{"id":5845,"date":"2011-03-10T15:35:54","date_gmt":"2011-03-10T12:35:54","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/03\/10\/f-engels-ingilterede-emekci-sinifin-durumu-2bolum\/"},"modified":"2011-03-10T15:35:54","modified_gmt":"2011-03-10T12:35:54","slug":"f-engels-ingilterede-emekci-sinifin-durumu-2bolum","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/03\/10\/f-engels-ingilterede-emekci-sinifin-durumu-2bolum\/","title":{"rendered":"F. Engels: \u0130ngiltere’de Emek\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n Durumu (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm)"},"content":{"rendered":"

[ALMANCA \u0130LK BASKIYA] \u00d6NS\u00d6Z[3]
BU \u00d6NS\u00d6Z\u00dc izleyen kitab\u0131 asl\u0131nda, \u0130ngiltere’nin toplumsal tarihi \u00fczerine yapaca\u011f\u0131m daha geni\u015f bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc olarak yazmaya niyetlenmi\u015ftim.[4] Ancak konunun \u00f6nemi, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131ktan k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra, sorunu ayr\u0131ca ara\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131 gerektirdi.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n durumu, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal hareketlerin ger\u00e7ek temeli ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131d\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki toplumsal yoksullu\u011fun en saklanamaz ve en y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu nokta odur. Frans\u0131z ve Alman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kom\u00fcnizmi, bunun do\u011frudan; Fourier’cilik ve \u0130ngiliz sosyalizmi ise, e\u011fitimli Alman burjuvazisinin kom\u00fcnizmi, dolayl\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcnleridir. Bir yandan sosyalist teorilere, \u00f6te yandan bunlar\u0131n hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin yarg\u0131lara sa\u011flam bir temel sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in, ve yanda\u015f ya da kar\u015f\u0131t duygusal d\u00fc\u015flerle fantezilere bir son vermek (sayfa 23) i\u00e7in, proletaryan\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n bilgisi kesin bir zorunluluktur. Ne var ki, proletaryan\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ko\u015fullar, klasik bi\u00e7imiyle, en m\u00fckemmel durumuyla yaln\u0131zca Britanya \u0130mparatorlu\u011funda, \u00f6zellikle de as\u0131l \u0130ngiltere’de mevcuttur. Ayr\u0131ca, konunun en az ayr\u0131nt\u0131yla bile ortaya konabilmesi i\u00e7in gerek duyulan malzeme, resm\u00ee ara\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan yaln\u0131zca \u0130ngiltere’de derlenmi\u015f ve yaz\u0131ya d\u00f6k\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.
Ben yirmibir ay boyunca, \u0130ngiliz proletaryas\u0131n\u0131 ve onun \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131, sevincini, kederini tan\u0131ma, ki\u015fisel g\u00f6zlemle ya da ki\u015fisel ili\u015fkiyle onu yak\u0131ndan g\u00f6rme, ayn\u0131 zamanda da gerekli otantik kaynaklara ba\u015fvurarak g\u00f6zlemlerimi tamamlama f\u0131rsat\u0131n\u0131 buldum. G\u00f6rd\u00fcklerim, duyduklar\u0131m ve okuduklar\u0131m bu kitapta ortaya konmu\u015ftur. Bir\u00e7ok \u00e7evrede, yaln\u0131zca bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131ma de\u011fil, \u00f6zellikle kitap \u0130ngilizlerin eline ula\u015ft\u0131ktan sonra, bu kitapta and\u0131\u011f\u0131m olgulara sald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmeye haz\u0131r\u0131m. Ayr\u0131ca \u00e7ok iyi biliyorum ki, konunun geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve uzun erimli \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcleri g\u00f6z\u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u015furda burda, bir \u0130ngilizin bile sak\u0131namayaca\u011f\u0131, \u00f6nemsiz say\u0131labilecek hatalar\u0131m g\u00f6sterilebilir; \u0130ngiltere’de bile, benimki gibi t\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7ileri kapsayan bir kitap hen\u00fcz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, bu olas\u0131l\u0131k daha fazlad\u0131r. Ama bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131n bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak sunulu\u015funda sonuca ili\u015fkin tek bir olguda bile sorumlu oldu\u011fum bir hata varsa bunu kan\u0131tlamaya, ama benimki gibi otantik bilgilerle kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rarak, \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisine bir an bile duraksamaks\u0131z\u0131n meydan okuyorum.
Proletaryan\u0131n ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiltere’de ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 klasik bi\u00e7imin ortaya konmas\u0131, \u00f6zellikle Almanya i\u00e7in ve tam da \u015fu s\u0131ralarda b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yor. Alman sosyalizmi ve kom\u00fcnizmi, daha \u00e7ok teorik \u00f6nc\u00fcllerden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131; biz Alman teorisyenler, bu “k\u00f6t\u00fc ger\u00e7eklik”in reformlar\u0131na, ger\u00e7ek ili\u015fkiler taraf\u0131ndan do\u011frudan itilmek i\u00e7in, ger\u00e7ek d\u00fcnyan\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7ok az\u0131n\u0131 biliyorduk. En az\u0131ndan, bu reformlar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k savunucular\u0131ndan hemen hi\u00e7biri kom\u00fcnizme, hegelci spek\u00fclasyonun Feuerbach’\u00e7\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yolundan ba\u015fka bir yolla ula\u015fmad\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n ger\u00e7ek ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda bilgimiz \u00f6ylesine azd\u0131 ki, \u015fimdi burjuvazinin toplumsal sorunu (sayfa 24) kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in k\u00f6t\u00fcye kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 “i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kalk\u0131nd\u0131rma dernekleri”[5] bile, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin durumuyla ilgili olarak, s\u00fcrekli, en g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 ve mant\u0131ks\u0131z yarg\u0131lardan yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu sorunla ilgili olarak olgular\u0131n bilgisine herkesten \u00e7ok biz Almanlar gerek duymaktay\u0131z. Ger\u00e7i Almanya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n durumu, \u0130ngiltere’deki klasik bi\u00e7imine ula\u015fmad\u0131 ama, yine de temelde ayn\u0131 toplumsal d\u00fczene sahibiz; ulusun zekas\u0131, toplumsal sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7in yeni bir temel sa\u011flayacak \u00f6nlemleri zaman\u0131nda almazsa, er ya da ge\u00e7, [bu toplumsal d\u00fczen] Kuzey Denizinin kar\u015f\u0131 yakas\u0131nda \u015fu anda ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu noktaya ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak varmak zorundad\u0131r. \u0130ngiltere’deki sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, proletaryan\u0131n yoksullu\u011fu ve ezilmesi olan temel nedenler Almanya’da da var ve uzun vadede ayn\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 yaratmak zorundad\u0131r. Ama bu arada \u0130ngiltere’deki sefil ko\u015fullar\u0131n kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f bir olgu olarak ortaya konmas\u0131, bizi Almanya’daki sefil ko\u015fullar\u0131 da kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015f bir olgu olarak ortaya koymaya zorlayacak ve Silezya’yla Bohemya’da, Almanya’n\u0131n sakin havas\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan tehdit eden kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n[6] g\u00fcn\u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlikenin geni\u015fli\u011fini ve b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6l\u00e7ebilece\u011fimiz bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r.
Son olarak, de\u011finmek istedi\u011fim iki nokta daha var. Birincisi Mittelklasse s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, kitab\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan sonuna \u0130ngilizce orta-s\u0131n\u0131f (ya da genelde s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi gibi orta-s\u0131n\u0131flar) s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kulland\u0131m. Frans\u0131zca burjuvazi s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi bu da m\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f, \u00f6zellikle de aristokrasi denen s\u0131n\u0131ftan ayr\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f m\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r \u2014 Fransa ile \u0130ngiltere’de do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, Almanya’da “kamuoyu” g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131nda dolayl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde siyasal iktidar\u0131 elinde tutan s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. Bunun gibi, emek\u00e7iler (Arbeiter), proleterler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, m\u00fclks\u00fcz s\u0131n\u0131f ve proletarya s\u00f6zc\u00fcklerini birbirinin dengi s\u00f6zc\u00fckler olarak kulland\u0131m. \u0130kincisi, al\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funda, o s\u00f6z\u00fcn sahibinin ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu partiyi de belirttim; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, hemen her olayda liberaller k\u0131rsal kesimdeki \u0131st\u0131rab\u0131 vurgulamaya ve fabrika y\u00f6relerindekiniyse ge\u00e7i\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlarken, muhafazakarlar, fabrika y\u00f6relerindeki sefaleti itiraf ediyorlar, ama tar\u0131m y\u00f6relerinde sefaletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabule (sayfa 25) yana\u015fm\u0131yorlar. Ayn\u0131 nedenle, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin durumunu tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 resm\u00ee belgelere sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m durumlarda, liberal burjuvazinin y\u00fcz\u00fcne vurmak i\u00e7in liberal kaynaklardan kan\u0131t sunmay\u0131 ye\u011fledim. Torylerle, \u00e7artistlerden, ancak benim yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131m\u0131 destekledikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, o da do\u011frulu\u011funu ki\u015fisel g\u00f6zlemle belirlemi\u015fsem ya da ger\u00e7e\u011fi yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131na inan\u0131yorsam ya da ad\u0131n\u0131 and\u0131\u011f\u0131m otoritelerin ki\u015fisel ya da yaz\u0131nsal \u00fcn\u00fcne g\u00fcveniyorsam al\u0131nt\u0131 yapt\u0131m. (sayfa 26)\u00a0\u00a0 <\/p>\n

Barmen, 15 Mart 1845<\/p>\n

F. Engels<\/p>\n

\u0130NG\u0130L\u0130ZCE BASKIYA \u00d6NS\u00d6Z
\u0130NG\u0130L\u0130ZCE bask\u0131s\u0131 yeniden bas\u0131lan bu kitap ilkin 1845’te Almanya’da yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Yazar\u0131 o zamanlar gen\u00e7ti; yirmid\u00f6rt ya\u015f\u0131ndayd\u0131; \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc, iyi ve, hi\u00e7biri i\u00e7in utan\u00e7 duymad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hatal\u0131 yanlar\u0131yla onun gen\u00e7li\u011finin damgas\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Kitap \u0130ngilizceye 1885’te Amerikal\u0131 bir han\u0131mefendi, bayan F. Kelley W\u0131schnewetzky taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7evrilmi\u015f ve izleyen y\u0131l New York’ta yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Amerika bask\u0131s\u0131 neredeyse t\u00fckendi\u011fi ve Atlantik’in bu yakas\u0131nda geni\u015f \u00e7apl\u0131 da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u015fimdiki \u0130ngilizce yay\u0131n hakl\u0131 yeni bask\u0131s\u0131, ilgili t\u00fcm taraflar\u0131n tam r\u0131zas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi.
Kitab\u0131n Amerika bask\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in, yazar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u0130ngilizce yeni bir \u00f6ns\u00f6z ve bir ek yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. O \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fcn kitapla ilintisi pek yok gibiydi; o tarihlerdeki Amerika i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu; ilgisiz oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de bu bask\u0131ya al\u0131nmad\u0131. \u0130kincisinden \u2014orijinal \u00f6ns\u00f6zden\u2014 bu bask\u0131n\u0131n sunumunda geni\u015f (sayfa 27) \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yararlan\u0131ld\u0131. Bu kitapta anlat\u0131lanlar bug\u00fcn art\u0131k, \u0130ngiltere s\u00f6zkonusu oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6nden ge\u00e7mi\u015fe aittir. Bizim kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f bilimsel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131zda, her ne kadar a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a belirtilmemi\u015fse de kapitalist \u00fcretimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7ek ne kadar geni\u015f olursa, kapitalizmin ilk zamanlar\u0131n\u0131n karakteristi\u011fi olan ufak-tefek doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ve ya\u011fma olaylar\u0131n\u0131 o kadar az destekledi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi, modern ekonomi politi\u011fin yasas\u0131d\u0131r. Avrupa ticaretinin enalt d\u00fczeyinde oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde, temsilcili\u011fini Polonya yahudisinin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131 k\u0131rk yaran i\u015f alemi oyunlar\u0131n\u0131n,ona kendi \u00fclkesinde \u00e7ok yarar sa\u011flayan ve genelde orada ge\u00e7erli olan bu oyunlar\u0131n, modas\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f, \u0131rapta yeri olmayan oyunlar oldu\u011funu, ayn\u0131 yahudi Hamburg’a ya da Berlin’e geldi\u011fi zaman g\u00f6r\u00fcr; bunun gibi, y\u00fczdeyle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, Berlin ya da Hamburg’dan gelen, yahudi ya da h\u0131ristiyan komisyoncu, birka\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde Manchester borsas\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131y\u0131p \u00f6\u011frenince, g\u00f6r\u00fcr ki, pamuk ipli\u011fini ya da kuma\u015f\u0131 ucuza almak i\u00e7in onun da kendi \u00fclkesinde zekili\u011fin tepe noktas\u0131 say\u0131lan, bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde daha incelikli olsa bile yine de o rezilce hile ve oyunlardan vazge\u00e7mesi gerekir. Ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, zaman\u0131n para demek oldu\u011fu, yaln\u0131zca zamandan ve sorunlardan tasarruf etme arac\u0131 olarak belli bir ticaret ahlak\u0131n\u0131n ister-istemez geli\u015ftirildi\u011fi geni\u015f bir pazarda, s\u00f6zkonusu oyunlar ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir. \u0130malat\u00e7\u0131yla “i\u015f\u00e7ileri” aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerde de bu b\u00f6yledir.
1847 bunal\u0131m\u0131ndan sonra ticaretin canlanmas\u0131 yeni bir sanayi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u015fafa\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Tah\u0131l Yasas\u0131n\u0131n[11*] y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve onu izleyen mali reformlar, \u0130ngiliz sanayi ve (sayfa 28) ticaretine, arzu etti\u011fi hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Birbiri ard\u0131ndan Kaliforniya ve Avustralya alt\u0131n madenleri ke\u015ffedildi. S\u00f6m\u00fcrge pazarlar\u0131, \u0130ngiliz mamul mallar\u0131n\u0131 emme kapasitelerini, giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bir h\u0131zla art\u0131rd\u0131lar. Hindistan’daki milyonlarca dokuma tezgah\u0131; Lancashire’da enerjiyle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan dokuma tezgahlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan sonunda \u00e7\u00f6kertildi. \u00c7in giderek daha \u00e7ok d\u0131\u015far\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131. Hepsinin \u00f6tesinde, \u2014o s\u0131ralarda ticari a\u00e7\u0131dan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse basit bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrge pazar\u0131 olan, ama s\u00f6m\u00fcrge pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan\u2014 Birle\u015fik Devletler, h\u0131zla ilerleyen, kendisinin bile hayret etti\u011fi bir ekonomik geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecine girdi. Ve son olarak, \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin bitiminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yeni ula\u015f\u0131m ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u2014demiryollar\u0131 ve buharl\u0131 gemiler\u2014 art\u0131k uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte kullan\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131; o zamana kadar yaln\u0131zca potansiyel olarak varolan \u015feyi, d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131n\u0131, bu yeni ula\u015f\u0131m ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ger\u00e7ek yapt\u0131. Bu d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131 ilkin, hammadde \u00fcretimlerinin fazlas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 t\u00fcketen ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda mamul madde gereksinmelerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan\u0131 bir imalat merkezinin \u2014\u0130ngiltere’nin\u2014 \u00e7evresinde gruplanan, ya t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ya \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tar\u0131ma dayal\u0131 \u00fclkelerden olu\u015fuyordu. \u0130ngiltere’nin s\u0131nai ilerleyi\u015finin devcesine ve benzersiz olmas\u0131, [bu durumda] \u00e7ok do\u011fal; \u00f6yle ki, bu geli\u015fmeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman 1844’teki durum ilkel ve \u00f6nemsiz kal\u0131yor. Ve bu geli\u015fme ile oranda olduysa, imalat sanayisi de ayn\u0131 oranda moral kazand\u0131. Bir imalat\u00e7\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6teki imalat\u00e7\u0131yla kendi i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u00fczerinden adi h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131klarla rekabet etmesi art\u0131k bir de\u011fer ifade etmez oldu. Ticaret, b\u00f6yle baya\u011f\u0131 para kazanma y\u00f6ntemlerinin \u00f6tesine ta\u015ft\u0131; imalat\u00e7\u0131 milyoner i\u00e7in art\u0131k b\u00f6yle uygulamalara de\u011fmezdi; yaln\u0131zca her kuru\u015fu kazan\u00e7 sayan daha k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 i\u015fyerlerinin rekabetini ayakta tutmaya hizmet ediyordu. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00fccreti malla \u00f6deme sistemi kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, on saatlik i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fc tasar\u0131s\u0131[12*] yasala\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve ikincil \u00f6nemde birka\u00e7 reform daha yap\u0131ld\u0131 \u2014bu reformlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu, ger\u00e7i serbest ticaret ve dizginlenmemi\u015f bir rekabet ruhuna ayk\u0131r\u0131yd\u0131 ama, (sayfa 29) kendisine daha az \u00e7\u0131kar sa\u011flanan karde\u015fine kar\u015f\u0131 rekabetinde dev kapitalistin yarar\u0131nayd\u0131. Dahas\u0131, i\u015fletme ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fckse ve orada ne kadar \u00e7ok i\u015f\u00e7i \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorsa, patronla \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar aras\u0131ndaki her anla\u015fmazl\u0131k daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir rahats\u0131zl\u0131k ve daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yitik nedeni oluyordu; bu y\u00fczden patronlara, daha \u00e7ok da b\u00fcy\u00fck patronlara, gereksiz s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmelerden ka\u00e7\u0131nmalar\u0131n\u0131, sendikalar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kabul etmelerini ve son olarak da \u2014uygun zamanlarda\u2014 grevlerde bile kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131na hizmet edecek g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc y\u00f6ntemler bulmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6\u011freten yeni bir ruh egemen oldu. En b\u00fcy\u00fck imalat\u00e7\u0131lar, eskiden i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 verilen sava\u015f\u0131n \u00f6nderleri, \u015fimdi herkesin \u00f6n\u00fcnde bar\u0131\u015f ve uyu\u015fumu \u00f6v\u00fcyordu. Hem de \u00e7ok iyi bir nedenle. Ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, hakkaniyet ve insanseverlik ad\u0131na verilen t\u00fcm bu \u00f6d\u00fcnler, sermayenin birka\u00e7 elde yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rmaktan \u00f6te bir ama\u00e7 ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131yordu; \u00f6nceki y\u0131llar\u0131n hasis\u00e7e gasp y\u00f6ntemleri, o bir avu\u00e7 insan i\u00e7in art\u0131k t\u00fcm \u00f6nemini yitirmi\u015fti, hatta ba\u015fa\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 durumuna gelmi\u015fti; t\u00fcm bu \u00f6d\u00fcnlerin amac\u0131, o hasis\u00e7e gasp y\u00f6ntemleri olmaks\u0131z\u0131n iki yakas\u0131 biraraya gelemeyen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck rakipleri \u00e7abucak ve g\u00fczelce ezmekti. B\u00f6ylece, \u00fcretimin \u2014\u00f6nemsiz sanayi dallar\u0131nda durum tamamen ba\u015fka oldu\u011fundan, en az\u0131ndan \u00f6nde gelen sanayilerde\u2014 kapitalist sistem temelinde geli\u015fimi; ilk zamanlarda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin durumunu k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015ftiren ufak-tefek yak\u0131nma nedenlerini ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yeterliydi. \u015eimdi bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, giderek daha belirgin duruma gelen b\u00fcy\u00fck temel olgu \u015fu: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sefil durumunun nedeni, o ufak-tefek yak\u0131nma konular\u0131nda de\u011fil, ama kapitalistsistemin kendisinde aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dccretli i\u015f\u00e7i, emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, belli bir g\u00fcndelik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapitaliste satar. Bu g\u00fcndeli\u011fin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan de\u011feri, birka\u00e7 saatlik bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayla \u00fcretmi\u015ftir; ama s\u00f6zle\u015fmeye g\u00f6re, i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc tamamlamak i\u00e7in daha bir dizi saat \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorundad\u0131r; bu ek art\u0131-emek saatlerinde \u00fcretti\u011fi de\u011fer, kapitaliste hi\u00e7bir maliyeti olmayan, ama yine de onun cebine giren art\u0131-de\u011ferdir. Uygar toplumu, bir yanda b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretim ve ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n sahipleri bir avu\u00e7 Rothschildsler’le Vanderbiltsler’e, \u00f6te yanda (sayfa 30) emek-g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir \u015feye sahip olmayan \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck say\u0131da \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7ilere b\u00f6lme e\u011filimi ta\u015f\u0131yan sistemin temeli budur. Ve bu sonucu, \u015fu ya da bu ikincil yak\u0131nma konusunun de\u011fil ama sistemin kendisinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi, kapitalizmin 1847’den bu yana \u0130ngiltere’de g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi geli\u015fmeyle a\u00e7\u0131k-se\u00e7ik ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Kolera, tif\u00fcs, \u00e7i\u00e7ek ve \u00f6teki salg\u0131n kastal\u0131klar\u0131n tekrar tekrar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, \u0130ngiliz burjuvaya, e\u011fer kendini ve ailesini bu hastal\u0131klardan koruyacaksa, kasaba ve kentlerde sa\u011fl\u0131k koruma kurallar\u0131na hemen uyulmas\u0131 gere\u011fini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece, bu kitapta anlat\u0131lan en g\u00f6ze batar rezillikler ya t\u00fcmden ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f ya g\u00f6ze daha az \u00e7arpar olmu\u015ftur. Kanalizasyon, varsa iyile\u015ftirilmi\u015f, yoksa yeniden yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; betimlemek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131m en k\u00f6t\u00fc “gecekondular”\u0131n bir ba\u015f\u0131ndan \u00f6teki ucuna geni\u015f caddeler a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u0130rlanda[13*] ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p a\u00e7\u0131lacak mahalleler listesinde s\u0131rada “Seven Dials”[14*] vard\u0131r. Peki bundan ne \u00e7\u0131kar? 1844’te benim cennetten bir k\u00f6\u015fe diye anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m yerler, \u015fimdi kentlerin de geni\u015flemesiyle, rahats\u0131zl\u0131k verici, sefalet y\u00fckl\u00fc, harabelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Art\u0131k, yaln\u0131zca domuzlarla \u00e7\u00f6p y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131na g\u00f6z yumulmuyor. Burjuvazi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u0131st\u0131rab\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zlerden saklama sanat\u0131nda yeni ilerlemeler sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. Ama i\u015f\u00e7i konutlar\u0131 konusunda hi\u00e7bir esasl\u0131 geli\u015fme olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 “Yoksullar\u0131n \u0130skan\u0131”n\u0131 incelemek \u00fczere kurulan Krall\u0131k Komisyonunun 1885 tarihli raporu bol bol kan\u0131tl\u0131yor. Ba\u015fka a\u00e7\u0131lardan da durum b\u00f6yle. Polis kurallar\u0131 b\u00f6\u011f\u00fcrtlenler kadar \u00e7ok; ama i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u0131st\u0131rab\u0131n\u0131 ancak \u00e7itle \u00e7evirebilirleri, o \u0131st\u0131raba son veremezler.
Ger\u00e7i \u0130ngiltere, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m ilk gen\u00e7lik d\u00f6nemini geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor ama, ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler oraya hen\u00fcz geldiler. Fransa, Almanya ve \u00f6zellikle Amerika \u20141844’te \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm gibi\u2014 \u015fuanda \u0130ngiltere’nin sanayi tekelini giderek daha fazla k\u0131rmakta olan zorlu (sayfa 31)cottage-system] yararlan\u0131yorlar. 1886’da Pennsylvanial\u0131 12.000 maden i\u015f\u00e7isinin Connellesville b\u00f6lgesinde giri\u015fti\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck grevin haberini veren Amerikan gazetelerini okurken, sanki \u0130ngiltere’nin kuzeyindeki 1844 madenciler grevi hakk\u0131nda yazd\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131 okuyordum. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri, sahte \u00f6nlemlerle ayn\u0131 aldatmalar, ayn\u0131 malla \u00f6deme sistemi, madencilerin direncini k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kapitalistlerin ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu son ama ezici ayn\u0131 darbe \u2014 \u015firketlerin sahip oldu\u011fu kul\u00fcbelerden i\u015f\u00e7ileri \u00e7\u0131karma.
Bu \u00e7eviride, kitab\u0131 g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirmeye ya da 1844’ten bu yana ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen t\u00fcm de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla g\u00f6stermeye kalk\u0131\u015fmad\u0131m. Bunun iki nedeni var: \u0130lkin, bunu gere\u011fi gibi yapabilmek i\u00e7in, kitab\u0131n oylumunu bir kat art\u0131rmak gerek; ikincisi, Karl Marx’\u0131n \u0130ngilizce \u00e7evirisi halka sunulmu\u015f olan DasKapital’inin birinci cildi, Britanya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n 1865 dolay\u0131ndaki, yani Britanya’n\u0131n s\u0131nai g\u00f6nencinin doruk noktas\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemdeki durumunu geni\u015f\u00e7e anlat\u0131yor. O nedenle, Marx’\u0131n \u00fcnl\u00fc yap\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir alana yeniden girmek zorunda kalacakt\u0131m.
S\u00f6ylemenin hi\u00e7bir gere\u011fi yok, bu kitab\u0131n genel teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u2014felsefi, ekonomik, siyasal\u2014 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131mla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fm\u0131yor .O zamandan bu yana esas olarak ve hemen hemen tamamen Marx’\u0131n \u00e7abalar\u0131yla bir bilim olarak (sayfa 32) geli\u015fen modern enternasyonal sosyalizm, 1844’te hen\u00fcz ortalarda yoktu. Benim kitab\u0131m, onun embriyon olarak geli\u015fiminin a\u015famalar\u0131ndan birine i\u015faret eder; ve insan embriyonu ilk evrelerinde bal\u0131k olan atalar\u0131n\u0131n solunga\u00e7 kemerlerini nas\u0131l yeniden \u00fcretiyorsa, bu kitap da her yerinde [modern sosyalizmin] atalar\u0131ndan biri olan Alman felsefesinden modern sosyalizmin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n izlerini ta\u015f\u0131r. Kom\u00fcnizmin, yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n parti \u00f6\u011fretisi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f dahil olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm toplumun, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc dar ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan kurtulu\u015funun teorisi oldu\u011funun s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya vurgulanmas\u0131 da i\u015fte bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu soyut olarak yeterince do\u011frudur ama pratikte kesinlikle yarars\u0131z ve hatta bazan daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcd\u00fcr. Varl\u0131kl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar yaln\u0131zca herhangi bir kurtulu\u015f gere\u011fi duymamakla kalmay\u0131p i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendini kurtarmas\u0131na da kararl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde direndiklerine g\u00f6re toplumsal devrimin tek ba\u015f\u0131na i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlan\u0131p ba\u015far\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyor. 1789’un Frans\u0131z burjuvas\u0131 da burjuvazinin kurtulu\u015funun, t\u00fcm insan soyunun kurtulu\u015fu demek olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etmi\u015fti; ama soylular ve din adamlar\u0131 bunu g\u00f6rm\u00fcyordu; o s\u0131ralarda feodalizmle ilgili olarak soyut tarihsel bir do\u011fru olan bu \u00f6nerme, k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede basit bir duygusalc\u0131l\u0131k [sentimentalism] durumuna geldi ve devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n alevleri aras\u0131nda yitip gitti. Ve bug\u00fcn, kendi \u00fcst\u00fcn konumlar\u0131n\u0131n “yans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131” ile i\u015f\u00e7ilere, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ve s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve rakip iki s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 daha \u00fcst bir insanl\u0131kta uzla\u015ft\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015f bir sosyalizm \u00f6neren insanlar ya hen\u00fcz \u00e7ok \u015fey \u00f6\u011frenmesi gereken cahillerdir, ya da i\u015f\u00e7ilerin en korkun\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131d\u0131r \u2014 kuzu postuna b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f kurtlard\u0131r.
B\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131nai bunal\u0131m\u0131n yinelenme periyodu, metinde be\u015f y\u0131l olarak belirtiliyor. 1825’ten 1842’ye kadarki olaylar\u0131n i\u015faret etti\u011fi periyod bu idi. Ama 1842’den 1868’e kadar olan s\u00fcrenin s\u0131nai tarihi, ger\u00e7ek periyodun on y\u0131lda bir oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi; aradaki dalgalanmalar ikincil nitelikteydi ve giderek ortadan kalkma e\u011filimindeydi. 1868’den bu yana durum yeniden de\u011fi\u015fti; biraz a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da bu konuya yine d\u00f6n\u00fclecek. (sayfa 33)
Aralar\u0131nda gen\u00e7lik heyecan\u0131m\u0131n bana s\u00f6yletti\u011fi, \u0130ngiltere’de toplumsal bir devrimin yak\u0131n oldu\u011fu kehaneti de dahil, bir\u00e7ok kehanetimi kitaptan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p atmaya kalk\u0131\u015fmad\u0131m. \u0130\u015fin garibi, bu kehanetlerden birka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 de\u011fil, bir\u00e7o\u011funun do\u011fru \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r; ve \u0130ngiltere’nin ticaretinin K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131 ve \u00f6zellikle Amerika’dan gelen rekabet sonucu, o zaman \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm gibi -ger\u00e7i \u00e7ok k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede demi\u015fim- nazik bir konuma girece\u011fi kehanetim ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti ve art\u0131k ge\u00e7mi\u015fin mal\u0131 oldu. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, Londra’da yay\u0131nlanan Commonweal’in 1 Mart 1885 tarihli say\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan “1845’te ve 1885’te \u0130ngiltere” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir yaz\u0131m\u0131 buraya alarak kitab\u0131m\u0131 g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirebilirim ve hatta g\u00fcncelle\u015ftirmem gerekiyor . O makale, ayn\u0131 zamanda, o k\u0131rky\u0131l1\u0131k d\u00f6nemin \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihini de k\u0131saca \u00f6zetliyor. Makale \u015f\u00f6yle:
“K\u0131rk y\u0131l \u00f6nce \u0130ngiltere, ancak zor ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilecek gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bir bunal\u0131mla y\u00fczy\u00fczeydi. Man\u00fcfakt\u00fcrlerin \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck ve h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fimi, d\u0131\u015f pazarlar\u0131n geni\u015flemesinin ve talepteki art\u0131\u015f\u0131n \u00f6tesine ta\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Her on y\u0131lda bir sanayinin y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, genel bir ticari \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fle sert bir kesintiye u\u011fruyor, bunu, uzunca s\u00fcren s\u00fcre\u011fen bir depresyon d\u00f6neminin ard\u0131ndan k\u0131sa, birka\u00e7 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir g\u00f6nen\u00e7 d\u00f6nemi izliyor, ve her zaman hummal\u0131 bir a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-\u00fcretim ve onun sonucu olan yeniden \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fle sona eriyordu. Kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f tah\u0131lda serbest ticaret yaygaras\u0131 kopar\u0131yor ve kentlerde a\u00e7l\u0131\u011fa mahkum olan n\u00fcfusu, geldikleri yere, k\u0131rsal y\u00f6relere geri g\u00f6ndererek serbest ticareti zorlama ve bu insanlar\u0131n, oralar\u0131 ekmek dilenen yoksullar olarak de\u011fil, ama John Bright’\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi, d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n \u00fczerine y\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f bir ordu olarak i\u015fgal edece\u011fi tehdidinde bulunuyordu. Kentlerin i\u015f\u00e7i kitleleri siyasal iktidar\u0131 payla\u015fmak -Halk \u00e7art\u0131- istiyorlard\u0131; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck esnaf\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu onlar\u0131 desteklemekteydi, ve bu ikisi aras\u0131ndaki tek fark, Halk \u00c7art\u0131n\u0131n fizik g\u00fc\u00e7le mi, moral g\u00fc\u00e7le mi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011findeydi. Sonra 1847 ticari \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, \u0130rlanda’daki a\u00e7l\u0131k ve bu ikisiyle birlikte de devrim beklentisi geldi.
“1848 Frans\u0131z Devrimi \u0130ngiliz orta-s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kurtard\u0131. (sayfa 34) Utkun Frans\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin sosyalizan bildirgeleri, \u0130ngiltere’nin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir grup olan orta-s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcrk\u00fctt\u00fc ve \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, daha dar, ama daha ger\u00e7ek olan hareketinin ise d\u00fczenini bozdu Tam da \u00e7artizm kendini olanca g\u00fcc\u00fcyle ortaya koymak \u00fczereyken, 10 Nisan 1848’de,[15*] d\u0131\u015fardan \u00e7\u00f6kertilmeden \u00f6nce i\u00e7erden \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n eylemi geri plana d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f t\u00fcm cephede utkun geldi.
“1831[16*] tarihli reform tasar\u0131s\u0131, t\u00fcm kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n toprak aristokrasisi \u00fczerindeki utkusuydu. Tah\u0131l Yasas\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ysa sanayi kapitalistlerinin yaln\u0131zca toprak aristokrasisi \u00fczerindeki utkusu de\u011fildi, ama ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131yukar\u0131 toprak aristokrasisinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ilintili olan kapitalist kesimler -bankerler, borsa simsarlar\u0131, fon sahipleri vb.- \u00fczerinde de utkusuydu. Serbest ticaret, \u0130ngiltere’nin t\u00fcm i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f ticari ve mali politikas\u0131n\u0131, art\u0131k ulusu temsil eden imalat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalistlerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun bi\u00e7imde yeniden ayarlamak demek oluyordu. Bu i\u015fe azimle ba\u015flad\u0131lar. S\u0131nai \u00fcretimin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki her engel ac\u0131mas\u0131zca yok edildi. G\u00fcmr\u00fck tarifeleri ve t\u00fcm vergi sistemi tepeden t\u0131rna\u011fa de\u011fi\u015ftirildi. Her \u015fey bir amaca, imalat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalist a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir amaca d\u00f6n\u00fckt\u00fc: B\u00fct\u00fcn tar\u0131m (sayfa 35) \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin ve \u00f6zellikle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ucuzlat\u0131lmas\u0131; hammadde maliyetinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve \u00fccretlerin -hen\u00fcz a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ekilmese bile- d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck tutulmas\u0131. \u0130ngiltere, “d\u00fcnyan\u0131n at\u00f6lyesi” olacakt\u0131; \u0130ngiltere i\u00e7in \u0130rlanda ne idiyse, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6teki \u00fclkeler de o olacakt\u0131 – \u0130ngiltere’nin mamul mallar\u0131 i\u00e7in pazar olacaklar kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hammadde ve g\u0131da vereceklerdi. Tar\u0131msal bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck imalat merkezi olan sanayi g\u00fcne\u015finin, \u0130ngiltere’nin \u00e7evresinde d\u00f6nen ve say\u0131lar\u0131 giderek artan tah\u0131l ve pamuk \u00fcreticisi, \u0130rlandalar. Ne parlak bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm!
“\u0130malat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalistler, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sa\u011fduyu ile ve onlar\u0131 K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131’ndaki darkafal\u0131 benze\u015flerinden farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran bir duyguyla, geleneksel ilkeleri hor g\u00f6rme duygusuyla, bu b\u00fcy\u00fck ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye giri\u015ftiler. \u00c7artizm \u00f6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011findeydi. 1847 \u00e7alkant\u0131s\u0131 durulduktan sonra do\u011fal olarak ticari g\u00f6nencin canlanmas\u0131, serbest ticaretin erdemleri hanesine yaz\u0131ld\u0131. Bu iki geli\u015fme \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131, siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan “b\u00fcy\u00fck liberal parti”nin, imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n \u00f6nderlik etti\u011fi partinin kuyru\u011fu durumuna getirdi. Bu avantaj bir kez yakaland\u0131ktan sonra s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmeliydi. Serbest ticarete de\u011fil, ama serbest ticaretin ya\u015famsal bir ulusal sorun durumuna getirilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 duran \u00e7artist muhalefetten, imalat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalistler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, orta-s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ulus \u00fczerinde hi\u00e7bir zaman tam bir toplumsal ve siyasal g\u00fc\u00e7 elde edemeyece\u011fini \u00f6\u011frenmi\u015flerdi ve \u00f6\u011frenmeye devam ediyorlard\u0131. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, iki s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ili\u015fkilerinde ad\u0131m ad\u0131m baz\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fiklikler oldu. Bir zamanlar t\u00fcm imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n umac\u0131s\u0131 olan Fabrika Yasas\u0131na yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc r\u0131za g\u00f6sterilmekle kal\u0131nmad\u0131, hemen hemen t\u00fcm ticareti d\u00fczenleyen kurallar olarak geni\u015fletilmesine g\u00f6zyumuldu. O zamana kadar \u015feytan icad\u0131 say\u0131lan sendikalar art\u0131k son derece me\u015fru kurumlar ve i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda sa\u011flam ekonomik doktrinlerin yay\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 ara\u00e7lar olarak can\u0131m-cicim olmu\u015ftu. 1848’e kadar ondan daha habis bir \u015fey olamaz diye kestirilip at\u0131lan grevlerin bile, \u015fimdi, \u00f6zellikle de patron taraf\u0131ndan kendine uygun bir zamanda k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131lm\u0131\u015fsa, pekala yararl\u0131 olabilece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. (sayfa 36) \u0130\u015f\u00e7iyi patron kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda daha alt d\u00fczeye ya da dezavantajl\u0131 bir konuma koyan, en az\u0131ndan en kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan yasalar y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Ve pratikte, korkun\u00e7 “Halk \u00c7art\u0131”, sonuna kadar ona kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olan imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n siyasal program\u0131 durumuna geldi. “Se\u00e7men olmak i\u00e7in mal-m\u00fclksahibi olma kural\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131” ve “oy pusulas\u0131yla se\u00e7im” art\u0131k \u00fclkenin yasalar\u0131 aras\u0131ndayd\u0131. 1867 ve 1884 reform yasalar\u0131,[17*] “genel oy”a, en az\u0131ndan \u015fimdi Almanya’da varolan d\u00fczeye yakla\u015ft\u0131. Halen parlamentoda olan se\u00e7im \u00e7evreleri yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131 “e\u015fit se\u00e7im \u00e7evreleri” olu\u015fturuyor -genelde Almanya’dakinden daha e\u015fitsiz bir durum s\u00f6zkonusu de\u011fil; “parlamento \u00fcyelerine ayl\u0131k \u00f6denmesi”, ger\u00e7ekten “y\u0131ll\u0131k parlamentolar” de\u011filse bile \u015fimdikinden daha k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli parlamento d\u00f6nemi ufukta belirdi- ve yine de \u00e7artizm \u00f6ld\u00fc diyenler var.
“1848 Devriminin de \u00f6ncekilerden daha az olmayan garip yatak arkada\u015flar\u0131 ve halifeleri var. O devrimi bast\u0131ran ayn\u0131 insanlar, Karl Marx’\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi, sonradan devrimin vasiyetinin icrac\u0131s\u0131 durumuna geldiler. Louis Napoleon ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve birle\u015fik bir \u0130talya yaratmak durumunda kald\u0131; Bismarck Almanya’y\u0131 tepeden t\u0131rna\u011fa de\u011fi\u015ftirmek ve Macaristan’\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden vermek durumunda kald\u0131; \u0130ngiliz sanayiciler Halk \u00c7art\u0131n\u0131 yasala\u015ft\u0131rmak durumunda kald\u0131lar.
“\u0130malat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalistlerin bu ba\u015fatl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n etkileri \u0130ngiltere i\u00e7in ilkin \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131yd\u0131. Ticaret canlanm\u0131\u015f ve modern sanayinin be\u015fi\u011finde bile i\u015fitilmedik bir geni\u015fli\u011fe ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; 1850’den 1870’e kadar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fcr\u00fcn kitlesiyle, \u00e7ok y\u00fcksek ithalat ve ihracat rakamlar\u0131yla (sayfa 37) kapitalistlerin elinde biriken zenginlikle ve b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde yo\u011funla\u015fan insan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma-g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, daha \u00f6nce buhar\u0131n ve \u00f6teki makinelerin hayretten insan\u0131n a\u011fz\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k b\u0131rakan ke\u015ffi, devede kulak kal\u0131yordu. \u0130leriye do\u011fru gidi\u015f daha \u00f6nce her on y\u0131lda bir gelen bunal\u0131mla oldu\u011fu gibi 1857’de ve 1866’da kesintiye u\u011frad\u0131; ama bu dalgalanmalar do\u011fal ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz say\u0131l\u0131yor, kadere boyun e\u011filiyor ve sonunda [sistemin] kendini d\u00fczeltece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu.
“Peki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bu d\u00f6nemdeki durumu? B\u00fcy\u00fck kitle i\u00e7in bile ge\u00e7ici bir iyile\u015fme sa\u011fland\u0131. Ama b\u00fcy\u00fck yedek i\u015fsiz ordusunun s\u00fcrekli ak\u0131\u015f\u0131, yeni makinelerin s\u00fcrekli olarak eme\u011fin yerini kapmas\u0131, \u015fimdilerde makineler taraf\u0131ndan i\u015finden edilen tar\u0131m n\u00fcfusunun da giderek daha fazla say\u0131da g\u00f6\u00e7mesi, sa\u011flanan iyile\u015fmeyi yeniden eski d\u00fczeyine geri g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc.
“\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca ‘korunan’ iki kesimi i\u00e7in kal\u0131c\u0131 bir iyile\u015fme oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Birincisi fabrika i\u015f\u00e7ileridir. Onlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma saatlerinin parlamentonun \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yasa ile bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde rasyonel s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde sabitle\u015ftirilmesi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin beden sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeniden kazand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve onlara moral bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck duygusu getirmi\u015ftir; bu i\u015f\u00e7ilerin belli yerlerde toplanmalar\u0131 da bu duyguyu peki\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz 1848 \u00f6ncesinden \u00e7ok daha iyi durumdalar. Bunun en iyi kan\u0131t\u0131 \u015fu: Yapt\u0131klar\u0131 on grevden dokuzu, imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n, kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in, \u00fcretimi k\u0131s\u0131tlaman\u0131n g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n tek arac\u0131 olarak k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtt\u0131klar\u0131 grevlerdir. Mamul mallar sat\u0131lmay\u0131p kald\u0131k\u00e7a patrona ‘k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli’ \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kabul ettiremezsiniz; ama \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 greve g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz, patronlar da fabrikay\u0131 son i\u015f\u00e7isine kadar kapat\u0131rlar .
“\u0130kincisi b\u00fcy\u00fck sendikalard\u0131r. Bunlar, yeti\u015fkin erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7o\u011funlukta oldu\u011fu ya da yaln\u0131zca onlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fkollar\u0131nda kurulmu\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlerdir. Bu i\u015fkollar\u0131nda ne kad\u0131n ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n, ne makinalar\u0131n rekabeti \u015fimdiye dek onlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc zay\u0131flatabilmi\u015ftir. Makine i\u015f\u00e7ileri, marangozlar ve mobilya yap\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131, duvarc\u0131lar, bunlar\u0131n her biri bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr; \u00f6yle ki, duvarc\u0131lar ve duvarc\u0131 ameleler [sendikas\u0131nda] (sayfa 38) oldu\u011fu gibi, makine kullan\u0131m\u0131na bile ba\u015far\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 durabilirler. Durumlar\u0131n\u0131n 1848’den beri \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde iyile\u015fti\u011finden hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yoktur; bunun en iyi kan\u0131t\u0131 da onbe\u015f y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir zamandan bu yana, yaln\u0131zca i\u015fverenlerinin onlarla de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n da i\u015fverenleriyle gayet iyi ge\u00e7inmekte olu\u015fudur. Bunlar i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir aristokrasi olu\u015ftururlar; kendileri i\u00e7in g\u00f6reli olarak rahat bir konum yaratmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r ve bunu tart\u0131\u015fmaya bile yana\u015fmazlar .Bunlar Leone Levi ve Giffen baylar\u0131n model i\u015f\u00e7ileridir ve \u015fimdilerde herhangi bir makul kapitalistin ve genelde t\u00fcm kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n birlikte \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabilece\u011fi \u00e7ok kibar insanlard\u0131r.
“Ne var ki, emek\u00e7ilerin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne gelince, i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 ne olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmezlik ve sefalet eskisinden daha fazla de\u011filse, eskisi kadar yakadan-pa\u00e7adan akmaktad\u0131r. Londra’n\u0131n do\u011fu kesimi, bir i\u015fte \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorsan\u0131z fizik ve moral a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanman\u0131n, bir i\u015finiz yoksa a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, umutsuzlu\u011fun ve sefaletin s\u00fcrekli geni\u015fleyen durgun havuzu gibidir. Ve b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6teki b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde b\u00f6yledir – do\u011fal ki, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131 tutuldu\u011funda; ve kasabalarda b\u00f6yledir, ve tar\u0131m y\u00f6relerinde b\u00f6yledir. Emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011ferini zorunlu ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011ferine indiren yasayla, emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ortalama fiyat\u0131n\u0131, kural olarak o ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n asgarisine indiren yasa, bu ikisi, o insanlar \u00fczerinde h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc yerine getirir, otomatik bir makinenin dayan\u0131lmaz g\u00fcc\u00fcyle, onlar\u0131 di\u015flileri aras\u0131nda ezer.
“1847 serbest ticaret politikas\u0131n\u0131n ve yirmi y\u0131ll\u0131k imalat\u00e7\u0131 kapitalistlerin o zamanlar yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 durum buydu. Ama sonra bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik oldu. 1866 \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc 1873 dolay\u0131nda, hafif ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcreli bir canlanma izledi; ama bu uzun s\u00fcrmedi. Ger\u00e7ekte, olmas\u0131 beklenen zamanda, 1877 ya da 1878’de tam bir bunal\u0131mdan ge\u00e7medik; ama 1876’dan bu yana b\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u015fat sanayi kollar\u0131nda s\u00fcre\u011fen bir durgunlu\u011fa girdik. Ne tam \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc geldi, ne de \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc \u00f6ncesi ve sonras\u0131nda hak edegeldi\u011fimiz \u00f6zlenen g\u00f6nen\u00e7. \u0130\u00e7 karart\u0131c\u0131 bir depresyon, b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fkollar\u0131nda ve b\u00fct\u00fcn piyasalarda s\u00fcre\u011fen bir mal fazlal\u0131\u011f\u0131 – yakla\u015f\u0131k on y\u0131ld\u0131r ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu. Bu nas\u0131l oluyor? (sayfa 39)
“Serbest ticaret teorisi, bir varsay\u0131ma dayan\u0131yordu: \u0130ngiltere, tar\u0131msal bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n tek imalat\u00e7\u0131 merkezi olacakt\u0131. Bu varsay\u0131m\u0131n kat\u0131\u015f\u0131ks\u0131z bir yan\u0131lg\u0131 oldu\u011fu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Modern sanayinin gerekleri, buhar g\u00fcc\u00fc ve makine donan\u0131m\u0131; yak\u0131t, \u00f6zellikle k\u00f6m\u00fcr olan her yerde yerine getirilebilir. Ve \u0130ngiltere’nin yan\u0131s\u0131ra ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde -Fransa, Bel\u00e7ika, Almanya, Amerika, hatta Rusya’da- k\u00f6m\u00fcr vard\u0131r. Ve oralardaki insanlar, s\u0131rf \u0130ngiltere’nin \u015fan\u0131-\u015ferefi ve daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir zenginlik elde etmesi u\u011fruna, \u0130rlandal\u0131 yoksul \u00e7ift\u00e7ilere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmenin hi\u00e7bir yarar\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Kararl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde, yaln\u0131zca kendileri i\u00e7in de\u011fil, ama d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in mal \u00fcretimine giri\u015ftiler; ve sonu\u00e7 \u015fu ki, \u0130ngiltere’nin neredeyse bir y\u00fczy\u0131ld\u0131r tad\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 imalat tekeli geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fclemeyecek bi\u00e7imde k\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.
“Ne var ki, \u0130ngiltere’nin imalat tekeli, orada \u015fimdiki toplumsal sistemin eksenidir. Tekel ayakta kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrede bile piyasa, \u0130ngiliz imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n artan \u00fcretkenli\u011fine ayak uyduram\u0131yordu; sonu\u00e7, on y\u0131ll\u0131k bunal\u0131mlard\u0131. \u015eimdi art\u0131k yeni pazarlar bulmak her g\u00fcn daha zorla\u015f\u0131yor; \u00f6yle ki, Kongo zencileri bile, \u015fimdi Manchester patiskas\u0131, Staffordshire \u00e7anak- taba\u011f\u0131 ve Birmingham ara\u00e7-gereci tezgahtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaparak uygarl\u0131\u011fa zorlan\u0131yor. K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131’n\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle de Amerika’n\u0131n mallar\u0131, giderek artan miktarlarla akmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, hen\u00fcz \u0130ngiliz imalat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n aslan pay\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131klar\u0131 pazarlarda o pay y\u0131ldan y\u0131la azalmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman ne olacak peki? Her derde deva serbest ticaret, sen yan\u0131tla.
“Buna ilk i\u015faret eden ben de\u011filim. 1883’te Britanya Derne\u011finin Southport’taki toplant\u0131s\u0131nda, ekonomi b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015fkan\u0131 bay Inglis Palgrave, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015f\u00f6yle demi\u015fti: ‘\u0130ngiltere’nin ticaretten b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00e2r sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcnler geride kald\u0131; s\u0131nai \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir\u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck dal\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fcmede bir durgunluk vard\u0131; \u00fclkenin, geli\u015fmesiz bir d\u00f6neme girdi\u011fi s\u00f6ylenebilirdi.”
“Ama sonu\u00e7 ne olacak? Kapitalist \u00fcretim duramaz. Artarak ve geni\u015fleyerek s\u00fcrmelidir ya da \u00f6lmelidir. \u015eimdi bile, (sayfa 40) \u0130ngiltere’nin d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131na mal g\u00f6nderimindeki aslan pay\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca azalmas\u0131 bile durgunluk, s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 \u015furada sermaye fazlas\u0131, burada istihdam edilmemi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i fazlas\u0131 demek oluyor. Y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00fcretimdeki art\u0131\u015f t\u00fcmden durdu\u011fu zaman ne olacak?
“Zay\u0131f nokta buras\u0131, kapitalist \u00fcretimin Achilles’in topu\u011fu. Temeli s\u00fcrekli geni\u015flemeye dayan\u0131yor ve bu s\u00fcrekli geni\u015fleme \u015fimdi olanaks\u0131z duruma geliyor .Bir \u00e7\u0131kmazla son buluyor. \u0130ngiltere \u015fu soruyla her y\u0131l daha yak\u0131ndan y\u00fczy\u00fcze geliyor: ya \u00fclke par\u00e7a par\u00e7a olacak, ya kapitalist \u00fcretim. Hangisi?
“Ya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131? 1848’den 1868’e kadar e\u015fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik bir ticari ve s\u0131nai geni\u015flemede bile, b\u00f6ylesine bir sefalet i\u00e7inde kald\u0131lar; o zaman bile onlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131nda en fazlas\u0131ndan ge\u00e7ici bir iyile\u015fme elde edebildi; buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k yaln\u0131zca, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck, ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131, ‘korunan’ bir az\u0131nl\u0131k s\u00fcrekli yarar sa\u011flad\u0131; peki bu g\u00f6z kama\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 d\u00f6nem sona erdi\u011fi zaman ne olacak; \u015fimdiki \u00fcrk\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc durgunlu\u011fun yaln\u0131zca yo\u011funla\u015fmakla kalmayaca\u011f\u0131, ama o yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u0130ngiliz ticaretinin normal durumu haline geldi\u011fi zaman ne olacak?
“Ger\u00e7ek \u015fu: \u0130ngiltere’nin sanayi tekeli d\u00f6neminde, \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, bir dereceye kadar bu tekelden yarar sa\u011flad\u0131. Bu yararlar, onlar aras\u0131nda \u00e7ok dengesiz b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc; ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131k \u00e7o\u011funu kendi cebine att\u0131; ama b\u00fcy\u00fck kitle bile ara s\u0131ra ge\u00e7ici bir yarar sa\u011flad\u0131. Owen’c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden bu yana \u0130ngiltere’de sosyalizm olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n nedeni i\u015fte budur. O tekelin k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla, \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, o ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 konumunu yitirecektir; genel olarak kendisini -ve ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131, \u00f6nde gelen az\u0131nl\u0131k da bunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda de\u011fil- \u00f6teki \u00fclkelerdeki i\u015f\u00e7i arkada\u015flar\u0131yla ayn\u0131 d\u00fczeyde bulacakt\u0131r. Ve \u0130ngiltere’de sosyalizmin yeniden ni\u00e7in olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n nedeni de budur.”
Bana. 1885’te g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bi\u00e7imiyle duruma ili\u015fkin bu yaz\u0131ya ekleyecek pek az \u015feyim var. S\u00f6ylemenin gere\u011fi yok, “\u0130ngiltere’de yeniden sosyalizm” bug\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekten var ve bol bol (sayfa 41) var – her rengiyle sosyalizm: bilin\u00e7li ve bilin\u00e7siz sosyalizm; yavan ve \u015fairane [prosaic and poetic] sosyalizm; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sosyalizmi ve ger\u00e7ekten o beterin beteri orta-s\u0131n\u0131f sosyalizmi; sosyalizm yaln\u0131zca sayg\u0131nla\u015fmakla kalmad\u0131, art\u0131k gece giysileri giyiyor ve tembelce divana uzan\u0131p oturma odas\u0131 causeuses’\u00fcne[18*] kat\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu, “toplumun” o korkun\u00e7 despotunun, orta-s\u0131n\u0131f kamuoyunun, tedavi edilemez karars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor ve biz eski ku\u015fak sosyalistlerin o kamuoyu hakk\u0131nda besledi\u011fimiz horg\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn ne kadar hakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu bir kez daha ortaya koyuyor. Ama ayn\u0131 zamanda hastal\u0131k belirtisinin kendisi \u00fczerinde homurdanmam\u0131z i\u00e7in de bir neden yok.
Burjuva \u00e7evrelerdeki bu gelip ge\u00e7ici, suland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 sosyalizm modas\u0131ndan ve hatta sosyalizmin genel olarak \u0130ngiltere’de sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilerlemeden \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nemli buldu\u011fum \u015fey, Do\u011fu Londra’n\u0131n yeniden dirilmesidir. O engin sefalet karabasan\u0131, art\u0131k alt\u0131 y\u0131l \u00f6nceki gibi durgun bir havuz de\u011fil. O uyu\u015fuk \u00e7aresizli\u011fini silkip att\u0131, ya\u015fama d\u00f6nd\u00fc ve “yeni sendikac\u0131l\u0131k” denen \u015feyin, yani b\u00fcy\u00fck “niteliksiz” i\u015f\u00e7iler kitlesinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi hareketinin vatan\u0131 durumuna geldi. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme eski “nitelikli” i\u015f\u00e7iler sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n benimsedi\u011fi bi\u00e7imi kabul edebilir, ama niteli\u011fi farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Eski sendikalar, kurulduklar\u0131 g\u00fcnlerin gelene\u011fini koruyorlar ve \u00fccret sistemini, bir kez kurulmu\u015f ve hep \u00f6yle kalacak sonal bir olgu gibi anl\u0131yorlar; en fazlas\u0131ndan kendi \u00fcyelerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in bu sistemi \u0131l\u0131mlayabileceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar. Yeni sendikalarsa, \u00fccret sisteminin sonsuza dek \u00f6yle kalaca\u011f\u0131 inanc\u0131n\u0131n sars\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131rada kuruldu; kurucular\u0131 ve destekleyicileri ya bilin\u00e7li ya da duygusal sosyalistler sendikalara sar\u0131larak bu ki\u015filere g\u00fc\u00e7 veren kitleler, kaba, ihmal edilmi\u015f ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aristokrasisinin tepeden bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanlar, ama engin bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckleri var: zihinleri bakir bir toprak; daha iyi konumdaki eski sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n beyinlerini \u00f6zg\u00fcr d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceden al\u0131koyan edinilmi\u015f, “sayg\u0131n” burjuva \u00f6nyarg\u0131lardan t\u00fcm\u00fcyle uzaklar. Ve \u015fimdi, bu yeni sendikalar\u0131n, genel olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinde ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ektiklerini, zengin ve gururlu “eski” (sayfa 42) sendikalar\u0131 giderek pe\u015flerine takt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Ku\u015fku yok ki, Do\u011fu Londral\u0131lar \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck acemilikler de yapt\u0131lar: ama \u00f6ncelleri de \u00f6yle, onlar\u0131 poh-pohlayan doktriner sosyalistler de \u00f6yle. Geni\u015f bir s\u0131n\u0131f, t\u0131pk\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ulus gibi, en h\u0131zl\u0131 ve en iyi, kendi hatalar\u0131n\u0131n ceremesini \u00e7ekerek \u00f6\u011frenir. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fte yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u015fimdi yap\u0131lan, gelecekte yap\u0131lacak b\u00fct\u00fcn hatalara kar\u015f\u0131n, Do\u011fu Londra’n\u0131n yeniden do\u011fu\u015fu, fin de siecle’in[19*] en b\u00fcy\u00fck ve en verimli olgular\u0131ndan biridir . Bunu g\u00f6recek kadar ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m i\u00e7in mutlu ve gururluyum. (sayfa 43)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 rakiplerdir. Man\u00fcfakt\u00fcrleri, \u0130ngiltere’ninkiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman gen\u00e7, ama \u0130ngiltere’ninkinden \u00e7ok daha h\u0131zl\u0131 bir oranda art\u0131yor; garip g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor ama; \u0130ngiliz man\u00fcfakt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn 1844’te eri\u015fti\u011fi geli\u015fme evresine, tam da \u015fu s\u0131ralarda ula\u015ft\u0131lar. Ko\u015futluk, Amerika \u00f6rne\u011finde ger\u00e7ekten \u00e7ok \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131. Do\u011fru, Amerika’da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde yerald\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u0131\u015f \u00e7evre \u00e7ok farkl\u0131d\u0131r, ama ayn\u0131 ekonomik yasalar orada da i\u015fliyor ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, her y\u00f6n\u00fcyle \u00f6zde\u015f olmasa bile ayn\u0131 s\u0131raya g\u00f6re geli\u015fmek durumunda. B\u00f6ylece Amerika’da da daha k\u0131sa i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fc, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma zaman\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zellikle fabrikalardaki kad\u0131n ve \u00e7ocuklar i\u00e7in yasayla s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gibi konularda ayn\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz; \u00fccreti malla \u00f6deme sistemi tam h\u0131z gidiyor; k\u0131rsal kesimde “patronlar” i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde egemen olmak i\u00e7in kul\u00fcbe sisteminden [<\/p>\n

F. Engels
11 0cak 1892[20*]<\/p>\n

Dipnotlar
[1*] Emek\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n Durumu’dan ba\u015fka, marksist ekonomik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemenin hen\u00fcz tam olmayan bir tasla\u011f\u0131 Umrisse zu einer Kritik derNational\u00f6konomie, [“Ekonomi Politi\u011fin Bir Ele\u015ftiri Denemesi”, K. Marks, 1844 Elyazmalar\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1993, s. 352-383] ayr\u0131ca K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131’ndaki baz\u0131 gazeteler i\u00e7in \u0130ngiltere hakk\u0131nda, Owen’ci New Moral World i\u00e7in de K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131 olaylar\u0131 hakk\u0131nda baz\u0131 makaleler, \u0130ngiltere g\u00fcnlerinin\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bkz. K. Marks-F. Engels, Werke I (Berlin 1956), 454-592
[2*] Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England. Nach eigener Anschaung und authentischen Quellen von Friedrich Engels, Leipzig, Druck und Verlag, von Otto Wigand, 1845. Kitab\u0131n ikinci Almanca bask\u0131s\u0131 1892’de yay\u0131nland\u0131. Standart bask\u0131 Berlin’de 1932’de yay\u0131nlanan Marx-Engels, Gesamtausgabe’dir. (K\u0131s\u0131m I, Cilt: 4, s. 5-286) Atlamalar ve dizgi yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 o bask\u0131da d\u00fczeltilmi\u015ftir. Buradaki metin 1892 \u0130ngiltere bask\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. En tam \u0130ngilizce bask\u0131 W. O. Henderson’la W. H. Chaloner’in haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 (Oxford 1958) bask\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r; metin yeniden \u00e7evrilmi\u015f, tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 bilgiler eklenmi\u015f, Engels’in referanslar\u0131 kontrol edilmi\u015f ve gerekti\u011finde d\u00fczeltilmi\u015ftir. Ne yaz\u0131k ki o \u00e7eviri \u00e7ok g\u00fcvenilir de\u011fildir, \u00e7evirmenler, Engels’in k\u0131tab\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fczden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmeye d\u00f6n\u00fck kuvvetli ama bo\u015f arzular\u0131n\u0131n etkisi alt\u0131ndad\u0131rlar.
[3*] \u00d6zellikle Buret’den. Su\u00e7lama, Fastav Mayer, Friedrich Engels, Cilt I, (Lahey 1934) s. 195’te tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve yersiz g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Mayer, Buret’nin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle Engels’in g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc aras\u0131nda ortak bir yan bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ayr\u0131ca Engels’in \u0130ngiltere’den d\u00f6nmeden \u00f6nce Buret’nin kitab\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f olabilece\u011fi noktas\u0131nda herhangi bir kan\u0131t bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir.
[4*] Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6neme ait \u00f6teki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar aras\u0131nda Engels’in kitap halinde yeniden yay\u0131nlamaya de\u011fer g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00f6teki yap\u0131tlar, Marks’\u0131n Feuerbach \u00dczerine Tezler’i ve Felsefenin Sefaleti’dir (1847). Engels’in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nceli\u011fi konusundaki ku\u015fku, Marks’\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck Tezler’ini 1845 bahar\u0131nda ne zaman haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmeyi\u015fimizden ileri geliyor. Engels’in kendi kitab\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fcne koydu\u011fu 15 Mart tarihinden \u00f6nce olmas\u0131 zay\u0131f bir olas\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r.
[5*] Lenin’in 1895’de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Friedrich Engels” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131ndan (Marx-Engels-Marxizm, Londra 1935, s. 37) [V. \u0130. Lenin, Marks-Engels-Marksizm, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara 1997, s. 61]
[6*] Bu konuda biraz Sismondi’ye ve daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131, bu kitab\u0131 haz\u0131rlarken kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131, Orta S\u0131n\u0131flar ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n Tarihi’nin (1833) yazar\u0131 John Wade’e bor\u00e7ludur. Wade 5-7 y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00f6ng\u00fcler \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. Engels \u00f6nce bunu benimsemi\u015f, sonra 10 y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00f6ng\u00fcden yana olmu\u015ftur.
[7*] V. A. Hubler (Janus 1845 II, s. 387), Bruno Hildebrand (National\u00f6konomie der Gegenwart and Zukunft, Frankfurt 1848), Chaloner ve Henderson, Engels Condition of the Working Class, Oxford 1958 XXXI). Engels’in kitab\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f Alman tepkiler i\u00e7in bkz. Kuczynski, DieGeschichte der Lage der Arbeiter unter dem Kapitalismus, vol. 8 (Berlin 1960).
[8*] Bu su\u00e7lama hakk\u0131nda bkz. E. J. Hobsbawn’\u0131n Labouring Men (Londra 1962), b\u00f6l\u00fcm 6.
[9*] \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n. -\u00e7.
[10*] Resmi H\u00fck\u00fcmet raporlar\u0131. -\u00e7.
[11*] Tah\u0131l Yasas\u0131yla, \u0130ngiltere parlamentosu 1815’te tah\u0131l i\u00e7in toprak sahipleri lehine, y\u00fcksek g\u00fcmr\u00fck vergileri uygulamaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Yasaya g\u00f6re, 12,7 kg’l\u0131k bir \u00f6l\u00e7ek bu\u011fday\u0131n fiyat\u0131 80 \u015filinden az ise ithalat yasakt\u0131. Daha sonra birka\u00e7 kez yumu\u015fat\u0131lmakla birlikte, bu yasa yoksullar \u00fczerinde a\u011f\u0131r bir y\u00fck olu\u015fturuyordu. Lancashire’daki sanayi burjuvazisinin \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olan Tah\u0131l Yasas\u0131yla Sava\u015f\u0131m Ligi, \u0131srarl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde bu yasan\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kampanya y\u00fcr\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yasa kapitalist geli\u015fmeyi k\u00f6stekliyordu. Bu yasa, emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc pahal\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor, i\u00e7 pazar\u0131n geni\u015flemesini engelliyor ve d\u0131\u015f ticareti k\u00f6stekliyordu. Bu yasa 1846’da y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. -Ed.
[12*] On saatlik i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fc yasas\u0131n\u0131 \u0130ngiltere parlamentosu 8 Haziran 1847’de kabul etti. Yasa yaln\u0131zca 13-18 ya\u015f aras\u0131ndaki gen\u00e7leri ve kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ileri kaps\u0131yordu. -Ed.
[13*] 1840’larda Manchester’deki bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 mahallesi. -Ed.
[14*] Londra’n\u0131n merkezinde, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Soho’nun do\u011fusunda berbat bir gecekondu mahallesi. -Ed.
[15*] \u00c7artist Konvansiyon 10 Nisan 1848 tarihinde Londra’da bir miting yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve yeni dilek\u00e7enin parlamentoya verilmesi i\u00e7in bir i\u015f\u00e7i y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc d\u00fczenlenmesini kararla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Parlamento, dilek\u00e7ede istendi\u011fi gibi, Halk \u00c7art\u0131n\u0131 onaylamay\u0131 reddederse, konvansiyon bir ayaklanma ba\u015flatacakt\u0131. Ne var ki, h\u00fck\u00fcmetin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemler -ba\u015fkente polis, asker ve silahl\u0131 burjuva birlikleri seli ak\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131- ve onun yan\u0131s\u0131ra \u00e7artistlerin kesin bir eyleme haz\u0131r olmay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ve \u00f6nderlerinin karars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonucu g\u00f6steri ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu. \u00c7artist lider O’Connor’\u0131n parlamentoya g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmesini emretti\u011fi dilek\u00e7eyi Avam Kamaras\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmaya bile a\u00e7mad\u0131. -Ed.
[16*] Daha \u00e7ok kullan\u0131lan tarih, 1831’deki tasar\u0131n\u0131n yasala\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 1832’dir. 19 y\u00fczy\u0131lda yap\u0131lan bu ilk b\u00fcy\u00fck parlamento se\u00e7im reformu, oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 bir par\u00e7a geni\u015fletti – 435 bin se\u00e7menden 652 bin se\u00e7mene \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131; (\u0130ngiltere’de ve Galler’de) milletvekilliklerini \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olarak yeniden da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece toprak aristokrasisinin ve onun i\u00e7inde erimi\u015f olan k\u00f6kl\u00fc kapitalistlerin dizginleri elde tutmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok fazla zay\u0131flatmad\u0131. Yine de parlamentonun kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yeni sanayi burjuvazisinin temsilcilerine ve burjuva radikallere daha fazla a\u00e7t\u0131; hepsinden \u00f6te bundan b\u00f6yle onlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n belirleyici olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 saptad\u0131. Burjuva radikallerin bu reformu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilmek i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ise, oy hakk\u0131ndan yoksun kalmaya devam etti, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yasa kentte ve k\u0131rsal alanda oy verebilmek i\u00e7in belli miktarda mal-m\u00fclk sahibi olmay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu.
[17*] 1867’deki ikinci reform yasas\u0131, ilk kez i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir kesimine de oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131d\u0131 -se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131k bir milyondan yakla\u015f\u0131k iki milyona \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131- ama niteliksiz i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7o\u011funa ve b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndakilere oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 gene tan\u0131mad\u0131.1884 tarihli \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc reform yasas\u0131 (parlamento \u00fcyeliklerinin yeniden da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 tamamlad\u0131), se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131k 5 milyona \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131 ve k\u0131rsal kesimdeki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131na da ilk kez oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131d\u0131. Ancak gene de etkin bir genel (erkek) oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmedi. Yakla\u015f\u0131k iki milyon erkek ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fc se\u00e7im sand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan uzak kald\u0131. Baz\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar h\u00e2l\u00e2 olmakla birlikte yeti\u015fkin erkeklerin (ve 1929’da 21 ya\u015f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck kad\u0131nlar\u0131n) oy hakk\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131 ancak 1918’de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. -Ed.
[18*] Sohbet, gevezelik. -\u00e7.
[19*] Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonu. -\u00e7.
[20*] \u0130ngiltere’de Emek\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n Durumu’nun Almanca ikinci bask\u0131s\u0131na yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ns\u00f6zde Engels, \u0130ngilizce bask\u0131n\u0131n bu \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fcnden bir paragraf al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131ktan sonra a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ekledi:
“Alt\u0131 ay \u00f6nce, ben bunlar\u0131 yazd\u0131ktan sonra, \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi, yeniden ileri do\u011fru b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ad\u0131m att\u0131. \u00d6nceki g\u00fcn yap\u0131lan parlamento se\u00e7imleri, resmi iki partiye, muhafazakarlarla liberallere, art\u0131k bundan sonra bir \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc partiyi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin partisini dikkate almalar\u0131 gerekece\u011fi i\u015faretini verdi. Bu i\u015f\u00e7i partisi hen\u00fcz kuruluyor; kurucu \u00f6\u011feleri, h\u00e2l\u00e2 her t\u00fcr geleneksel \u00f6nyarg\u0131y\u0131 -burjuva, eski sendikac\u0131 ve hatta doktriner sosyalist \u00f6nyarg\u0131lar\u0131- atma \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7indeler; \u00f6yle ki, bunu yaparak, hepsi i\u00e7in ortak olan bir temelde bir araya gelebilsinler. Ama ard\u0131ndan gittikleri birle\u015fme g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fc o kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc ki, \u015fimdiye dek \u0130ngiltere’de e\u015fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Londra’da se\u00e7ime iki i\u015f\u00e7i aday kat\u0131ld\u0131 ve a\u00e7\u0131ktan sosyalist aday olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131; liberaller, onlara kar\u015f\u0131 kendi adamlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmaya cesaret edemediler. ve iki sosyalist ezici bir \u00e7o\u011funlukla, beklenmedik bir oyla kazand\u0131lar. Middlesbrough’da bir i\u015f\u00e7i aday, bir liberal ve bir muhafazakar adayla yar\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve ikisine kar\u015f\u0131n o se\u00e7ildi; \u00f6te yandan liberallerle se\u00e7im i\u015fbirli\u011fi yapan yeni i\u015f\u00e7i adaylar, biri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldular. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i temsilcisi denen eski temsilciler, yani kendi liberalizm okyanusunda kendi i\u015f\u00e7i niteliklerini bo\u011fmak istedikleri i\u00e7in zaten i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 temsilcili\u011finden affedilenler aras\u0131nda bulunan Henry Broadhurst, eski sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bu en \u00f6nemli temsilcisi, sekiz saatlik i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, ba\u015f\u0131 t\u00fcmden \u00f6n\u00fcne e\u011fik kald\u0131. Glasgow’da iki, Salford’da bir ve daha ba\u015fka se\u00e7im \u00e7evrelerinde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z i\u015f\u00e7i adaylar her iki partinin adaylar\u0131yla yar\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Yenik d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler. Ama liberal adaylarda yenildi. K\u0131sacas\u0131, baz\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerde ve s\u0131nai se\u00e7im \u00e7evrelerinde, i\u015f\u00e7iler, iki eski partiyle t\u00fcm ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 kopard\u0131lar ve \u00f6nceki herhangi bir se\u00e7imde g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyen dolayl\u0131 ya da do\u011frudan ba\u015far\u0131 kazand\u0131lar. Bunun, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 keyif s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131zd\u0131r. \u0130lk kez, oylar\u0131n\u0131 kendi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na kulland\u0131klar\u0131 zaman ne ba\u015farabileceklerini anlad\u0131lar ve g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Neredeyse 40 y\u0131ld\u0131r \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7ilerini, “b\u00fcy\u00fck liberal parti” bo\u015finan\u0131na ba\u011flayan b\u00fcy\u00fc bozuldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler, isterlerse ve ne istediklerini bilirlerse, \u0130ngiltere’de, sonucu belirleyici g\u00fcc\u00fcn kendileri oldu\u011funu \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rneklerle g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Ve 1892 se\u00e7imleri b\u00f6yle bir bilmenin ve istemin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret ediyor. K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi, gerisini halledecektir. Kendi parlamentolar\u0131nda ve yerel meclislerinde zaten \u00e7ok say\u0131da temsilci bulunduran Almanlar ve Frans\u0131zlar yeni yeni ba\u015far\u0131larla, \u0130ngilizlerin yeterli bir h\u0131zla y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek rekabet etme ruhunu ayakta tutacakt\u0131r. Ve \u00e7ok uzak olmayan bir gelecekte bu yeni parlamentonun bay Gladstone ile, bay Gladstone’un da bu parlamentoyla hi\u00e7bir yere gidemeyece\u011fi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karsa, \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i partisi, iktidarda birbirini izleyen ve bu yolla burjuvazinin egemenli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren iki partili tahterevalliye son verecek bir konumda olacakt\u0131r.” -Ed.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 Notlar
[18] K\u0131ta Sistemi, ya da k\u0131ta \u00fcblukas\u0131 \u2014 1806’da Napol\u00e9on I taraf\u0131ndan ilan edilmi\u015fti ve Avrupa k\u0131tas\u0131ndaki \u00fclkelerle B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya aras\u0131nda ticareti yasakl\u0131yordu. Napol\u00e9on’un Rusya’daki yenilgisinden sonra kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

[ALMANCA \u0130LK BASKIYA] \u00d6NS\u00d6Z[3] BU \u00d6NS\u00d6Z\u00dc izleyen kitab\u0131 asl\u0131nda, \u0130ngiltere’nin toplumsal tarihi \u00fczerine yapaca\u011f\u0131m daha geni\u015f bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc olarak yazmaya niyetlenmi\u015ftim.[4] Ancak konunun \u00f6nemi, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131ktan k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra, sorunu ayr\u0131ca ara\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131 gerektirdi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n durumu, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal hareketlerin ger\u00e7ek temeli ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131d\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki toplumsal yoksullu\u011fun en saklanamaz ve en […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[33],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-5845","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-karl-marx-friedrich-engels-arsivi"},"yoast_head":"\nF. 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