6tesi eklentilerine mi ba\u011flandiklar\u0131n\u0131 sormal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Bir se\u00e7im yapmaya karar verme zorunda olduklar\u0131 uzun s\u00fcreden beri a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, ama k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva demokrasisi bunu hep gizledi.
1866 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n, o zamandan beri bir yandan “ulusal-liberaller ile \u00f6te yandan “halk\u00e7\u0131lar aras\u0131nda b\u0131kk\u0131nl\u0131k getirinceye kadar tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan \u00f6b\u00fcr \u00f6nemli anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131na gelince, daha sonraki y\u0131llar\u0131n tarihi, bu iki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn, asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131t kutuplar\u0131 olduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, birbirleri ile o kadar zorlu bir bi\u00e7imde sava\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131tlayacakt\u0131r.
1866 y\u0131l\u0131, Almanya’daki toplumsal ili\u015fkilerde hemen hi\u00e7bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik yapmadi. Hepsi de b\u00fcrokratik s\u0131n\u0131rlara uyarlanm\u0131\u015f, a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k ve uzunluk \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclerinin tekle\u015ftirilmesi, gidip-gelme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, meslek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc vb. gibi birka\u00e7 burjuva reformu, \u00f6b\u00fcr bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkeleri burjuvalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan, uzun zamandan beri elde edilen \u015feylerin d\u00fczeyine bile eri\u015fmez, ve ba\u015fl\u0131ca afeti, yani b\u00fcrokratik yetkiler sistemini oldu\u011fu gibi b\u0131rak\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki, proletarya i\u00e7in, gidip-gelme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerindeki, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki, pasaportlar\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 vb. \u00fczerindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn bu yasalar, g\u00fcnl\u00fck polis uygulamalar\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden tamamen d\u00fc\u015fsel bir duruma getirilmi\u015flerdir.
1866 devlet olaylar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nemli olan \u015fey, Almanya’da, sanayi ve ticaretin, denizyollar\u0131, telgraf ve buharl\u0131 transatlantik denizcili\u011finin, 1848’den sonraki geli\u015fmesidir. Bu ilerlemeler, ayn\u0131 zaman par\u00e7as\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u0130ngiltere’de ve hatta Fransa’da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ilerlemeler yan\u0131nda ne kadar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck kal\u0131rlarsa kals\u0131nlar, gene de Almanya i\u00e7in g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f ilerlemelerdir, ve ona, bu yirmi y\u0131l boyunca, ba\u015fka [sayfa 19] bir d\u00f6nemdeki y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n verdi\u011finden \u00e7ok daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015flerdir. Almanya, d\u00fcnya ticareti i\u00e7ine, ger\u00e7ekten ve geri d\u00f6n\u00fclmez bir bi\u00e7imde, ancak \u015fimdi s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmi\u015f bulunuyor. Sanayicilerin sermayeleri h\u0131zla birikmi\u015f, ve bunun sonucu, burjuvazinin toplumsal \u00f6nemi artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u0131nai g\u00f6nencin (refah\u0131n) en sa\u011flam belirtisi, spek\u00fclasyon, bol bol \u00e7i\u00e7ek a\u00e7makta, ve kontlar ve d\u00fckler, onun zafer arabas\u0131na zincirlenmi\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131rlar. Alman sermayesi yolu a\u00e7\u0131k olsun! \u015fimdi Rus ve Rumen demiryollar\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131yor, oysa daha bundan ancak 15 y\u0131l \u00f6nce, Alman demiryollar\u0131, \u0130ngiliz giri\u015fimcilerinin deste\u011fini dileniyordu. Peki ama burjuvazi nas\u0131l oldu da siyasal egemenli\u011fi de eline ge\u00e7irmedi, nas\u0131l oldu da h\u00fck\u00fcmet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bu kadar korkak\u00e7a davrand\u0131?
Alman burjuvazisinin, g\u00f6zde Cermen davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde bulunan, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7 kalmak gibi bir bahts\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 var. G\u00f6nenci, \u00f6b\u00fcr bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkeleri burjuvazisinin siyasal bak\u0131mdan \u00e7\u00f6kme\u011fe y\u00fcz tuttu\u011fu bir d\u00f6nem ile d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmde\u015f. \u0130ngiltere’de, burjuvazi, kendi \u00f6z temsilcisi olan Bright’\u0131, sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan t\u00fcm burjuva egemenli\u011fine zorunlu olarak son verecek bir olay pahas\u0131na, se\u00e7im hakk\u0131nda bir geni\u015fleme pahas\u0131na, h\u00fck\u00fcmete sokabildi. S\u0131n\u0131f olarak, cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminde, 1849 ve 1850’de, sadece iki y\u0131l egemen olabildi\u011fi Fransa’da, burjuvazi, toplumsal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ancak siyasal egemenli\u011fini Louis Bonaparte ile ordunun ellerine vererek uzatabildi. Ve, Avrupa’n\u0131n en ileri \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fclkesi aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etki son derece artm\u0131\u015f bulundu\u011fu i\u00e7in, bug\u00fcn, burjuvazinin, siyasal iktidar\u0131n\u0131, bu iktidar \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa’da daha \u015fimdiden yitirilmi\u015f bir duruma gelmi\u015fken, Almanya’da rahat rahat kurabilmesi, art\u0131k olanakl\u0131 de\u011fildir.
Burjuvaziyi, daha \u00f6nce egemen olmu\u015f t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131flardan ay\u0131rdeden \u00f6zellik \u015fudur ki, bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n geli\u015fmesinde, t\u00fcm, egemenlik ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6yleyse, en ba\u015fta, sermayelerinin t\u00fcm art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n, onu siyasal egemenli\u011fe gitgide daha elveri\u015fsiz bir duruma getirmekten ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 vermeyen bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm [sayfa 20] noktas\u0131 vard\u0131r. “B\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvalar\u0131n arkas\u0131nda da, proleterler var.” Burjuvazi, sanayiini, ticaretini, ve ula\u015ft\u0131rma ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, proletaryay\u0131 do\u011furur. Ve, her yerde mutlaka ayn\u0131 olamayan ve mutlaka ayn\u0131 geli\u015fme derecesine eri\u015fmesi gerekmeyen belli bir anda, astar\u0131n\u0131n, proletaryan\u0131n, kendisini h\u0131zla a\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 farketmeye ba\u015flar. Bu andan itibaren, siyasal egemenli\u011fini tek ba\u015f\u0131na s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yitirir; ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re, iktidar\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da tamamen kendilerine b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar arar.
Almanya’da, bu d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131na, burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan, daha 1848’de er\u015filmi\u015fti. Ve i\u015fte o anda, Alman burjuvazisi, Alman proletaryas\u0131ndan \u00e7ok, Frans\u0131z proletaryas\u0131ndan korkuya kap\u0131ld\u0131. Paris’teki 1848 Haziran \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, kendisini neyin bekledi\u011fini ona g\u00f6sterdiler. Alman proletaryas\u0131, ayn\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcn i\u00e7in tohumun Almanya’da da ekildi\u011fini, ona tan\u0131tlayacak bir kayna\u015fma i\u00e7indeydi; ve o g\u00fcnden sonra da, burjuvazinin siyasal eylemindeki sivrilik k\u00f6reldi. Ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar arad\u0131, kendini onlara yok pahas\u0131na satt\u0131 ve, bug\u00fcn, tek ad\u0131m ilerlemi\u015f de\u011fil.
Bu ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar\u0131n hepsi de gerici niteliktedir: ordusu ve b\u00fcrokrasisi ile birlikte krall\u0131k, b\u00fcy\u00fck feodal soyluluk, \u00f6nemsiz k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck toprak a\u011falar\u0131, ve hatta papaz s\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc. Burjuvazi, salt o de\u011ferli postunu kurtarmak i\u00e7in, art\u0131k kendine madrabazl\u0131k edecek hi\u00e7 bir \u015fey kalmayana dek, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu kalabal\u0131k ile uyu\u015ftu ve birle\u015fti. Ve proletarya ne kadar geli\u015fiyor, ne kadar kendi s\u0131n\u0131f niteli\u011fini sezmeye, kendi s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci ile davranmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yorsa, burjuvazi de o kadar korkak bir duruma geliyordu. Prusyal\u0131lar\u0131n son derece k\u00f6t\u00fc stratejisi, Sadova’da, Avusturyal\u0131lar\u0131n daha da k\u00f6t\u00fc stratejisini yendi\u011fi zaman, asl\u0131nda Sadova’da kendisi de yenilmi\u015f bulunan Prusya burjuvasinin mi, yoksa Avusturya burjuvasinin mi daha rahat ve daha sevin\u00e7li bir soluk ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek, \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fc.
Bizim b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvalar\u0131m\u0131z, 1870’te, tastamam orta [sayfa 21] burjuvalar\u0131n 1525’te davrand\u0131klar\u0131 gibi davran\u0131yorlar. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalara, zanaat\u00e7\u0131lara ve d\u00fckkanc\u0131lara gelince, onlar da hep ayn\u0131 kalacaklard\u0131r. Onlar b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi kat\u0131na y\u00fckselmeyi umar, proletarya i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015fmekten korkarlar. Korku ile umut aras\u0131nda, sava\u015f\u0131m s\u0131ras\u0131nda postlar\u0131n\u0131 kurtaracak, ve sonra da kazananla birle\u015feceklerdir; onlar\u0131n \u00f6zelli\u011fi budur.
Proletaryan\u0131n siyasal ve toplumsal eylemi, 1848’den bu yana, sanayideki geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyini izlemi\u015ftir. Alman i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, bug\u00fcn, sendikalar\u0131, kooperatifleri, siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fct ve birlikleri i\u00e7inde, se\u00e7imlerde ve s\u00f6z\u00fcmona Reichstag’da oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol, Almanya’n\u0131n, \u015fu son yirmi y\u0131lda, fark\u0131na varmadan, nas\u0131l bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. Hen\u00fcz ne Frans\u0131zlar, ne de \u0130ngilizler bu i\u015fi ba\u015faramam\u0131\u015fken, Parlamentoya i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve i\u015f\u00e7i temsilcilerini g\u00f6ndermeyi ba\u015farmak, Alman i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, sadece onlar\u0131n, en b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6v\u00fcncesidir.
Ama, 1525 y\u0131l\u0131 ile olan benzerlikten, hen\u00fcz proletarya da kurtulmaz. Sadece ve t\u00fcm ya\u015fam\u0131 boyunca \u00fccrete indirgenmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f, hen\u00fcz Alman halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturmaktan \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131r. \u00d6yleyse o da ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar arama zorundad\u0131r. Ve bu ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar da, ancak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar, kentler lumpen- proletaryas\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ve tar\u0131m g\u00fcndelik\u00e7ileri aras\u0131nda bulunabilirler.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvalar’dan daha \u00f6nce s\u00f6zettik. Onlara ancak zaferden sonra g\u00fcvenilebilir, ve o zaman da, “meyhanede, kulaklar\u0131 patlatan zafer \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131klar\u0131 atarlar. Gene de, onlar aras\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7ilere kendiliklerinden kat\u0131lan \u00e7ok iyi \u00f6\u011feler vard\u0131r.
Lumpen-proletarya, bu karargah\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde kurmu\u015f, b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131flardan gelen en bozulmu\u015f bireyler tortusu, olanakl\u0131 t\u00fcm ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar i\u00e7inde, en k\u00f6t\u00fc olan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ayaktak\u0131m\u0131, tamamen sat\u0131l\u0131k ve k\u00fcstaht\u0131r. Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ileri, devrimler s\u0131ras\u0131nda, evlerin duvar\u0131na: “H\u0131rs\u0131zlara \u00f6l\u00fcm! yaftas\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131, ve hatta bunlardan bir\u00e7o\u011funu kur\u015funa [sayfa 22] dizdikleri zaman, bu i\u015fi, kuskusuz, m\u00fclkiyet a\u015fklar\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil, ama her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, bu g\u00fcruhtan kurtulman\u0131n gerekti\u011fi bilinci ile yapt\u0131lar. Bu serserileri savunucu olarak kullanan, ya da bunlara dayanan her i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6nderi, sadece harekete ihanet etti\u011fini kan\u0131tlar.
K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fckleri burjuvaziye kat\u0131l\u0131r \u00e7e\u015fitli t\u00fcrlere ayr\u0131l\u0131rlar.
Bunlar ya soylu efendileri i\u00e7in h\u00e2l\u00e2 angarya i\u015fler g\u00f6ren feodal k\u00f6yl\u00fcler’dir.\u00a0 Burjuvazi bu insanlar\u0131 serflikten kurtarma g\u00f6revini yerine getiremedikten sonra, bunlar\u0131, kurtulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131k sadece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan bekleyebileceklerine inand\u0131rmak g\u00fc\u00e7 olmayacakt\u0131r.
Ya da ortak\u00e7\u0131-kirac\u0131lar (m\u00e9tayers). Bu durumda, genel olarak \u0130rlanda’daki ili\u015fkilerin t\u0131pk\u0131s\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fcktedir. Toprak kiras\u0131 o kadar y\u00fcksektir ki, \u00fcr\u00fcn \u015f\u00f6yle b\u00f6yle oldu\u011fu zaman, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve ailesi ancak ge\u00e7inebilirler, ve k\u00f6t\u00fc oldu\u011fu zaman, a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6lecek hale gelirler, kirac\u0131 kiray\u0131 \u00f6deyebilecek bir durumda de\u011fildir ve tamamen toprak sahibinin ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fer ve onun insaf\u0131na kal\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcrl\u00fc insanlar i\u00e7in, burjuvazi ancak buna zorunlu kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman bir \u015fey yapar. \u00d6yleyse bunlar kurtulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerden ba\u015fka kimden bekleyebilirler?
Geriye, kendi toprak par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleyen k\u00f6yl\u00fcler kal\u0131r. Bunlar, \u00e7o\u011fu kez, ipoteklerden \u00f6ylesine bunalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r ki, ortak\u00e7\u0131-kirac\u0131, toprak sahibine ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ise, bunlar da tefeciye o \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131d\u0131rlar. Bunlara da o sefil, ve iyi ya da k\u00f6t\u00fc hasada ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, karars\u0131z \u00fccretlerinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey kalmaz. Bunlar, burjuvaziden, her ne olursa olsun, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6b\u00fcr kategorilerden daha da az bir \u015fey bekleyebilirler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuvan\u0131n, tefeci kapitalistin en \u00e7ok ezdi\u011fi bunlar\u0131n ta kendisidir. Bununla birlikte, topraklar\u0131 asl\u0131nda kendilerine de\u011fil, ama tefeciye ait olsa da, bunlar, \u00e7o\u011fu kez topraklar\u0131na \u00e7ok ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Gene de bunlar, ancak halka ba\u011fl\u0131 bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet, t\u00fcm ipotek bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 bir tek devlet borcuna [sayfa 23] d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrece\u011fi, ve b\u00f6ylece faiz oran\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrece\u011fi zaman, tefeciden kurtar\u0131labileceklerine inand\u0131r\u0131labilirler. Ve bu i\u015fi de, sadece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilir.
B\u00fcy\u00fck ve orta toprak m\u00fclkiyetinin egemen oldu\u011fu her yerde, \u00fccretli tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri, k\u0131rlardaki en kalabal\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olu\u015ftururlar. T\u00fcm Kuzey ve Do\u011fu Almanya’da bu b\u00f6yledir, ve kent sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri, en kalabal\u0131k do\u011fal ba\u011fla\u015f\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131, i\u015fte bu s\u0131n\u0131fta bulurlar. B\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahibi ya da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7iftlik kirac\u0131s\u0131 ile tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7isi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler, kapitalist ile sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin t\u0131pk\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Birine yard\u0131mc\u0131 olan \u00f6nlemler, \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fcne de yard\u0131mc\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri, ancak ve ancak, burjuvalar\u0131n sermayesini, yani \u00fcretim i\u00e7in zorunlu hammaddeleri, makine ve aletleri, yiyecekleri, toplumun m\u00fclk\u00fc, yani kendileri taraf\u0131ndan ortakla\u015fa kullan\u0131lan kendi m\u00fclkleri durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek, kurtulabilirler. Bunun gibi, tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri de, korkun\u00e7 sefaletlerinden, ancak ve ancak, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, e\u011fer ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma nesneleri olan toprak, b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ile daha da b\u00fcy\u00fck feodal beylerin \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetinden al\u0131n\u0131p, toplumsal m\u00fclk durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr ve tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri kooperatifleri taraf\u0131ndan kendi ortak hesaplar\u0131na i\u015flenirse, kurtulabileceklerdir. Ve burada, uluslararasi B\u00e2le i\u015f\u00e7i kongresinin, [4] \u0130ngiltere’den sonra \u00f6zellikle bu \u00fclke i\u00e7in uygun idi. K\u0131r proletaryas\u0131, tar\u0131msal \u00fccretliler, h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar ordular\u0131n\u0131n, b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, kendisinden kurulduklar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olu\u015ftururlar. Bu s\u0131n\u0131f, genel oy hakk\u0131 gere\u011fince, \u015fimdi parlamentoya, o feodaller ve toprak a\u011falar\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc yollayan s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, kent sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerine en yak\u0131n [sayfa 24] olan, onlarla ayn\u0131 ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015fan, onlar\u0131nkinden bile derin bir sefalet i\u00e7inde bulunan s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r da. Ufalanm\u0131\u015f ve da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, bu s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczd\u00fcr; ama h\u00fck\u00fcmet ve aristokrasi onun gizli g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc o kadar iyi bilirler ki, bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bilgisiz kalmas\u0131 i\u00e7in, okullar\u0131 kasten durgunluk i\u00e7inde b\u0131rak\u0131rlar. Alman i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin en ivedi g\u00f6revi, bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 canland\u0131rmak, ve onu kendi izinde s\u00fcr\u00fcklemektir. Tar\u0131m i\u015f\u00e7ileri y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n kendi \u00f6z \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kavrayaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn, Almanya’da gerici, feodal, b\u00fcrokratik ya da burjuva bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet olanaks\u0131z olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

II<\/p>\n

Yukardaki sat\u0131rlar, bundan d\u00f6rt y\u0131ldan \u00e7ok bir zaman \u00f6nce yaz\u0131ld\u0131; ama bug\u00fcn de t\u00fcm de\u011ferlerini koruyorlar. Sadova ve Almanya’n\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesinden sonra do\u011fru olan \u015fey, Sedan ve Kutsal Alman Prusya imparatorlu\u011funun [5] kurulmas\u0131ndan sonra da do\u011frulanm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. S\u00f6z\u00fcmona b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasetin “d\u00fcnyay\u0131 sarsan olaylar\u0131n\u0131n, tarihsel hareketin y\u00f6n\u00fc \u00fczerinde yapabildikleri de\u011fi\u015fiklikler o kadar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ki!
Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, bu dramatik olaylar\u0131n yapabildikleri \u015fey, bu hareketin h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmak olmu\u015ftur. Ve, bu bak\u0131mdan, yukardaki “d\u00fcnyay\u0131 sarsan olaylar\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131, istemeyerek, herhalde hi\u00e7 de dilemedikleri, ama, ister istemez katlanmak zorunda kald\u0131klar\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131lar hazanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.
1866 sava\u015f\u0131, eski Prusya’y\u0131, daha o zamandan, en derin temellerine kadar sarsm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1848’den sonra, bat\u0131 eyaletlerinin ba\u015fkald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f burjuva oldu\u011fu kadar proleter sanayi \u00f6\u011felerini eski disiplin alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekildi; ama ba\u015far\u0131ld\u0131, ve, do\u011fu eyaletleri toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ile ordunun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, devlet i\u00e7inde, yeni ba\u015ftan egemen oldu.
1866’da, hemen t\u00fcm Kuzey-Bat\u0131 Almanya, Prusyal\u0131 oldu. Tanr\u0131sal hukuka dayanan Prusya tac\u0131n\u0131n, gene tanr\u0131sal [sayfa 25] hukuka dayanan \u00f6b\u00fcr \u00fc\u00e7 tac\u0131 oburca yutarak kendi kendine verdi\u011fi onar\u0131lmaz tinsel zarar bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa, krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k merkezi o zaman \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Bat\u0131ya kayd\u0131. Be\u015f milyon Renanyal\u0131 ve Vestefalyal\u0131, Kuzey Almanya Konfederasyonununun ilhak etti\u011fi Almanlar\u0131n \u00f6nce d\u00f6rt milyonu taraf\u0131ndan do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, sonra da alt\u0131 milyonu taraf\u0131ndan dolayl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde, g\u00fc\u00e7lendirildi. Ve, 1870’te, bunlara sekiz milyon G\u00fcney-Bat\u0131l\u0131 Alman daha eklendi, \u00f6yle ki, bundan b\u00f6yle, “yeni imparatorluk i\u00e7inde, (aralar\u0131nda, ayr\u0131ca, 2 milyon da Polonyal\u0131 bulunan Elbe’nin do\u011fusundaki alt\u0131 eyaletin) 14,5 milyon eski Prusyal\u0131s\u0131 ile, toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n Prusya t\u00fcr\u00fc kat\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f feodalizminden uzun zamandan beri kurtulmu\u015f 25 milyon, kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmi\u015f bulunuyorlard\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, Prusya devlet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm temellerini sarsan \u015fey, Prusya ordusunun zaferlerinin ta kendisidir; toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131n egemenli\u011fi, h\u00fck\u00fcmet i\u00e7in bile gitgide \u00e7ekilmez bir duruma geldi. Ama, ayn\u0131 zamanda, son derece h\u0131zl\u0131 s\u0131nai geli\u015fme, toprak a\u011falar\u0131 ile burjuvalar aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n yerine, burjuvalar ile i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ge\u00e7irmi\u015fti, \u00f6yle ki, eski devletin toplumsal temelleri i\u00e7erde de tam bir alt\u00fcst olu\u015fa u\u011frad\u0131. 1840’tan sonra yava\u015f yava\u015f da\u011f\u0131lan krall\u0131\u011f\u0131n temel varl\u0131k ko\u015fulu, soyluluk ile burjuvazi aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015f\u0131md\u0131, krall\u0131k bu sava\u015f\u0131m i\u00e7inde dengeyi sa\u011fl\u0131yordu; art\u0131k soylulu\u011fu burjuvazinin bask\u0131s\u0131na de\u011fil, ama t\u00fcm varl\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 koruman\u0131n \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 andan itibaren, eski salt krall\u0131k, \u00f6zel olarak bu erekle haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f devlet bi\u00e7imi olan bonapart\u00e7\u0131 krall\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme zorunda kald\u0131. Prusya’n\u0131n bu bonapart\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ge\u00e7i\u015fini bir ba\u015fka yerde (Konut Sorunu, 2. fasik\u00fcl, s. 26 vd.) \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmledim. [6] Orada belirtmedi\u011fim, ama burada son derece \u00f6nemli olan \u015fey \u015fudur ki, bu ge\u00e7i\u015f, Prusya’n\u0131n, 1848’den sonra ileriye do\u011fru att\u0131\u011f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck ad\u0131m olmu\u015ftur Prusya, modern geli\u015fmenin bu derecede gerisinde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Prusya hen\u00fcz yar\u0131-feodal bir devletti; oysa bonapart\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, ne olursa olsun, feodalizmin [sayfa 26] ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na dayanan modern bir devlet bi\u00e7imidir. \u00d6yleyse, Prusya, bir \u00e7ok feodalite kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fini bitirmeye, toprak a\u011falar\u0131n\u0131, toprak a\u011falar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6zden \u00e7\u0131karmaya karar vermelidir. Elbette, bu i\u015f, en hafifletilmi\u015f bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda, ve: “Eri\u015fir menzili maksuduna aheste giden atas\u00f6z\u00fcne g\u00f6re olur. \u00d6rne\u011fin, o \u00fcnl\u00fc b\u00f6lgeler \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinde b\u00f6yle oldu. Toprak a\u011fas\u0131n\u0131n, kendi topra\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerindeki feodal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131 kad\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, ama bu i\u015f, bu ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn, t\u00fcm b\u00f6lge \u00fczerindeki ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131 olarak yeniden y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe koymak i\u00e7in yap\u0131l\u0131r. Ayr\u0131cal\u0131k, ayr\u0131cal\u0131k olarak kal\u0131r, sadece feodal leh\u00e7eden burjuva a\u011fz\u0131na ge\u00e7irilir. Kat\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f Prusyal\u0131 tipi toprak a\u011fas\u0131, zorla, \u0130ngiliz Squire’\u0131na benzer bir \u015fey durumuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr: ve \u00f6yle kar\u015f\u0131 gelmeye de pek bir gereksinme duyulmad\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc biri ne kadar budala ise, \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fc de o kadar budalad\u0131r.
Demek ki, Prusya’n\u0131n tuhaf yazg\u0131s\u0131, onun 1808-1813’te ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, ve 1848’de de az biraz s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f bulundu\u011fu burjuva devrimini, bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonuna do\u011fru, g\u00f6n\u00fcl a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 bonapart\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bi\u00e7imi alt\u0131nda tamamlamas\u0131n\u0131 istedi. Ve her \u015fey iyi gider, e\u011fer d\u00fcnya uslu uslu oldu\u011fu yerde kal\u0131r, ve e\u011fer hepimiz uzun y\u0131llar ya\u015farsak, belki de, 1900’de, Prusya h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin t\u00fcm feodal kurumlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ve en sonunda. Prusya’n\u0131n, Fransa’n\u0131n, 1792’de bulundu\u011fu noktaya vard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rebiliriz.
Feodalizmin kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131, e\u011fer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncemizi olumlu bir bi\u00e7imde s\u00f6ylemek istersek, burjuva d\u00fczeninin kurulu\u015fu anlam\u0131na gelir. Aristokratik ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kalkt\u0131k\u00e7a, mevzuat burjuva bir nitelik kazan\u0131r. Ve burada, Alman burjuvazisi ile h\u00fck\u00fcmet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin tam da \u00fcst\u00fcne bas\u0131yoruz. H\u00fck\u00fcmetin bu a\u011f\u0131r-aksak ve ufak tefek reformlar\u0131 yapma zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck. Ama o, burjuvaziye, bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6d\u00fcnlerden herbirini, burjuvalara yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6zveri[sayfa 27] olarak g\u00f6sterdi. Ve burjuvalar da, bu i\u015fin i\u00e7y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc \u00e7ok iyi bildikleri halde, yutturmacay\u0131 kabul ettiler. Berlin’de, Reichstag ve meclisteki t\u00fcm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n temelinde yatan o sessiz uzla\u015fman\u0131n nedeni budur: Bir yandan, h\u00fck\u00fcmet, salyangoz gidi\u015fi ile, yasalar\u0131 burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde de\u011fi\u015ftirir; sanayiin geli\u015fmesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na, feodalite ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletlerin partik\u00fclarizmi taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan engelleri yok eder; para, a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k ve uzunluk \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclerinin birli\u011fini sa\u011flar; meslek ve dola\u015f\u0131m \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirerek, Almanya’n\u0131n i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, tam ve s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde sermayenin emrine verir; ticaret ve spek\u00fclasyonu kay\u0131r\u0131r, \u00f6te yandan, burjuvazi t\u00fcm ger\u00e7ek siyasal iktidar\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmete b\u0131rak\u0131r; vergileri ve devlet bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 onaylar; ona asker verir, ve yeni reformlara yasal bir bi\u00e7im vermek i\u00e7in ona yard\u0131m eder, \u00f6yle ki, eski polis iktidar\u0131, g\u00fcvenilmez kimselere kar\u015f\u0131 t\u00fcm g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc korur. Burjuvazi, kerteli toplumsal kurtulu\u015funu, kendi \u00f6z siyasi iktidar\u0131ndan hemen vazge\u00e7me pahas\u0131na sat\u0131n al\u0131r. Elbette, b\u00f6ylesine bir uzla\u015fmay\u0131 burjuvazi i\u00e7in kabul edilebilir bir duruma getiren ba\u015f neden, h\u00fck\u00fcmet korkusu de\u011fil, proletarya korkusudur.
Bizim burjuvazinin siyasal alandaki g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fleri ne kadar i\u00e7ler ac\u0131s\u0131 olursa olsun, s\u0131nai ve tecimsel bak\u0131mdan, \u00f6devini yerine getirdi\u011fi yads\u0131namaz. Sanayi ve ticaretin, bu yap\u0131t\u0131n ikinci bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015finde belirtmi\u015f bulundu\u011fumuz y\u00fckseli\u015fi, o zamandan beri, daha da b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00fc\u00e7le geli\u015fti. Bu bak\u0131mdan, 1869’dan bu yana, Ren-Vestefalya sanayi b\u00f6lgesinde olup bitenler, Almanya i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekten g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f \u015feylerdir, ve bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda \u0130ngiltere fabrika b\u00f6lgelerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclen h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fmeyi an\u0131msat\u0131r. Ve Saksonya ve Yukar\u0131-Silezya’da, Berlin’de, Hanover ve liman kentlerinde de ayn\u0131 \u015fey olacakt\u0131r. En sonunda bir d\u00fcnya ticaretimiz, ger\u00e7ekten b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sanayiimiz, ger\u00e7ekten modern bir burjuvazimiz var; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ger\u00e7ek bir batk\u0131ya (krach) u\u011frad\u0131k, [7] ve ger\u00e7ek, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir proletaryaya da sahip bulunuyoruz. [sayfa 28]
Gelece\u011fin tarih\u00e7isi i\u00e7in, Spickeren, Mars-la-Tour ve Sedan toplar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcrlemesi ve bunlar\u0131n t\u00fcm sonucu, 1869-1874 Almanyas\u0131’n\u0131n tarihinde, Alman proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n iddias\u0131z, dingin, ama kesintisiz geli\u015fmesinden \u00e7ok daha az \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yacakt\u0131r. Daha 1870’te, Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u00e7etin bir s\u0131namadan ge\u00e7tiler: bonapart\u00e7\u0131 sava\u015f k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bunun do\u011fal sonucu: Almanya’daki genel ulusal co\u015fku. Sosyalist Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri bir an bile \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa kap\u0131lmad\u0131lar. En k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir ulusal \u015fovenlik g\u00f6stermediler. En \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131n zafer sarho\u015fluklar\u0131 ortas\u0131nda, \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc kald\u0131lar, “Frans\u0131z Cumhuriyeti ile denksever ve ilhaks\u0131z bir bar\u0131\u015f istediler; ve s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim bile onlar\u0131 susturamad\u0131. Ne sava\u015flar\u0131n \u00f6v\u00fcnc\u00fcnden, ne de “Alman imparatorlu\u011funun g\u00f6zkama\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerindeki gevezeliklerden etkinlendiler; tek erekleri, t\u00fcm Avrupa proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu olarak kald\u0131. Ba\u015fka hi\u00e7 bir \u00fclke i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, \u015fimdiye kadar, bu kadar a\u011f\u0131r, bu kadar parlak bir s\u0131namadan ge\u00e7memi\u015f olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir.
Sava\u015f zaman\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netimini, bar\u0131\u015f zaman\u0131n\u0131n yurt ihaneti, g\u00f6revlilere kar\u015f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r su\u00e7 ve sald\u0131r\u0131 davalar\u0131, sonra da durmadan artan polis s\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 izledi. Volksstaat’\u0131n [8] \u00fc\u00e7 d\u00f6rt yazar\u0131, genel kural olarak, ayn\u0131 zamanda hapiste bulunuyordu, \u00f6b\u00fcr gazetelerde de, orant\u0131l\u0131 olarak, durum bunun t\u0131pk\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. Partinin biraz tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f her s\u00f6zeni (hatip), y\u0131lda en az bir kez, hemen her zaman su\u00e7luluk karar\u0131 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 mahkemeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. S\u00fcrg\u00fcnler, zoral\u0131mlar, toplant\u0131lar\u0131n da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131, dolu gibi ya\u011f\u0131yordu; ama hepsi bo\u015funa. Tutuklanan ya da s\u00fcr\u00fclen her militan\u0131n yeri, bir ba\u015fkas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dolduruluyordu; bozulan her toplant\u0131 yerine, iki ba\u015fka toplant\u0131 isteniyordu; polisin keyfe ba\u011fl\u0131 y\u00f6netimi, dayanma ve yasalara s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya uyma arac\u0131yla hafifletilerek, altedildi. T\u00fcm k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar, g\u00f6zetilen ere\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131t bir sonu\u00e7 verdiler; i\u015f\u00e7i partisini y\u0131kmak ya da sadece boyun e\u011fdirmek \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, bu k\u0131y\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar, tersine, ona durmadan yeni \u00fcyeler kazand\u0131r\u0131p parti \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdiler. Bireysel [sayfa 29] olarak burjuvalara kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi, yetkelere (otoritelere) kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131nda da, i\u015f\u00e7iler, her yerde, kafaca ve ahl\u00e2k\u00e7a onlardan \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcler ve, \u00f6zellikle “i\u015fverenleri ile olan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda, \u015fimdi onlar\u0131n, yani i\u015f\u00e7ilerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc insanlar, oysa kapitalistlerin ise kabasaba kimseler olduklar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131tlad\u0131lar. Ve, bununla birlikte, sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131, davalar\u0131ndan ne kadar emin ve \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerinin ne kadar bilincinde olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steren bir mizah duygusu ile y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Tarihsel olarak haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f bir alan \u00fczerinde, b\u00f6ylesine y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen bir sava\u015f\u0131m, b\u00fcy\u00fck sonu\u00e7lar vermeli. Ocak se\u00e7imlerinde [9] sa\u011flanan ba\u015far\u0131lar, modern i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi tarihinde, bug\u00fcne kadar e\u015fine raslanmayan ba\u015far\u0131lard\u0131r ve t\u00fcm Avrupa’da uyand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131k tamamen yerinde idi.
Alman i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, \u00f6b\u00fcr Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7ilerine g\u00f6re, ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc var. Birincisi, Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri, Avrupa’n\u0131n en teorisyen halk\u0131na mensupturlar; \u00fcstelik, s\u00f6z\u00fcmona “k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc Almanya’da iyiden iyiye yitip gitmi\u015f olan teorik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 korumu\u015flard\u0131r. E\u011fer daha \u00f6nce Alman felsefesi, hele Hegel felsefesi olmasayd\u0131, Alman bilimsel sosyalizmi olmu\u015f olacak tek bilimsel sosyalizm hi\u00e7 bir zaman kurulamazd\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin teorik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 olmasayd\u0131, onlar bu bilimsel sosyalizmi hi\u00e7 bir zaman \u00f6z\u00fcmlemi\u015f olduklar\u0131 derecede \u00f6z\u00fcmleyemezlerdi. Ve bu \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck oldu\u011funu, bir yandan, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc teoriye kar\u015f\u0131, \u00e7e\u015fitli sendikalar\u0131n kusursuz \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131n, \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin pek bir ilerleme g\u00f6stermemesinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedenlerinden biri olan kay\u0131ts\u0131zl\u0131k, ve, \u00f6te yandan da, prudonculuk taraf\u0131ndan, ilk bi\u00e7imi i\u00e7inde Frans\u0131zlar ve Bel\u00e7ikal\u0131larda, sonradan, Bakunin eliyle karikat\u00fcrle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bi\u00e7imi i\u00e7inde, \u0130spanyol ve \u0130talyanlarda yarat\u0131lan anla\u015fmazl\u0131k ve kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k tan\u0131tlar.
\u0130kinci \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck, Almanlar\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine, zaman bak\u0131m\u0131ndan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 en son gelmi\u015f olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 teorik Alman sosyalizminin, doktrinlerinin t\u00fcm fantezi ve [sayfa 30] \u00fctopyalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, b\u00fct\u00fcn zamanlar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kafalar\u0131 aras\u0131nda say\u0131lan ve bug\u00fcn do\u011fruluklar\u0131n\u0131 bilimsel olarak tan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnleri \u00f6ncelemi\u015f bulunan \u00fc\u00e7 adam\u0131n, Saint-Simon, Fourier ve Owen’\u0131n omuzlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fini hi\u00e7 bir zaman unutmayaca\u011f\u0131i gibi, pratik Alman i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi de, \u0130ngiliz ve Frans\u0131z [i\u015f\u00e7i -\u00e7.] hareketinin omuzlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde geli\u015fti\u011fini, onlar\u0131n pahal\u0131ya edinilmi\u015f deneylerinden sadece yararlan\u0131p, \u015fimdi o zaman \u00e7o\u011fu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olan yan\u0131lg\u0131lar\u0131ndan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131labildi\u011fini hi\u00e7 bir zaman unutmamal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ngiliz trade-unionlar\u0131 ile Frans\u0131z siyasal i\u015f\u00e7i sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fi olmasayd\u0131, hele Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan verilen devsel at\u0131l\u0131m olmasayd\u0131, bug\u00fcn hareketin neresinde olurduk?
Alman i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, durumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerinden, az g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir zeyreklikle yararlanmas\u0131n\u0131 bildiklerini kabul etmek gerek. Bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi varolal\u0131 beri, sava\u015f\u0131m, ilk kez olarak, teorik, siyasal ve pratik iktisadi (kapitalistlere kar\u015f\u0131 diren\u00e7) \u00fc\u00e7 y\u00f6n\u00fc i\u00e7inde, uyum, ba\u011flant\u0131, ve y\u00f6ntem ile y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Alman [i\u015f\u00e7i -\u00e7.] hareketinin yenilmez g\u00fcc\u00fc, i\u015fte, deyim yerindeyse, bu tekmerkezli (concentrique) sald\u0131r\u0131dad\u0131r.
Bir yandan, elveri\u015fli konumlar\u0131 nedeniyle, \u00f6te yandan \u0130ngiliz [i\u015f\u00e7i -\u00e7.] hareketinin adasal \u00f6zellikleri ve Frans\u0131z [i\u015f\u00e7i -\u00e7.] hareketinin zorla bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sonucu, Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri, \u015fimdilik proleter sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6n saf\u0131nda yer alm\u0131\u015f bulunuyorlar. Olaylar\u0131n, bu \u015feref yerini ne kadar zaman onlara b\u0131rakaca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nceden s\u00f6ylenemez. Ama, bu yeri tuttuklar\u0131 s\u00fcrece, g\u00f6revlerini, gerekti\u011fi gibi yerine getireceklerdir, bunu ummak gerek… Bunun i\u00e7in, t\u00fcm sava\u015f\u0131m ve ajitasyon alanlar\u0131ndaki \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 bir kat daha art\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131rlar. \u00d6nderlerin \u00f6devi, \u00f6zellikle, b\u00fct\u00fcn teorik sorunlar \u00fczerinde gitgide daha \u00e7ok bilgi edinmek, g\u00fcn\u00fc ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin geleneksel lak\u0131rd\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n etkisinden kendilerini gitgide daha \u00e7ok kurtarmak, ve sosyalizmin bir bilim durumuna geldi\u011finden bu yana, bir bilim olarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmek, yani irdelenmek istedi\u011fini hi\u00e7 mi hi\u00e7 unutmamak olacakt\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re, b\u00f6ylece [sayfa 31] kazan\u0131lan gitgide daha a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri, i\u015f\u00e7i y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda, artan bir \u00e7abayla yaymak, ve parti ve sendikalar \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc gitgide daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak \u00f6nem kazanacakt\u0131r. Ocak ay\u0131nda verilen sosyalist oylar, her ne kadar daha \u015fimdiden olduk\u00e7a g\u00fczel bir orduyu temsil ediyorlarsa da, hen\u00fcz Alman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturmaktan \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131rlar; ve, k\u0131r n\u00fcfusu aras\u0131ndaki propagandan\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 ne kadar y\u00fcreklendirici olursa olsun, \u00f6zellikle bu alanda yap\u0131lacak daha \u00e7ok \u015fey kal\u0131yor. Yani sava\u015fmay\u0131 gev\u015fetmek s\u00f6zkonusu de\u011fil; tersine, bir kent arkas\u0131ndan bir ba\u015fka kenti, bir se\u00e7im \u00e7evresi arkas\u0131ndan bir ba\u015fka se\u00e7im \u00e7evresini d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n elinden s\u00f6k\u00fcp almak gerek; ama, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, hi\u00e7 bir yurtsever \u015fovenlik kabul etmeyen, ve hangi ulustan gelirse gelsin, proleter hareketin her yeni ilerleyi\u015fini sevin\u00e7le selamlayan ger\u00e7ek enternasyonal anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 korumak s\u00f6zkonusu. E\u011fer Alman i\u015f\u00e7ileri b\u00f6yle davranmakta devam ederlerse, hareketin ba\u015f\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fcyeceklerdir demiyorum, sadece herhangi bir ulus i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin hareketin ba\u015f\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fcmeleri, hareketin yarar\u0131na de\u011fildir ama sava\u015f \u00e7izgisi \u00fczerinde \u015ferefli bir yer tutacaklar ve, hesapta olmayan a\u011f\u0131r s\u0131navlar ya da b\u00fcy\u00fck olaylar, onlardan daha \u00e7ok cesaret, daha \u00e7ok karar ve daha \u00e7ok erke istedi\u011fi zaman, pusatlanm\u0131\u015f ve haz\u0131r olacaklard\u0131r. [sayfa 32]<\/p>\n

Londra. 1 Temmuz 1874
FR\u0130EDR\u0130CH ENGELS<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00d6NS\u00d6ZI Bu yap\u0131t, daha yeni tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bulunan kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin dolays\u0131z etkisi alt\u0131nda, 1850 yaz\u0131nda Londra’da yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; 1850’de, Hamburg’da, Karl Marks taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen iktisadi ve siyasal bir dergi olan Neue Rheinische Zeitung’un [Yeni RenGazetesi] 5. ve 6. say\u0131lar\u0131nda yay\u0131mland\u0131. Almanya’daki siyasal dostlar\u0131m bu yap\u0131t\u0131n yeniden bas\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyorlar ve ben de onlar\u0131n bu iste\u011fine uyuyorum, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yap\u0131t, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[181],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-5836","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","category-friedrich-engels-koyluler-savasi"],"yoast_head":"\nK\u00f6yl\u00fcler Sava\u015f\u0131 | \u00d6ns\u00f6z - Friedrich Engels - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/03\/10\/koyluler-savasi-onsoz-friedrich-engels\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"K\u00f6yl\u00fcler Sava\u015f\u0131 | \u00d6ns\u00f6z - Friedrich Engels\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00d6NS\u00d6ZI Bu yap\u0131t, daha yeni tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bulunan kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin dolays\u0131z etkisi alt\u0131nda, 1850 yaz\u0131nda Londra’da yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; 1850’de, Hamburg’da, Karl Marks taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen iktisadi ve siyasal bir dergi olan Neue Rheinische Zeitung’un [Yeni RenGazetesi] 5. ve 6. say\u0131lar\u0131nda yay\u0131mland\u0131. 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