![](\"http:\/\/i41.tinypic.com\/169lp5f.jpg\")
YAZARIN ALMANCA \u0130K\u0130NC\u0130 BASKIYA \u00d6NS\u00d6Z\u00dcZamans\u0131z \u00f6len dostum Joseph Weydemeyer,[1*] 1 Ocak 1852’de New-York’ta haftal\u0131k siyasal bir dergi \u00e7\u0131karmaya niyetleniyordu. Bu dergi i\u00e7in benden de h\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesinin tarihini yazmam\u0131 istedi. \u015eubat\u0131n ortas\u0131na kadar, her hafta, “Louis Bonaparte’\u0131n 18 Brumaire’i” ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan yaz\u0131lar\u0131 kendisine ula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131m. Bu arada, Weydemeyer’in ilk plan\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011frad\u0131. Ama 1852 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ilkyaz\u0131nda Devrim ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan ayl\u0131k bir dergi yay\u0131nland\u0131, derginin birinci say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 “18 Brumaire” meydana getirmektedir. O zaman, bu dergiden birka\u00e7 y\u00fcz tane Almanya’ya g\u00f6nderildi, ama kitap\u00e7\u0131larda sat\u0131\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lamad\u0131. \u0130leri radikal ge\u00e7inen ve derginin da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nerdi\u011fim bir Alman kitap\u00e7\u0131, b\u00f6yle “yersiz” bir (sayfa 472) \u00f6neri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duydu\u011fu erdemli korkusunu belli ederek kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdi.
Bu s\u00f6ylediklerimden de g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ki, kitap, olaylar\u0131n do\u011frudan do\u011fruya bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda do\u011fmu\u015ftur ve i\u015fledi\u011fi tarihsel konu 1852 \u015eubat\u0131n\u0131n berisine ge\u00e7mez. \u015eimdi bu yeni bask\u0131, k\u0131smen kitapevinin istekleri, k\u0131smen de Almanya’daki dostlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0131srarl\u0131 istekleri \u00fczerine yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
A\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanlarda yaz\u0131lan ve ayn\u0131 konuyu i\u015fleyen yap\u0131tlar aras\u0131nda yaln\u0131z ikisinin s\u00f6z\u00fc edilmeye de\u011fer: Victor Hugo’nun K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Napol\u00e9on’u ve Proudhon’un H\u00fck\u00fcmet Darbesi.
Victor Hugo, h\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesinin sorumlusuna kar\u015f\u0131 ac\u0131 ve n\u00fckteli s\u00f6v\u00fcp saymalarla yetiniyor. Olay\u0131n kendisi, ona, duru bir g\u00f6kte \u00e7akan bir \u015fim\u015fek gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Olay\u0131, ancak, bir bireyin zora ba\u015fvurmas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyor. B\u00f6yle yapmakla, onu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcltece\u011fi yerde, ona tarihte e\u015fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f ki\u015fisel bir giri\u015fkenlik g\u00fcc\u00fc y\u00fckleyerek, b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc farketmiyor. Proudhon ise, h\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesini, daha \u00f6nceki tarihsel bir geli\u015fmenin sonucu gibi sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Ama, h\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesinin tarihsel yap\u0131s\u0131, kaleminde, h\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesi kahraman\u0131n\u0131n bir savunmas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. B\u00f6ylece, s\u00f6zde objektif tarih\u00e7ilerimizin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fckleri yan\u0131lg\u0131ya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Bana gelince, ben, tersine, Fransa’da s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131radan ve kaba bir adam\u0131n kahraman gibi g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini sa\u011flayacak ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve durumu nas\u0131l yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyorum.
Kitab\u0131n yeniden bir elden ge\u00e7irilmesi, \u00f6zel havas\u0131n\u0131 kaybettirecekti. Onun i\u00e7in yaln\u0131z bask\u0131 yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczeltmek ve bug\u00fcn art\u0131k anla\u015f\u0131lmayacak olan imalar\u0131 kald\u0131rmakla yetindim.
Yap\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n son t\u00fcmcesinde s\u00f6yledi\u011fim, “Ama imparatorluk pelerini en sonunda Louis Bonaparte’\u0131n omuzlar\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00fcn, Napol\u00e9on’un tun\u00e7tan heykeli, Vend\u00f4me dikilita\u015f\u0131n\u0131n[257] tepesinden g\u00fcmb\u00fcrt\u00fcyle devrilecektir”, s\u00f6z\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti bile.
1815 seferi \u00fczerine yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitapta Napol\u00e9on’un putla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ilk sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7en Albay Charras oldu. O zamandan beri ve \u00f6zelikle \u015fu son y\u0131llarda, Frans\u0131z yaz\u0131n\u0131, tarihsel ara\u015ft\u0131rma, ele\u015ftiri, ta\u015flama ve alay t\u00fcr\u00fc silahlarla Napol\u00e9on efsanesine \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl darbeyi indirdi. Geleneksel halk (sayfa 473) inan\u00e7lar\u0131 ile bu keskin kopu\u015f, bu b\u00fcy\u00fck fikir devrimi, Fransa d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda pek az dikkat \u00e7ekti ve hi\u00e7 de anla\u015f\u0131lmad\u0131.
Son olarak, bu yap\u0131t\u0131n, bug\u00fcn, \u00f6zellikle Almanya’da pek \u00e7ok kullan\u0131lan sezarc\u0131l\u0131k teriminin art\u0131k bir yana at\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umuyorum. Bu sezarc\u0131l\u0131k deyimi ile yap\u0131lan y\u00fczeysel tarihsel \u00f6rneksemede, i\u015fin \u00f6z\u00fc, yani eski Roma’da, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yaln\u0131z ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7inde, varl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015flar ile yoksul \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7erken, halk\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fcretici kitlesinin \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fanlara k\u0131saca basit bir basamak meydana getirdi\u011fi unutuluyor. Sismondi’nin, \u00fcnl\u00fc “Roma proletaryas\u0131, toplumun s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iniyordu, oysa modern toplum, proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iniyor”, s\u00f6z\u00fc unutuluyor.[258] Antik\u00e7a\u011fda ve modern zamanlarda s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n maddi ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131 aras\u0131nda tam bir fark oldu\u011fundan, bu ko\u015fullardan do\u011fan siyasal bi\u00e7imler aras\u0131nda da, Canterbury piskoposu ile b\u00fcy\u00fck rahip Samuel aras\u0131ndaki benzerlikten daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir benzerlik olamaz.<\/p>\n