{"id":6038,"date":"2011-06-02T13:25:08","date_gmt":"2011-06-02T10:25:08","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/06\/02\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-2bolum-thomas-conte\/"},"modified":"2011-06-02T13:25:08","modified_gmt":"2011-06-02T10:25:08","slug":"nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-2bolum-thomas-conte","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/06\/02\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-2bolum-thomas-conte\/","title":{"rendered":"Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kimilerine, Nietzscheci bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6nerisi, paradoksal g\u00f6r\u00fcnse gerek, zira o bu ayr\u0131 alanlar\u0131n \u201cderin bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k\u201d olu\u015fturduklar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eder. B\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fclt\u00fcrel anlar\u0131n daima siyasal bozulma zamanlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu saptar, oysa siyasal g\u00f6rkem devirlerine k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yarat\u0131c\u0131 karakterine y\u00f6nelik d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k e\u015flik eder.29<\/p>\n

Yine de Warren, bu kapsay\u0131c\u0131 yarg\u0131lar\u0131n alt\u0131nda, Nietzsche\u2019nin eserinde i\u015fleyen iki siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr modeli tan\u0131mlar.
Birincisi daha tan\u0131d\u0131k olan\u0131, bir y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, kendi yarat\u0131c\u0131 etkinlik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc sa\u011flama almak i\u00e7in zorlay\u0131c\u0131, hiyerar\u015fik ayr\u0131mlar dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm modelidir. Ancak Warren bu yap\u0131n\u0131n Nietzsche\u2019nin iktidar felsefesi ile nas\u0131l uyumsuz oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlar. Nietzshe\u2019nin, bireylere modern kurumlar ve piyasalarca dayat\u0131lan sentetik s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar\u0131 yanl\u0131\u015f anlamas\u0131n\u0131 paranteze alarak, Warren ba\u015fka bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel potansiyellikler k\u00fcmesinin \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc kald\u0131r\u0131r. Burada Nietzsche\u2019nin dayan\u0131\u015fma, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 ileti\u015fim ve nitelikli e\u015fitlik vizyonu, i\u00e7inde iktidar ili\u015fkilerinin \u00f6znellik i\u00e7indeki bireyle\u015fmi\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 i\u015flenmesine y\u00f6nelik tarihsel-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kolektif yorumlama s\u00fcre\u00e7leriyle bir\u015fe\u015fen olumlu bir siyasal mek\u00e2n\u0131 izler.30<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal-siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin anti-otoriter y\u00f6nlerini soru\u015fturmam i\u00e7in ba\u011flam\u0131 sa\u011flayan, bu di\u011fer siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00e7er\u00e7evesidir. Fakat bu siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 onu devlet kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, Nietzscheci bir anar\u015fizmden bahsetmemize izin verecek \u015fekilde nas\u0131l ba\u011flan\u0131r?<\/p>\n

Birincisi, anar\u015fistlere y\u00f6nelik g\u00f6ndermelerinin pek \u00e7o\u011fu a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lay\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. Nietzsche bu devlet kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131 sosyalistlerle, onlar\u0131n t\u00fcm zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015fmalar\u0131 halinde birbirinin yerine ge\u00e7ebilir olarak resmeder. Ba\u015fka bir yerde, solcu karde\u015flerinin daha a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir versiyonu, bu y\u00fczden de onlar\u0131n olumsuz vas\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n \u015fiddetlenmi\u015f hali olarak betimlenirler. Y\u0131kma ve yok etme d\u00fcrt\u00fcleri, bize denildi\u011fi gibi, enerjinin Dionysos\u00e7u bir ta\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fildir, ama ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 bir devrimi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrerek herkesin d\u00fczeyini kendilerininkine do\u011fru indirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir garez ve haseti ifadelendirirler.31<\/p>\n

Ne var ki anar\u015fistlere y\u00f6nelik tekrar eden yergilerine kar\u015f\u0131n, eserleri anti-otoriter d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyle t\u00f6zel yak\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini sergiler.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7inde, bir dizi muhtemel ortakl\u0131k \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar. \u00c7alkant\u0131l\u0131 tarihi boyunca, anar\u015fizm, pek \u00e7o\u011fu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak birbirine muhalif konumda duran geni\u015f bir teoriler, y\u00f6ntemler ve ama\u00e7lar dizisini somutla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131m a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, anar\u015fizmin pek \u00e7ok bi\u00e7imini birle\u015ftiren birbiriyle ili\u015fkili iki kavram\u0131 te\u015fhis ediyorum: yani, bask\u0131c\u0131 otoritenin ele\u015ftirisi ve onun do\u011fal sonucu olarak bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ilkesi olarak devletin de\u011ferinin reddedilmesi. Anar\u015fist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin tarihsel miras\u0131na bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Nietzscheci anar\u015fizm, bireyci ya da toplumsal anar\u015fizm olarak basit\u00e7e adland\u0131r\u0131lmaya, bu iki okulun unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ine alarak kar\u015f\u0131 koyar. Bununla birlikte, ben incelememde, onun eserlerini, \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir benzerlik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal anar\u015fizmle ili\u015fki i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftiriyorum.<\/p>\n

Bu yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131 Nietzsche\u2019nin anar\u015fizmi yanl\u0131\u015f okumas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden bir d\u00fczeyde gizlenmi\u015ftir. Onun, anar\u015fizmi devlet sosyalizminin bireye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131na kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma giri\u015fimlerinin aksine, \u00f6rnek olarak, Bakunin, t\u00fcrlerin bireysel giri\u015fim yoluyla ilerledi\u011fi fikriyle uyu\u015fur32 ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en y\u00fcksek potansiyelinin pe\u015finde sebat etmek i\u00e7in kesin bir \u015fekilde \u00e7eki\u015fir. Bireye toplumsal olarak dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f herhangi bir s\u0131n\u0131rlama kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, Bakunin, g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ve yetilerin do\u011fal \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini \u201cinsano\u011flunun hazine dairesi\u201d olarak kutlar. O zaman onun e\u015fitlik talebi entelekt\u00fcel ve ahlaki bir tekbi\u00e7imlili\u011fi hedeflemez. Ne de onun \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, \u201cherhangi bir birey ya da bireyler grubu taraf\u0131ndan kitleler \u00fczerinde sarfedilen herhangi bir do\u011fal tesiri\u201d yasaklama gi\u015fimi ile ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r de\u011fildir. Bunun yerine, \u201ckurmaca, ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131, yasal ve resmi tesirleri\u201d y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Bu nokta Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ilerleme ve Bakunin\u2019in siyasal \u00e7ekimserli\u011fi aras\u0131nda kritik bir ba\u011fa bi\u00e7im verir.
Bakunin\u2019in zorlay\u0131c\u0131 otorite ilkesinden vazge\u00e7mesinin liderli\u011fi k\u0131namak olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kuvvetlendirir. Bireyin muhakeme g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin, \u00f6tekilerin erklenmesini \u00f6zg\u00fcrce beyan etme avantaj\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde, Bakunin bu t\u00fcr bir prati\u011fin de\u011ferini t\u00fcm\u00fcyle kabul eder.34<\/p>\n

O zaman, Bakunin\u2019in kolektif \u00f6z-disiplin teorisi, \u201cdaha y\u00fcksek zihinlerin daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck zihinlere do\u011fal tesirine\u201d dayanan bir kendi gelece\u011fini belirleme modelini ifadelendirir. Bu, kendini s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya ve ki\u015fisel inisiyatifin koordineli uygulanmas\u0131na dayanan, ge\u00e7irgen bir g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etkileme sistemini kurumla\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.35<\/p>\n

Burada, \u201cdo\u011fal\u201d liderli\u011fin me\u015frulu\u011fu, bireysel faillerin ispatlanabilir katk\u0131lar\u0131yla ili\u015fkili olarak e\u015fitsizlikleri kabul eden bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etkile\u015fim i\u00e7in ba\u011flama bi\u00e7im verir. Bu y\u00fczden, elinde zorlay\u0131c\u0131 otoriteyi bulunduranlar\u0131 k\u0131namakla birlikte, \u00fcst\u00fcn kavray\u0131\u015fa ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 iktidara sahip olanlar\u0131n me\u015fru liderli\u011finin takdir edilmesi, her iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn toplumsal ve siyasal yeniden in\u015fa modellerinin merkezinde durur.<\/p>\n

Modern siyasal s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar\u0131n a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n, dolayl\u0131 inisiyatifler olarak veya evrensel bir ahlaki d\u00fczene ve devlet\u00e7i yap\u0131lara duyulan gereksinime bask\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kma m\u00fccadelesi olarak g\u00f6z\u00fckebilecek bir \u015fey gerektirmesini Nietzsche\u2019nin k\u0131namas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, do\u011frudan eylemle ilgili ku\u015fkular\u0131, devlet\u00e7ili\u011fe y\u00f6nelik bir sempatiyi de\u011fil, daha y\u00fcksek hedeflere sab\u0131rl\u0131 bir adanma gereksinimini do\u011frular. Bu bak\u0131mdan, Hunt, Nietzsche\u2019nin siyaset kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n devlet siyasetine ald\u0131rmamay\u0131 ve devlet\u00e7i de\u011ferlerin yerini almaya y\u00f6nelik bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma talebini ifadelendirdi\u011fini savundu\u011funda hakl\u0131d\u0131r. Ben ayr\u0131ca bu ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctme \u00e7izgisinin, zorlay\u0131c\u0131 \u015fiddetin yerini fikirlerin ve s\u00f6z\u00fcn ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 devlet\u00e7ilik-sonras\u0131 y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imlerine dair bir kehanette bulundu\u011funa kat\u0131l\u0131yorum. Ne var ki Nietzsche\u2019nin duru\u015funun, bu t\u00fcr de\u011ferlerin insani ilerlemenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki yine de b\u00fcy\u00fck engellerin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 temin edemedi\u011fi zemininde, devletin yok edilmesini ya da olduk\u00e7a sert bir \u015fekilde zay\u0131flay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 onaylamakta ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc noktada Hunt\u2019la ayr\u0131l\u0131yorum. Bu noktada Hunt \u201cDin ve H\u00fck\u00fcmet\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 pasaja bel ba\u011flar ki burada Nietzsche devlet\u00e7ilik kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cy\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 denemeleri\u201dne direnen halklar\u0131n ihtiyat ve \u00f6z-\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ver.<\/p>\n

Devlet daha y\u00fcksek de\u011ferlerin geli\u015fmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc t\u0131karken, bu de\u011ferlerin kesinlikle devlet\u00e7ilik-sonras\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeden \u00f6nce gelmesi gerekti\u011fi \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc \u00e7evresinde Hunt Nietzsche\u2019nin devlete kar\u015f\u0131 muhalefetini yeniden in\u015fa eder.36<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr bir okuma, zenginle\u015fmeye dair kendi erekselcili\u011fine g\u00fcvenini yitiren ve militarizm korkusuna ald\u0131rmayan Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal projesine bir siyasal s\u00fck\u00fbnet ve vazge\u00e7i\u015f bah\u015feder. Bu noktada Hunt, bu pasajdan daha \u00f6nceki bir maddeyi g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131r, Nietzsche burada, bireyleri karga\u015faya de\u011fil \u201cama\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in devletten daha uygun olan bir icada\u201d ula\u015ft\u0131ran demokratik devletin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131nda ihtiyat ve \u00f6z-\u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtir.37<\/p>\n

O zaman, Nietzscheci anar\u015fizm, Alman yazar\u0131n, pek \u00e7ok anar\u015fistin de payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n devleti g\u00fczenli bir \u015fekilde ba\u015f\u0131ndan atabilmesinden \u00f6nce ka\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken belirli \u00f6nko\u015fullar\u0131 kafas\u0131nda canland\u0131rmas\u0131 zemininde basit\u00e7e oyun d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lamaz. Bu ger\u00e7ek Nietzscheci anar\u015fizmin vurgusunu, anar\u015fizmin tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi olmas\u0131 gerekmeyen devrimcilik \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinden, toplumsal zenginle\u015fmeye e\u015flik eden \u00f6zg\u00fcl ko\u015fullara do\u011fru kayd\u0131r\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Devrimci A\u015famac\u0131l\u0131k ve Zenginle\u015fme
Belirtti\u011fimiz gibi, siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel miras\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu kez insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, tam da, olmu\u015f olan\u0131n \u201ckorkutucu rastlant\u0131s\u0131\u201ddan \u015fimdiye g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir m\u00fcdahale yap\u0131labilece\u011fi umuduyla ge\u00e7mi\u015f hakk\u0131ndaki yarg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlarda en parlak \u015fekilde \u0131\u015f\u0131ldamas\u0131 ironiktir. Ve Nietzsche hakl\u0131yd\u0131; miras\u00e7\u0131 olmak tehlikelidir. Yine de, bu veraset ona, \u015fimdinin, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin zorunlu ya da \u201ctabii\u201d bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011fu, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc olamayaca\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131na meydan okuyacak bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 sa\u011flar. \u0130nsanca, Pek \u0130nsanca\u2019da bir pasajda modernlikle sunulan toplumsal ilerleme f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcne d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131r. \u201c\u0130nsanlar, kendilerini yeni bir k\u00fclt\u00fcre geli\u015ftirmeye bilin\u00e7li olarak karar verebilirler, daha \u00f6nce kendilerini bilin\u00e7sizce ve rastlant\u0131yla geli\u015ftirmi\u015flerdi: \u015fimdi insanlar\u0131n, do\u011fumu, beslenmeleri, e\u011fitimleri, \u00f6\u011fretimleri i\u00e7in daha iyi ko\u015fullar yaratabilirler, b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak d\u00fcnyay\u0131 ekonomik bir bi\u00e7imde y\u00f6netebilirler, genel olarak insanlar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lerini birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 dengeleyebilirler ve kullanabilirler. Bu yeni bilin\u00e7li k\u00fclt\u00fcr, eski k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcyor \u2026 ilerlemeye duyulan g\u00fcvensizli\u011fi de \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcyor- ilerleme olanakl\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d38<\/p>\n

\u0130nsani zenginle\u015fmeye bu ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k, hakiki ilerlemenin kurumlarca ba\u015far\u0131labilece\u011fi, ama \u00f6nce daha iyi bireyler gerektirdi\u011fi kanaatinde temellenir. Ger\u00e7ekten, kurumsal d\u00fczenlemelerdeki de\u011fi\u015fmelerin insani dayan\u0131\u015fma g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesini hedefleyebilece\u011fini s\u00f6yler bize, ama devrimler \u00e7o\u011fu zaman arzulanabilir herhangi bir \u00e7e\u015fit de\u011fi\u015fime ula\u015fmakta ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olurken normalde toplumsal olarak ayr\u0131l\u0131k yarat\u0131c\u0131 olaylar \u015feklinde geli\u015firler.39<\/p>\n

Ve devrimin g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz ve tepkisel rejimlerin yeniden g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesinin bir kayna\u011f\u0131 olabilece\u011fini teslim etse de, bu t\u00fcr olaylar, \u201cinsan do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczenleyicisi, mimar\u0131, sanar\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 [ya da] m\u00fckemmelle\u015ftiricisi\u201d olarak hizmet edemezler. Frans\u0131z Devrimi, Nietzsche\u2019nin devrimci eylem modelidir, ve siyasal de\u011fi\u015fimdeki aceleci giri\u015fimlere e\u015flik eden tehlikelerin kuvvetli bir betimleni\u015fi haline gelir. Bu olay devrimin ellerinde etkisi bozulmu\u015f olan Ayd\u0131nlanma\u2019n\u0131n \u201c\u015fiddetli ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesizce hareket eden\u201d yolda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olarak resmedilir. \u201c\u00c7o\u011funlu\u011fun ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, der, devrimleri H\u0131ristiyan de\u011fer yarg\u0131lar\u0131yla kaplar, onlar\u0131 \u201cs\u0131rf kan ve su\u00e7a\u201d d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcr. Anlaml\u0131 ve kal\u0131c\u0131 ilerleme ba\u015fka bir ortam, hedef ve gidi\u015f gerektirir, ve bu noktada d\u00fcnyevi ko\u015fullar\u0131 desteklemekten yoksun olan \u201cyeni de\u011fer bi\u00e7meleri\u201d zorlamaktansa bildik ahlaklara tutunman\u0131n daha iyi oldu\u011funu tembihler. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede, ancak k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck miktarlarda ele\u015ftirel g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler \u201ci\u00e7imizde yeni bir do\u011fa\u201d \u00fcreterek k\u00f6k sald\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim uygundur. \u00d6yleyse bu, refah\u0131n \u015fiddetli ve ani bir yeniden da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 talep edenlere kar\u015f\u0131, Nietzsche herkesin y\u00fckselmi\u015f bir adalet duygusuna y\u00f6neldi\u011fi bir \u201ca\u015famal\u0131 zihinsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc\u201d destekler.40<\/p>\n

Bunlar\u0131n \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, devrimcilik \u00e7evresindeki ku\u015fkular\u0131 bu gibi bir toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimi reddetmesinin i\u015faretini vermez. Ger\u00e7ekten, Nietzsche\u2019nin modernlik ele\u015ftirisi \u00fcst\u00fcn bir toplumsal d\u00fczen in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n varsay\u0131lan potansiyelini bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131r. Ve ihtiyata y\u00f6nelik s\u0131k s\u0131k ba\u015fvuru olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, kurtulu\u015f\u00e7uluk (liberationism) projesinin merkezi temas\u0131 olarak bir arada var olur. Yanl\u0131\u015f bir h\u00fcrmetin elenmesi toplumsal ilerlemede kritik bir a\u015fama olarak durur, ve varolan her \u015feyin varolmaya hakk\u0131 oldu\u011fu inanc\u0131, der bize, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en yayg\u0131n hatalar\u0131 aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.41<\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse, zenginle\u015fmi\u015f toplumsal d\u00fczenlemelere y\u00f6nelik istek, devrimci a\u015famac\u0131l\u0131k olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz bir \u015fey olarak; yani, kendi kendini geli\u015ftirmekte birlikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bireysel \u00e7abalar\u0131n sonucu olarak toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ko\u015fullar\u0131nda temel de\u011fi\u015fikliklere do\u011fru hareket etmek olarak g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcr. \u00d6yleyse eski ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bilin\u00e7li bir m\u00fccadeleye ba\u015flamak ve zaman\u0131n hakim de\u011ferlerinin yerine bir \u201cyeni i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fc\u201d, bir \u201cyeni do\u011fa\u201d yerle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in geli\u015fimi durduran g\u00fc\u00e7lerden kurtulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 Nietzsche te\u015fvik eder.42<\/p>\n

Yine de, vasat\u0131n ve iktidara a\u00e7 olanlar\u0131n y\u00f6netiminin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkisi Nietzsche\u2019yi devlet \u201cbuna de\u011fer mi?\u201d diye sormaya zorlayarak bu g\u00f6reve bir aciliyet verir.<\/p>\n

E\u011fer Nietzsche, benim savundu\u011fum gibi, devlet\u00e7ilik sonras\u0131n\u0131n normatif de\u011ferini \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyor ve bu hedefi zenginle\u015fmi\u015f ki\u015filik t\u00fcrlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan alg\u0131l\u0131yorsa, o zaman b\u00f6yle bir d\u00fczenle birlikte and\u0131\u011f\u0131 akt\u00f6rleri ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel kaynaklar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmemiz gerekir. Zihnindeki yeni soylular\u0131yla birlikte bir siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131lar k\u00fcmesine g\u00f6z atmam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flar. Bu grupla\u015ft\u0131rma, iktidar\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda de\u011fer yarat\u0131c\u0131 ve sevecen bireylerin bir araya geli\u015finin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tan\u0131mlan\u0131r.43<\/p>\n

Bunun ilerici i\u015flevi insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vasatl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve dura\u011fan ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerinin pe\u015finden gitmekten cayd\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r. Lakin \u015funu belirtmek zorunday\u0131z ki bu d\u00fczen miras yoluyla ge\u00e7memesi ya da kapal\u0131 bir kast olmamas\u0131 anlam\u0131na yenidir. Zerd\u00fc\u015ft yeni bir tiranl\u0131k hakk\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ve kendi yeni soylular s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 hem \u201cayaktak\u0131m\u0131\u201d hem de\u201d \u201cdespotik olan her \u015feye\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 canl\u0131 bir muhalefetin cisimle\u015fmesi olarak tarif eder.44<\/p>\n

\u00dcst\u00fcn enerjilerin ve kendini alt etme becerilerinin ifade edili\u015fi i\u00e7inde, soylu tip, yarat\u0131c\u0131 eylemin g\u00fcc\u00fcyle \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun onay\u0131n\u0131 kazan\u0131rken \u00f6zerklik alan\u0131n\u0131 koruyan elle tutulur ilk ad\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fiyle yeti\u015fmesini ispatlar. Nietzsche\u2019nin liderler kast\u0131n\u0131n, \u201cetkili ve samimi bir etkile\u015fim\u201d sayesinde kitlelerin g\u00fcvenini kazanarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatan Jaspers bu noktay\u0131 k\u0131smen kabul eder.45<\/p>\n

Hunt, eski Yunandaki anlam\u0131yla geleneksel y\u00f6netme hakk\u0131ndan yoksun bir lider olarak Nietzsche\u2019nin fiozof-tiran\u0131n\u0131n ille de tiranl\u0131k y\u00f6ntemlerini kullanmayan birisi oldu\u011funu anlatarak tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 bir de\u011ferlendirme \u00f6nerir.46 Bu nedenle Nietzsche\u2019nin akl\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131 bir siyasal me\u015fruluk t\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, onun mertebe d\u00fczeni bir kapasite d\u00fczeni olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr, \u00f6yle ki bu tek ba\u015f\u0131na y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet ediyor olarak yorumlanamaz. Ne de bu t\u00fcr bir d\u00fczenin \u015fiddet yoluyla dayat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir. Bu, Nietzsche\u2019nin destekledi\u011fi, t\u00fcrlerin zenginle\u015fmesinin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve me\u015fru liderli\u011fin temelini kurdu\u011fumuz g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc d\u00fczenlemeler yoluyla olur. Bu ilk nokta ona g\u00f6re ikinciyle e\u015fit \u00f6nemdedir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc herhangi bir toplumun istiktar\u0131n\u0131n, her kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131n\u0131n kendi b\u00fct\u00fcnsel durumuyla kabul etmesine dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenir.47<\/p>\n

Gelenekler, keyfi ayr\u0131mlar ya da do\u011frulanamayan ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar yoluyla muvaffakiyete mani olundu\u011fu yerde toplumsal d\u00fczen tehdit alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. R\u0131zan\u0131n bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde dekadans kendisini ilan eder. O zaman, arzulan\u0131r bir toplumsal d\u00fczene dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 zenginle\u015fme i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi ifadelendiren bir meritokratik** ilkeden t\u00fcrer.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilere gelince, Nietzsche parasal \u00f6d\u00fcllerin bo\u015fa gitmi\u015f bir motivasyon oldu\u011funu tavsiye eder. Daha iyisi \u201cbirey \u2026 kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcnde sakl\u0131 olan en y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeye ula\u015fabilece\u011fi \u015fekilde yerle\u015ftirilmelidir.\u201d48<\/p>\n

Bu duru\u015f, bir yetenekleri \u00f6l\u00e7eklendirme d\u00fczeninin her failin en b\u00fcy\u00fck katk\u0131da bulunmas\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir toplumsal i\u00e7erme modelini te\u015fvik ederek k\u00f6le kast\u0131n\u0131n zorunlu olarak kurban edilmesi hakk\u0131ndaki beyanat\u0131na b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k olu\u015fturur. B\u00f6ylesi bir d\u00fczen, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcler i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu gibi zay\u0131flar i\u00e7in de insani kaynaklar\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan en iyi d\u00fczenlenmesini sunar. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerden yana uzakl\u0131k pathosunun bulunmay\u0131\u015f\u0131 yarat\u0131c\u0131 iktidar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesini ve uygunlanmas\u0131n\u0131 dizginler. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, zay\u0131flar kendini zenginle\u015ftirmenin elle tutulur bir modelinden mahrumdurlar.49<\/p>\n

Burada zenginle\u015fmi\u015f ve zenginle\u015ftirici akt\u00f6rlerin toplumsal kaynaklar\u0131 siyasal olarak a\u00e7\u0131k bir toplumsal ba\u011flam i\u00e7inde idare etti\u011fi bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu d\u00fczenin ne kurumsal mekanizmalar taraf\u0131ndan onaylanm\u0131\u015f ne de bu mekanizmalar i\u00e7inde donmu\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi, yeni kapasitelerin \u00f6ncekiler t\u00fckenir veya k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcrken geli\u015fti\u011fi yerde, mertebeleri yeniden d\u00fczenleme potansiyelini a\u00e7\u0131k tutar.50<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin deneyselli\u011fe vurgusu, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel olan\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulunan grup\u00e7uklar\u0131n daha y\u00fcksek de\u011ferler i\u00e7in devam eden \u00e7eki\u015fmesi i\u00e7inde bir arada varoldu\u011fu bu modelin iki ucunu bir araya getirir. Bu t\u00fcr bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve, \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclemez ama yine de d\u00fczenli yap\u0131lar dizisi i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flayan zenginle\u015ftirici bir bi\u00e7imleni\u015fler \u00e7o\u011fullu\u011funu tasdik eder.51<\/p>\n

O zaman, bir sivrilmi\u015f bireyler d\u00fczeni istemesi, ge\u00e7irgen ve ini\u015f \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bir yeni soylular k\u00fcmesi olarak toplumsal kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f rekabet halindeki bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini varsayar. B\u00f6ylece, toplumsal-siyasal yarg\u0131lar\u0131n kapanmas\u0131n\u0131 ask\u0131ya alarak h\u0131n\u00e7 duygusunun kimi y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nleme s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc, tutar.<\/p>\n

Yine de, Nietzsche\u2019nin e\u015fitlik \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri yukar\u0131da betimlenen anti-otoriter d\u00fczenlemelerde nas\u0131l bir rol oynayabilir? Warren, Nietzsche\u2019nin siyasal ya\u015famdaki de\u011fi\u015fmez tahakk\u00fcme olan inanc\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal ve siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ile ki\u015fili\u011fin hiyerar\u015fik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini yanl\u0131\u015f bir \u015fekilde bir araya getirmesinin sonucu oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zlemler. Bu analojiler farkl\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerini a\u00e7\u0131klamak i\u00e7in uygunsuz diye bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa, o zaman yine de onun felsefesi i\u00e7inde, insani kudretlerin kendi kendini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesi olarak g\u00fc\u00e7 istenci anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcnde m\u00fcnaka\u015fa edecek ve toplumsal siyasal e\u015fitlikle teoride uyumlu hi\u00e7bir \u015fey kalmaz. Bu noktada, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcl\u00fck motivasyonun gerisindeki d\u0131\u015fsal tahakk\u00fcm etkilerinden ziyade, sorumlu bir fail olarak egemen bireyin kendini olu\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131n bir ko\u015fulu olarak g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcr.52<\/p>\n

Ba\u015fka bir d\u00fczeyde, Warren, Nietzsche\u2019nin polemi\u011finin, e\u015fitlik ilkesini hedeflemedi\u011fini, ama daha \u00e7ok e\u015fitli\u011fi, i\u00e7erikten yoksun evrensel bir ideoloji olarak reddettti\u011fini bize hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. \u00d6zelde, Nietzsche bunun modern tezah\u00fcrlerinin, haklar\u0131n ve \u00f6devlerin de\u011ferini ve i\u015flevini, payla\u015f\u0131lan ya da de\u011fer verilen kapatisetelerin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 tayin edilmesi olarak \u00e7arp\u0131tmas\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirir. Onun bireycili\u011fi, kendisini kendi e\u015fitleri ve onlara imkan veren do\u011frular i\u00e7inde onurland\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ne var ki e\u015fitli\u011fin sona erdi\u011fi yerde, e\u015fit haklar\u0131n geni\u015flemesi, bireyin potansiyelinin ve toplumsal zenginle\u015fme s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn bir seviyeye indirilmesi olarak boyun e\u011fdirmeye ve hareketsizle\u015ftirmeye yol verir.
Bu e\u011filim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Nietzsche, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 bireyle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini kendilerini tehdit eden dura\u011fan, kurumsal hiyerar\u015filerden korumay\u0131 hedefleyen, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel olarak ayakta tutulan bir ba\u015far\u0131 d\u00fczeni tasavvur eder. Bu senaryo arzu edilir bir siyasal toplumu, kendi kendini d\u00fczenleyen bireyler toplumu ile ayakta tutulan bir meritokratik haklar sistemi sistemine yaslanm\u0131\u015f olarak \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. Modern e\u015fit olmayanlar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi \u00f6\u011fretine kar\u015f\u0131t olarak, Nietzsche ispatlanabilir eylem kapasitesi ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 sayg\u0131y\u0131 do\u011frulam\u0131\u015f olan e\u015fitlerin e\u015fitli\u011fine dair kadim ilkeye ba\u015fvurur. E\u015fitli\u011fin yararlar\u0131na dair anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, toplumsal zenginle\u015fme ve ki\u015fisel giri\u015fim pratiklerinin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in bir ele\u015ftirel ba\u011flam sa\u011flayacak bir e\u015fitler toplulu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan iktidar\u0131n uyarlanmas\u0131 yoluyla bu e\u015fitli\u011fin bireysellik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 y\u00f6nlerinden kurtulur.53<\/p>\n

Bu ayr\u0131m Nietzsche\u2019nin e\u015fitlik\u00e7i d\u00fcrt\u00fcdeki birbirine benzemeyen saikleri g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi De Tocqueville\u2019i yank\u0131layan bir pasajda resmedilir. \u201cE\u015fitlik d\u00fc\u015fk\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ya herkesi kendine do\u011fru a\u015fa\u011f\u0131ya \u00e7ekmek istemekle (k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcltmek, g\u00f6zetlemek, t\u00f6kezletmek yoluyla) ya da kendini herkesle birlikte yukar\u0131yla \u00e7ekmek istemekle (onlar\u0131n erdemlerini kabul etmek, yard\u0131m etmek, ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131ndan sevin\u00e7 duymak yoluyla) dile gelebilir.\u201d54<\/p>\n

Owen, siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n epistemik otoritelerini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmeye e\u015fit hak sahibi olmalar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan, ama buna dair e\u015fit bir iddia sa\u011flamayan bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 ilke olarak Nietzscheci e\u015fitli\u011fe dair tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 bir okuma sunar. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, siyasal otoritenin kurulu\u015f s\u00fcrecine eri\u015fme e\u015fitli\u011fi onun tahsisat\u0131na dair e\u015fit bi hak de\u011fildir. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, iddia sahipleri, grup tercihlerine e\u015fit sayg\u0131 hakk\u0131 verilmeksizin me\u015fru adaylar olarak orant\u0131l\u0131 \u015fekilde uyum g\u00f6sterirler. Bu siyasetin olumlu momenti, ortak bir kuralc\u0131 m\u00fccadele vaadi ba\u011flam\u0131nda erdemlerin kamusal olarak d\u00fczenlenmesi yoluyla \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir siyasal toplulu\u011fu birle\u015ftiren fazilet standartlar\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve geli\u015ftirilmesi olarak g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcr. Ayr\u0131mlar\u0131 as\u0131ya almaktan ziyade koruyarak siyasal akt\u00f6rler kamusal m\u00fczakerelere getirilir, liberal \u00f6\u011fretideki gibi, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir mertebe d\u00fczeni iyi yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve soylulu\u011fun kamusal ko\u015fullar\u0131 olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcl ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n zenginle\u015ftirilmesine do\u011fru bireyin kendisini alt etmesine rehberlik eder.55<\/p>\n

Son d\u00f6nemin postmoden sol taraf\u0131ndan geli\u015ftirilen radikal demokrasi teorileri, Nietzscheci \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 e\u015fitlik kavram\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal birlik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olarak i\u015flevini vurgulayarak daha da geli\u015ftirirler. \u00d6rne\u011fin Conolly bunu siyasal alan\u0131 muhalif anlamda te\u015fvik ederken dogmatik olmayan kimliklerin merkezili\u011fini onaylayan bir pratik olarak tan\u0131mlar. B\u00f6yle bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ili\u015fki siyasette uzakl\u0131k pathosunu ifadelendirir, bir ortak ko\u015fullar \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fine dahil olan farkl\u0131 kimliklerin ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 peki\u015ftirerek varsay\u0131msal bir m\u00fcsamaha ve \u00e7\u00f6mertli\u011fi te\u015fvik eder. Buradaki hedef yaln\u0131zca, hakim kimliklerin farkl\u0131la\u015fma ve ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ifadesini tasdik etti\u011fi bir siyasal tahamm\u00fcl teorisi de\u011fil, ama daha ziyade farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, \u00e7apraz-kesen ve birbirine ba\u011fl\u0131 olan bir se\u00e7menler \u00e7oklu\u011fu ba\u011flam\u0131nda farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n me\u015frulu\u011funa y\u00f6nelik siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckt\u00fcr. Burada e\u015fitlik kategorik benzerlik terimleriyle de\u011fil, toplumsal kimliklerin ve kolektif hedeflerin m\u00fczakeresinde farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n zorunlu ve me\u015fru bir ilke olarak elde tutuldu\u011fu nitelikli bir e\u015fde\u011ferlik olarak tarif edilir. Ne var ki e\u011fer e\u015fitlik, bizim kimli\u011fin farkl\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 feda etmeden soyut olarak ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 olamazsa, o zaman kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 tan\u0131man\u0131n, kendini belirlemenin ve partik\u00fclarizmin demokratik siyasal s\u00f6ylemin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 ko\u015fullar\u0131 olarak yerle\u015ftirildi\u011fi radikalle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir \u201c\u00f6zneler \u00e7o\u011fullu\u011fu\u201d olarak yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirilmelidir.56<\/p>\n

Nietzsche\u2019nin yap\u0131t\u0131ndaki bunca tema gibi, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 e\u015fitlik ilkesi de geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 bir yorumlama serbestisini, kendi belirsiz usule dair alakalar\u0131n\u0131n zorunlu bir sonucu olarak al\u0131koyar. Ne var ki ilerici d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye katk\u0131s\u0131, e\u015fitlik\u00e7i d\u00fcrt\u00fcn\u00fcn anahtar unsurunu e\u015f zamanl\u0131 olarak hem insan\u0131n yetkinle\u015fmesini te\u015fvik etmeye hem de g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc toplumsal d\u00fczenlemeleri korumaya do\u011fru y\u00f6nlendiren bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn arzulanabilirli\u011finin ifadelendirilmesi de yatar. Bu kavram, zorlay\u0131c\u0131 olmayan ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n bireysel ve kolektif yararlar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekerek, tekbi\u00e7imlili\u011fin ketleyici sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan ka\u00e7arken toplumsal hayat\u0131 zenginle\u015ftirme vaadine ayr\u0131cal\u0131k veren bir dayan\u0131\u015fma teorisi i\u00e7in alan a\u00e7ar.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7
Nietzsche\u2019nin bireysel giri\u015fime ve kendi kendini denetime dayand\u0131r\u0131lan g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc toplumsal \u015febekeye onay vermesi toplumsal anar\u015fistlerin projesiyle temel bir ba\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imlendirir. Bundan ba\u015fka, siyasal olana dair su\u00e7lamas\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131rf g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn siyasetinden onu uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in tasarlanm\u0131\u015f bir retorik ayg\u0131t\u0131 olmay\u0131p devlet\u00e7ilik siyasetine e\u015flik eden zararl\u0131 sonu\u00e7lara y\u00f6nelik otantik bir ilgiden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ispatlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Ne var ki toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin terimlerinin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir meritokrasiyi somutla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu y\u00fczden insani zenginle\u015fmeyle birle\u015ftirdi\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6nceliklerle \u00e7ak\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde, Nietzscheci bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn ge\u00e7erlili\u011finin, bu alanlar\u0131n her birinin potansiyel olarak tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifadelendirdi\u011fi fark edilir.<\/p>\n

Modernli\u011fi insani zenginle\u015fmeyi te\u015fvik edecek kaynaklar\u0131n yoklu\u011fu olarak alg\u0131larken, Nietzsche dikkatini siyaset-alt\u0131 (sub-political) giri\u015fimlere d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcr. Yine de, siyaseti kendi projesine yard\u0131mc\u0131 haline getirme beklentisi yap\u0131t\u0131ndaki yinelenen ve ilerici olas\u0131l\u0131klar \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir tema olarak kal\u0131r.57<\/p>\n

Ama modern siyasetin konvansiyonel bile\u015fenlerini reddetti\u011finden, zaten g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olabilecek olumlay\u0131c\u0131 modelinin bu y\u00f6nleri kolayl\u0131kla g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131labilir. \u00d6rnek olarak, bu Nietzscheci siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle yeni toplumsal hareketlerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi aras\u0131nda \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir paralellik g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir.58<\/p>\n

Erken d\u00f6nem toplumsal hareket \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerini niteleyen kaynak da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ve siyasal eri\u015fim m\u00fccadelelerinin yan\u0131nda kimlik ve \u00f6zerklik meseleleri de burada bir ifade bulabilir. Bu hareketler, yeni de\u011ferlerin hegemonik yay\u0131lmas\u0131 yoluyla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 zenginle\u015fmeyi te\u015fvik ederken ahlak, bilgi, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, beden ve g\u00fcndelik hayat alanlar\u0131n\u0131 siyasalla\u015ft\u0131rmakla siyasal olan\u0131n daha \u00f6nceki kavramla\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131na meydan okurlar. Bu y\u00fczden pop\u00fcler siyasal kimliklerin reddi, anti-hiyerar\u015fik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modellerinin geli\u015ftirilmesi ve yeni eylem repertuarlar\u0131n\u0131n ve \u00e7er\u00e7eveleme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin takdimi yoluyla \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici kolektif eylemin yeni bi\u00e7imlerini ortaya koyarlar. Direni\u015fin ge\u00e7 modernlikte da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131na \u015fahitlik etmek yerine, bu grup\u00e7uklar\u0131n partik\u00fclarizme y\u00f6nelik \u0131srarc\u0131 talepleri, ara\u00e7sal ak\u0131lc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 ve g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131n yeni \u00f6zerklik alanlar\u0131 kazanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir referans olarak tekrar ele ge\u00e7irilmesi yoluyla normalle\u015ftirme siyasetine geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 bir meydan okumay\u0131 cisimle\u015ftirdiklerini savunuyorum. B\u00f6ylece me\u015fru m\u00fccadele alanlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmesi sayesinde bir dizi d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 e\u011filime ve bask\u0131c\u0131 siyasal ve siyaset d\u0131\u015f\u0131 prati\u011fi ayd\u0131nlatmaya hizmet eder.59<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr grup\u00e7uklar yukar\u0131da tasla\u011f\u0131 sunulan, Nietzsche\u2019nin reddetti\u011fi y\u00f6netim modeline e\u015flik eden kendinden nefret ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 korku tuza\u011f\u0131n\u0131 atlatan bireyselle\u015fmi\u015f giri\u015fimlerin kolektif bir ivme kazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 liderlik modeline tekab\u00fcl ediyor olarak da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilirler. Yeni toplumsal hareketler, d\u00fcnyevi ko\u015fullar\u0131n deste\u011finden yoksun olan yeni de\u011ferlendirmeleri zorlamak yerine, e\u015fzamanl\u0131 kendi kendini \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirme ve toplumsal a\u00e7\u0131dan zihinsel geli\u015fme pratikleri vas\u0131tas\u0131yla ilerleyen bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fullu\u011funun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan ederler. Bu anlamda, bu mikro-siyasal yeni soylu s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00f6zne-yurtta\u015f\u0131n kurulu\u015funun, zenginle\u015fmi\u015f toplumsal-siyasal d\u00fczenlemeler i\u00e7in kolektif talepler olarak daha y\u00fcksel de\u011ferlerin \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan krizini ilan ederler. Bu y\u00fczden, kurumsall\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131, hegemonik giri\u015fimler ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etkiye dair e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm sistemi yoluyla i\u015fleyen bir devrimci a\u015famac\u0131l\u0131k t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc cisimle\u015ftirirler.<\/p>\n

Nietzsche, kendi kendinden sorumlu olma istenci olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck tan\u0131m\u0131nda, siyasal zorlama ve y\u00f6nlendirmenin bireysel kapasitenin g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olarak \u00f6ncelikli olmas\u0131n\u0131n yerine ge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir t\u00fcr kolektif \u00f6z-disiplinin, toplumsal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc haline geldi\u011fi bir toplumsal d\u00fczen ihtimaline ve onun arzu edilirli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 durur.<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr bir anar\u015fizm, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc insan\u0131n kudretlerinin eylemeye y\u00f6nelik uzant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kritik bir bile\u015feni olarak \u00f6d\u00fcllendirir ve Nietzsche\u2019nin umutlar\u0131n\u0131 nitelikli bir e\u015fitli\u011fin bar\u0131nabilece\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 zenginle\u015fmeye y\u00f6nlendirir. Bu yolda, onun iktidar felsefesi, \u00e7o\u011fulcu bir e\u015fitlik modeli i\u00e7indeki kendine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc bireyle\u015fmeyi ve kom\u00fcnal \u00f6zneler aras\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 k\u0131larak ilerici siyasal yap\u0131lara bir jest yapar.60<\/p>\n

Ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131na mesuliyet y\u00fcklemekten ziyade onlar\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc kald\u0131ran g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ruhlara \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131da bulundu\u011funda kafas\u0131nda olan, m\u00fc\u015fterek m\u00fccadelenin yararlar\u0131na dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.61<\/p>\n

\u00c7eviri: K\u00fcr\u015fad K\u0131z\u0131ltu\u011f
(Siyahi 7. -Nietzsche \u00d6zel- say\u0131dan)
New Political Science, Volume 11, Number 3, 1999<\/p>\n

Notlar:
* Yaz\u0131da \u0130ngilizce olarak bulunan epigraf taraf\u0131m\u0131zdan \u00e7evirilmi\u015ftir. \u015eiirin Almanca asl\u0131yla birlikte Ahmet \u0130nam taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00e7evirisi \u015f\u00f6yledir: ne giderim pe\u015flerinden ne ard\u0131mda devam olsun! \/ ne uyar\u0131m ne h\u00fckmeder, kalanlara selam olsun! \/ korkun\u00e7tur kendinden korkan: korku yayan korku bulsun! \/ korkutanlar y\u00f6netirmi\u015f, hadi onlar \u00f6nder olsun! \/ dinlemez s\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc kendim, s\u00f6z ge\u00e7iren beter olsun! Bkz: Friedrich Nietzsche, \u015een Bilim, \u00e7ev. Ahmet \u0130nam, \u0130stanbul: Say Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2002, s. 83. (-\u00e7.n.)
** meritocraticy: liyakat d\u00fczeni; en y\u00fcksek mevkileri en yetenekli ki\u015filere vermeyi \u00f6ng\u00f6ren toplumsal d\u00fczen. (-\u00e7.n.)
1. H. L. Mencken, Emma Goldman, Gustav Landauer, Rudolf Rocker ve daha yak\u0131n zamanda Peter Bergmann dahil baz\u0131lar\u0131 Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal projesindeki bu \u00e7izgiyi te\u015fhi etse de Anglo-Amerikan yorumlarda hi\u00e7biryerde bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 derinlikli herhangi bir \u015fekilde geli\u015ftirilmemi\u015ftir.
2. William Connolly, Political Theory and Modernity (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1989), s. 140.
3. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), I, \u00a7 98. (T\u00fcrk\u00e7esi Nietzsche, \u0130nsanca, Pek \u0130nsanca I \u2013 \u00d6zg\u00fcr Tinliler \u0130\u00e7in Bir Kitap, \u00e7ev. Mustafa T\u00fczel, \u0130stanbul: \u0130thaki Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2003).
4. Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra (New York: Penguin Books, 1978), II. (B\u00f6yle S\u00f6yledi Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, \u00c7ev. Mustafa T\u00fczel, \u0130stanbul: \u0130\u015f Bankas\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2004, 2. Bas\u0131m.) Nietzsche\u2019nin, kimi zaman kudretsizlik olarak i\u015faret edilen yard\u0131m \u00f6nerme yetene\u011finin, kudret duygusunu zarar vermekten daha fazla \u00e7o\u011falt\u0131c\u0131 olarak tarif etti\u011fini belirtmek \u00f6nemli. Bkz. The Gay Science (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), \u00a7 13. (\u015een Bilim, \u00e7ev. Ahmet \u0130nam, Say Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2005). Berkowitz, Nietsche\u2019nin projesindeki \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 u\u00e7lar\u0131n \u00e7eki\u015fmesi\u201dnin metodolojik anlam\u0131n\u0131 kurnazca kabul etmesine kar\u015f\u0131n, Nietzsche\u2019nin radikal egoist ve otoriter e\u011filimlerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan ilkelerini temsil eden \u00e7e\u015fitli kritik b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri kas\u0131tl\u0131 olarak ihmal eder. Bkz. Peter Berkowitz, Nietzsche: The Ethics of an lmmoralist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). (Nietzsche: Bir Ahlak Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n Eti\u011fi, \u00e7ev. \u00c7eviri: Ert\u00fcrk Demirel, \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2003).
6. Onun eserlerinde estetik bir \u2026 nin esrik sevincinin alt\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca \u00f6znelli\u011fin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ine do\u011fru \u00e7\u00f6kertme giri\u015fimini g\u00f6ren bu yorumcular\u0131n g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 alan tam olarak budur. Bkz. J\u00fcrgen Habermas, The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity: Twelve Lectures (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996), 3 ve 4. b\u00f6l\u00fcmler. Ne var ki \u00f6zneye kar\u015f\u0131 polemi\u011finin yan\u0131nda, Nietzsche ayn\u0131 zamanda, bir pratik olarak sorumlulu\u011fa imkan veren kendi kendini denetleme derecesi i\u00e7in zorunlu olan i\u00e7sel g\u00fc\u00e7lerin hiyerar\u015fik birli\u011fine kendisini ba\u011f\u0131\u015flarken, d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan buyurulmu\u015f davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 kendi-kendine altetmeyi y\u00fcr\u00fcten karakter olarak \u201cegemen bireyi\u201d \u00f6ver. Bu noktada, insani kudretlerin bilerek yap\u0131lan \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015fi olarak failin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck deneyimi, bilginin, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcmsellik ve tarihsel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yorumlay\u0131c\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 bireyle\u015fmi\u015f kimlik in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fi olarak h\u0131zland\u0131ran de\u011fer olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birle\u015ftirir. Mark Warren, Nietzsche and Political Thought (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988), ss. 175, 206, 156-157.
7. Nietzsche, Zarathustra, II, a.g.e.,; I, a.g.e., “On the Gift-Giving Virtue,” \u00a7 1; Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 94.
8. Warren, a.g.e., ss. 70-71, 232-235.
9. Bu noktay\u0131 \u015fu \u015fekilde niteler: \u201ct\u00fcm sorun ki\u015finin kendi yarar\u0131ndan ne anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; tam da olgunla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f, geli\u015fmemi\u015f, ham birey en ham bi\u00e7imde anlayacakt\u0131r onu.\u201d Nietzsche, Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 95. (\u0130nsanca, s. 92)
10. \u201cHekim, yard\u0131m et kendine; ancak b\u00f6yle yard\u0131m edersin hastana da. En iyi yard\u0131md\u0131r onun i\u00e7i, kendi kendini iyile\u015ftireni g\u00f6zleriyle g\u00f6rmesi.\u201d Nietzsche, Zarathustra, I, a.g.e., “On the Gift-Giving Virtue,” \u00a7 2. (Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, s. 88.) Ayr\u0131ca bkz. II, a.g.e., “On the Pitying.” (Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, s. 99.)
11. Friedrich Nietzsche, Daybreak (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), \u00a7 19; The Will to Power (New York: Vintage Books, 1968), \u00a7 738; ayr\u0131ca bkz., Daniel Conway, Nietzsche and the Political (New York: Routledge, 1997), s. 30.
12. Nietzsche, Human, II, a.g.e., part 2, \u00a7 350. (T\u00fcrk\u00e7esi Gezgin ve G\u00f6lgesi -\u0130nsanca, Pek \u0130nsanca II, \u00e7ev. Mustafa T\u00fczel, \u0130stanbul: \u0130thaki Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2005, s. 180).
13. Nietzsche, Zarathustra, I, a.g.e., “On the Afterworldly.” Nietzsche\u2019nin burada ifadelendirdi\u011fi etti\u011fi \u015fey, t\u00fcm toplumun y\u00fckseli\u015f potansiyelidir.
14. Bu tutum genellikle \u00fc\u00e7 etken taraf\u0131ndan beslenmi\u015ftir. Birincisi a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde siyasal olan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi par\u00e7al\u0131 g\u00f6zlemler i\u00e7inde g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcr. \u0130kincisi, bu par\u00e7alar kurucu alternatiflerden daha \u00e7ok kendi g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn siyasal tarzlar\u0131ndan duydu\u011fu i\u011frenmeden bahseder. Sonuncu etken ise Nasyonal Sosyalistlerin se\u00e7ip \u00e7arp\u0131tarak kendilerine mal etmeleriyle \u00e7evrelenen baz\u0131 devaml\u0131 ku\u015fkulardan kaynaklan\u0131r.
15. Friedrich Nietzsche, Ecce Homo (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), “Why I am So Clever,” \u00a7 10. (T\u00fcrk\u00e7esi Ecce Homo, \u00e7ev. Can Alkor, \u0130stanbul: \u0130thaki Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2003. s. 47.)
16. Burada David Owen\u2019in siyasal olan\u0131n bu ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 bile\u015fenlerine dair yorumuna boe\u00e7luyum. Bkz. Nietzsche, Politics and Modernity: A Critique of Liberal Reason (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995), s. 11. Bu temalar olas\u0131 siyasal boyutlar k\u00fcmesini zorlukla t\u00fcketirken, benim Nietzsche\u2019nin toplumsal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine olan geni\u015f ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131a uygun olan bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 bile\u015fiminin izini s\u00fcrerler.
17. \u201c\u0130\u00e7erden: polis, ceza hukuku, s\u0131n\u0131flar, ticaret aile; d\u0131\u015fardan: g\u00fc\u00e7, sava\u015f, fetih, intikam istenci olarak\u201d; Nietzsche, Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 717.
18. Warren, a.g.e., s. 220.
19. Friedrich Nietzsche, Untimely Meditations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), “Richard Wagner in Bayreuth,” \u00a7 6.
20. Nietzsche, Zarathustra, I, a.g.e., “On the Flies of the Market Place”; III, a.g.e., “On Virtue That Makes Small,” \u00a7 2; Human, II, a.g.e., part 1, \u00a7 305, \u00a7 318.
21. Nietzsche, Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 475.
22. Nietzsche, Daybreak, a.g.e., \u00a7 179.
23. Lester Hunt, Nietzsche and the Origin of Virtue (New York: Routledge, 1993), s. 40.
24. Warren, a.g.e., s. 44.
25. Nietzsche, Human, II, a.g.e., k\u0131s\u0131m 2, \u00a7 293; Zarathustra, I, a.g.e., “On the New Idol.” Ayr\u0131ca bkz. Gay, a.g.e., \u00a7 149, \u201cBirilerinin y\u00f6netti\u011fi yerde kitleler vard\u0131r; ve kitleleri buldu\u011fumuz yerde k\u00f6lele\u015fme ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 da bulmam\u0131z gerek.\u201d
26. Nietzsche, Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 472.
27. Ibid., I, a.g.e., \u00a7 473; Beyond Good and Evil (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), \u00a7 203; Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 125.
28. Nietzsche, Human, II, a.g.e.,k\u0131s\u0131m 2, \u00a7 286; Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 764. Nietzsche\u2019nin sosyalizmin do\u011fu\u015funa katk\u0131da bulunan g\u00fc\u00e7ler \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fini tan\u0131mlarken, kapitalistlerin me\u015fru liderli\u011fe e\u015flik eden soylu niteliklerden yoksun olmalar\u0131nda \u00f6zsel bir tetikleyici buldu\u011funu belirtmek ilgin\u00e7 olacakt\u0131r. Gay, a.g.e., \u00a7 40.
29. Nietzsche, \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcrel anlamda b\u00fcy\u00fck olan \u015feylerin siyaset d\u0131\u015f\u0131 hatta siyaset-kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131\u201d olduklar\u0131n\u0131 yazar. “Twilight of the Idols (New York: Penguin Books, 1982), “What the Germans Lack,” \u00a7 4.
30. Warren, a.g.e., ss. 66-72.
31. Nietzsche, Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 753, \u00a7 784; Twilight, a.g.e., “Expeditions of an Untimely Man,” \u00a734.
32. Michael Bakunin, Bakunin On Anarchism (Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1980), s. 129.
33. Michael Bakunin, Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings (Londra: Jonathan Cape, 1973), s. 76; The Political Philosophy of Bakunin: Scientific Anarchism (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1953), s. 264; On Anarchism, a.g.e., ss. 230-331.
34. Bakunin, Political Philosophy, a.g.e., s. 253.
35. Ibid., s. 338; Richard Saltman, The Social and Political Thought of Michael Bakunin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983), ss. 45-18.
36. Hunt, Nietzsche, a.g.e., ss. 37-38.
37. Nietzsche, Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 472.
38. Ibid., I, op. tit., \u00a7 24. 39 Ibid., I, op. tit., \u00a7 466. (\u0130nsanca s. 45.)
40. Nietzsche, Daybreak, op. tit., \u00a7 534; Human, I, op. tit., \u00a7 452. Nietzsche, genellikle Ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n ele\u015ftiricisi olarak okunmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, onun hedeflerini terketme aleyhinde tavsiyede bulunur, ve onu do\u011fru \u015fekilde anlayan ki\u015filerin, toplum i\u00e7inde de\u011fil kendi i\u00e7lerinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in u\u011fra\u015fmaya devam etmelerini ister. Human, II, op. tit., part 2, \u00a7 221. (Gezgin, s.130.)
41. Ibid., I, op. tit., \u00a7 30.
42. Conway Zerd\u00fc\u015ft\u2019\u00fcn sonunda kendi siyasal e\u011fitiminin par\u00e7as\u0131 olanotorite problemini, uslamlaman\u0131n de\u011ferini azalt\u0131p ki\u015fisel \u00f6rnekleme stratejisini benimseyerek \u00e7\u00f6zd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirtir. Basit\u00e7e onlar\u0131 telkin etmekten ya da taraftar aramaktan ziyade rdemlerinin de\u011ferini ispatlama karar\u0131, onu bir pratik olarak kabul etmek ya da reddetmekten \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015f olan izleyicileriyle e\u015fit bir duruma yerle\u015ftirir. Daniel Conway, “Solving the Problem of Socrates: Nietzsche’s Zarathustra as Political Irony,” Political Theory 16:2 (1988), ss. 273-274.
43. Nietzsche, Beyond, a.g.e., \u00a7 260.
44. Nietzsche, Zarathustra, III, a.g.e., “On Old and New Tablets,” \u00a7 11.
45. Karl Jaspers, Nietzsche: An Introduction to the Understanding of his Philosophical Activity (South Bend, IN: Gateway, 1979), s. 270.
46. Hunt, Nietzsche, a.g.e., ss. 42^3. Nietzsche y\u00fcksek tiplerin, korku a\u015f\u0131lama kapasiteleriyle de\u011fil, \u00fcst\u00fcn ki\u015filik \u00f6zelliklerine e\u015flik eden kendine-sayg\u0131yla ay\u0131rt dildi\u011fini beyan eder. Bkz. Beyond, a.g.e., \u00a7 287; Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 876. Kitlerle y\u00fcksek tipler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki hakk\u0131ndaki bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f 1883 defterlerindeki ba\u015fka bir par\u00e7ada onaylan\u0131r: \u201cHedef,\u201d yazar, \u201ckesinlikle ikincileri birincilerin efendisi olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek de\u011fildir.\u201d Daha \u00e7ok, bunlar ayr\u0131lmak yoluyla \u201cyan yana var olacak iki tiptirler.\u201d \u0130ktibas eden Keith Ansell-Pearson’s Nietzsche Contra Rousseau (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), s. 211.
47. Nietzsche, Human, II, a.g.e., part 1, \u00a7 396. Kariel, Nietzsche\u2019nin liderlik form\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fcn, siyasal\u0131n tan\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f bir alan olarak korunmas\u0131ndaki \u0131srar\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden demokratik prati\u011fe uydu\u011funu, ne var ki demokratik teori miras\u0131ndaki bi\u00e7imsel bir yetkilendirmeden yoksun oldu\u011funu g\u00f6zlemler. Henry Kariel, “Nietzsche’s Preface to Constitutionalism,” Journal of Politics 25:2 (1963), ss. 211, 223. Bunlar Nietzshe\u2019nin zorlay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlere uymak zorunda olan aristokratlar\u0131na dair Ansell-Pearson’\u0131n okumas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik sa\u011flam kar\u015f\u0131-savlar\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesini \u00e7izer. Keith Ansell-Pearson, An Introduction to Nietzsche as Political Thinker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), s. 155.
48. Nietzsche, Will, a.g.e., \u00a7 763. Ayr\u0131ca bkz. “Homer’s Contest,” The Portable Nietzsche (New York: Penguin Books, 1981).
49. \u201cT\u00fcm insanlar\u0131n kaderleri i\u00e7inde, yery\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fclerinin ayn\u0131 zamanda ba\u015ftaki insanlar olmay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan daha k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc yoktur.\u201d Nietzsche, Zarathustra, IV, a.g.e., “Conversation with the Kings,” \u00a7 1; IV, a.g.e., (Zerd\u00fc\u015ft, s. 280) “The Welcome.” Nietzsche “Culture and Caste.” Nietzsch, \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcr ve kast\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 pasajda bu t\u00fcr d\u00fczenlemelerin ke\u015ffedilmemi\u015f olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n ipu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 verir. Bkz. Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 439, (\u0130nsanca, s. 291).
51. Hunt, Nietzsche, a.g.e., ss. 135-136.
52. Warren, a.g.e., ss. 230-233.
53. Ibid., ss. 70-74, 223.
54. Nietzsche, Human, I, a.g.e., \u00a7 300.
55. Owen, a.g.e., ss. 160-161, 145-146, 167-168.
56. William Connolly, “Tocqueville, Territory, and Violence,” Challenging Boundaries: Global Flows, Territorial Identities (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996) i\u00e7inde s. 160; “Democracy and Territoriality,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 20:3 (1991), s. 477; The Ethos of Pluralization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), B\u00f6l\u00fcm 3; ayr\u0131ca bkz. Chantal Mouffe, “Hegemony and New Political Subjects: Toward a New Concept of Democracy,” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1988) i\u00e7inde; “Radical Democracy: Modern or Postmodern?” Universal Abandon?: The Politics of Postmodernism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988) i\u00e7inde.
57. Conway, Nietzsche, a.g.e., ss. 48-50, 55.
58. \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f toplumsal hareketler, \u00e7e\u015fit \u00e7e\u015fit \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imlerini ve toplumsal ama\u00e7lar\u0131 somutla\u015ft\u0131ran karma\u015f\u0131k ve ini\u015f \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fl\u0131 seferberliklerdir. Bu ba\u011flamda, benim tart\u0131\u015fmam toplumsal hareket kesimleri i\u00e7inde i\u015f ba\u015f\u0131nda olan sol-liberter e\u011filimlere g\u00f6ndermede bulunuyor. Son otuz y\u0131l\u0131n daha geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 seferberlikleri, kurumsal olarak b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f dallara do\u011furmu\u015f olsa da, bu t\u00fcr e\u011filimler bu hareketleri, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn halinde, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z akt\u00f6rler \u015feklinde i\u015flemeye devam eden \u00f6zerk bile\u015fenler gibi nitelendirmez.
59. Nietzsche\u2019nin bu t\u00fcr hareketlerin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc olu\u015fum halindeki potansiyelini zaten yasaya ve al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131nlara dar gelenler ve kendi kendine \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131ndakiler aras\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirtmek ilgin\u00e7 olacakt\u0131r. \u015eimdiye dek, diye yazar, su\u00e7lular, \u00f6zg\u00fcr d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, ahlak kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131, k\u00f6t\u00fc vidan y\u00fcz\u00fcnden y\u00fcklenilenler olarak ya\u015fad\u0131lar. Ama bir grup olarak bu marjinallerin, neyin ahlaki oldu\u011fu \u00fcst\u00fcndeki ahlak tekelinin canl\u0131 bir tekzibi bi\u00e7imindeki bir kar\u015f\u0131-g\u00fc\u00e7 tehditi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fckleri s\u00f6ylenir. Daybreak, a.g.e., \u00a7 164.
60. Warren, a.g.e., s. 247.
61. Nietzsche, Daybreak, a.g.e., \u00a7 514.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm Kimilerine, Nietzscheci bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6nerisi, paradoksal g\u00f6r\u00fcnse gerek, zira o bu ayr\u0131 alanlar\u0131n \u201cderin bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k\u201d olu\u015fturduklar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eder. B\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00fclt\u00fcrel anlar\u0131n daima siyasal bozulma zamanlar\u0131 oldu\u011funu saptar, oysa siyasal g\u00f6rkem devirlerine k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yarat\u0131c\u0131 karakterine y\u00f6nelik d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k e\u015flik eder.29 Yine de Warren, bu kapsay\u0131c\u0131 yarg\u0131lar\u0131n alt\u0131nda, Nietzsche\u2019nin eserinde i\u015fleyen iki siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[73],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6038","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-friedrich-wilhelm-nietzsche"},"yoast_head":"\nNietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/06\/02\/nietzscheci-anarsizm-ve-siyasal-kultur-ihtimali-2bolum-thomas-conte\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm ve Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr \u0130htimali (2.B\u00f6l\u00fcm) | Thomas Conte\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nietzscheci Anar\u015fizm Kimilerine, Nietzscheci bir siyasal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6nerisi, paradoksal g\u00f6r\u00fcnse gerek, zira o bu ayr\u0131 alanlar\u0131n \u201cderin bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k\u201d olu\u015fturduklar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eder. 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