{"id":624,"date":"2010-01-31T01:00:00","date_gmt":"2010-01-30T22:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2010\/01\/31\/ulusal-kimligimizin-olusumu-uzerine-bazi-tezler-taner-akcam\/"},"modified":"2010-01-31T01:00:00","modified_gmt":"2010-01-30T22:00:00","slug":"ulusal-kimligimizin-olusumu-uzerine-bazi-tezler-taner-akcam","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/31\/ulusal-kimligimizin-olusumu-uzerine-bazi-tezler-taner-akcam\/","title":{"rendered":"Ulusal Kimli\u011fimizin Olu\u015fumu \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 Tezler | Taner Ak\u00e7am"},"content":{"rendered":"![](\"http:\/\/www.philipcoppens.com\/taner_akcam.jpg\")
Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve ulusal devletimizin kurulu\u015fu s\u00fcrecinde, bizlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylemlerini belirleyen, ulusal ruh d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131n temel direklerini olu\u015fturan, baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, duygu ve davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131plar\u0131 olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Zihniyet d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131 olu\u015fturan bu duygu, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, davran\u0131\u015f modellerimizin i\u00e7inde insan haklar\u0131 gibi bir soruna fazlas\u0131yla yer yoktur. Bu nedenle, insan haklar\u0131 sorununda yeni bir perspektif geli\u015ftirebilmemiz i\u00e7in, zihniyet d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131n, ulusal kimli\u011fimizin bu k\u00f6\u015feta\u015flar\u0131 \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ve bunlar\u0131 sorgulamak zorunday\u0131z.<\/p>\n
Burada ulusal kimli\u011fimizi \u015fekilledi\u011fini ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 da belirledi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm baz\u0131 olgular\u0131n olduk\u00e7a \u201ceski bir zaman diliminde\u201d ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, bug\u00fcnle ili\u015fki sorununu g\u00fcndeme getirmektedir. 100-150 y\u0131l \u00f6nceki olaylar\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ve b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 izler itibariyle bug\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan fazla bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Burada bu t\u00fcr bir tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 yapmadan, sadece Norbert Elias\u2019\u0131n konuya ili\u015fkin s\u00f6ylediklerini aktarmakla yetinmek istiyorum: \u201cHer seferinde b\u00fcy\u00fck hayretlerle g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir ki, belli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme, duyma ve davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131plar\u0131, dikkati \u00e7ekecek bi\u00e7imde yeni ko\u015fullara uyarak, ayn\u0131 toplumda bir\u00e7ok ku\u015fak sonras\u0131nda yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r… Ger\u00e7ekte toplumsal olaylar etkilerini genellikle 100 y\u0131l sonra g\u00f6sterirler. Bunu anlayabilmek i\u00e7in uzun s\u00fcre\u00e7leri kapsayacak modellere ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z vard\u0131r.\u201d1<\/p>\n
Tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7\u0131k oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi\u011fim, ulusal kimli\u011fimizin konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli olan baz\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerini herhangi bir b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck iddias\u0131 olmadan \u015f\u00f6ylece s\u0131ralayabiliriz:<\/p>\n
1) Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7indeki az\u0131nl\u0131klar birbiri ard\u0131 s\u0131ra, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015flar\u0131 vererek ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu sava\u015flarda az\u0131nl\u0131klar, baz\u0131 istisnalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, s\u00fcrekli olarak emperyalist devletlerce desteklenmi\u015flerdir. Gerek az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n ayr\u0131lmalar\u0131 gerekse bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerle girdikleri ili\u015fkiler, egemen ulus taraf\u0131ndan kendisine yap\u0131lan ihanetler olarak kavranm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunda da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcrecinin ana karakterleri belirleyici olmu\u015ftur. Ulusal ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131lar, Frans\u0131z devriminin ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 fikirlerinden etkilenmekle birlikte, bir din \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde geli\u015fmi\u015f ve k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015fan gruplarla Osmanl\u0131 devleti aras\u0131ndaki bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak de\u011fi\u015fik din ve ulusal gruplar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 katliamlar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
2) Ayaklanmalar, emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lere, Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n i\u00e7i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Hemen hemen her ulus veya din grubu belli devletlerce desteklenmi\u015ftir. Az\u0131nl\u0131k gruplar\u0131n, emperyalist devletlerin yard\u0131m\u0131yla ve kapit\u00fclasyonlarla elde ettikleri, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalinin sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 birtak\u0131m ayr\u0131cal\u0131klara sahip olmalar\u0131 ve her bir emperyalist devletin koruyuculu\u011funu yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131k grup i\u00e7in durmadan yeni ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar talep etmeleri, H\u0131ristiyan ahaliye kar\u015f\u0131 derin bir nefretin olu\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu nefret ba\u015fka \u00f6nemli i\u00e7 fakt\u00f6rlerle de g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015ftir. Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131nda o g\u00fcne kadar egemen olan ve H\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131layan ve hor g\u00f6ren M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahali bu egemen konumunu toplumun her d\u00fczeyinde kaybediyordu. Gerek Bat\u0131\u2019dan al\u0131nan ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahaliye devlet eliyle zorla dayat\u0131lan reformlarla M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar H\u0131ristiyanlarla e\u015fit vatanda\u015flar olmaya zorlan\u0131yorlar, gerekse yukar\u0131da say\u0131lan nedenlerle H\u0131ristiyanlar ekonomik olarak daha iyi mevkileri elde ediyorlard\u0131. Daha d\u00fcne kadar ikinci s\u0131n\u0131f vatanda\u015f olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinin kendileriyle e\u015fit say\u0131lmalar\u0131 hatta daha iyi konuma ge\u00e7meleri kabul edilebilir bir \u015fey de\u011fildi. Bunun do\u011fal sonucu kendi yerini ele ge\u00e7irenlere kar\u015f\u0131 duyulan, \u00e7ekememezlik, k\u0131skan\u00e7l\u0131k ve nefretti.<\/p>\n
H\u0131ristiyan ahali kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki bu nefret duygular\u0131 Tanzimat \u00f6ncesi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f olmakla birlikte \u00f6zellikle \u201cgenel e\u015fitlik\u201d prensibinin ilan edildi\u011fi Islahat Ferman\u0131 ile tepe noktas\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cReformlarla M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk\u0131n z\u0131mmilerle e\u015fitli\u011finin ilan edilmesi, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n dini hislerini incitmi\u015fti\u201d2. Nitekim Ferman\u0131n ilan edildi\u011fi g\u00fcn \u00fczerine Cevdet Pa\u015fa \u015funlar\u0131 yazacakt\u0131r, \u201cBu Ferman\u0131n h\u00fckm\u00fcnce teba\u2019a-i m\u00fcslime ve gayr-i m\u00fcslime kaffe-i hukukta m\u00fcsavi olmak laz\u0131m geldi. Bu ise ehl-i islama pek ziyade dokundu… bir \u00e7o\u011fu \u2018Ehl-i islama bu bir a\u011flayacak ve matem edecek g\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u2019 deyi s\u00f6ylenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar\u201d3. Kendilerinden a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 olan din gruplar\u0131yla e\u015fit say\u0131lmay\u0131 M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar hakaret olarak kabul ediyorlard\u0131. Nitekim \u201cAtalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n kanlar\u0131yla kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 kutsal haklar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kaybettik. Y\u00f6netici olmaya al\u0131\u015fk\u0131n halk, \u015fimdi haklar\u0131n\u0131 kaybediyor\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi bir tek \u201ccahil, bilgisiz halk\u0131n de\u011fil, devlet adamlar\u0131n\u0131n da (d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesidir).\u201d4<\/p>\n
Bu ruh hali ba\u015fka i\u00e7 fakt\u00f6rlerle de iyice peki\u015fti ve imparatorlu\u011fun T\u00fcrk-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalisinin ruh d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 derinden etkiledi. H\u0131ristiyanlar h\u00e2l\u00e2 askerlik yapm\u0131yorlar ve imparatorlu\u011fun M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalisini kemiren sava\u015flardan uzak kal\u0131yorlard\u0131. Sava\u015f, a\u00e7l\u0131k, \u00f6l\u00fcm gibi t\u00fcm zorluklarla yaln\u0131z ba\u015flar\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131lan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahali, bu zorluklardan uzak kalan H\u0131ristiyanlara kar\u015f\u0131 derin bir k\u0131skan\u00e7l\u0131k ve d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131k duyuyorlard\u0131. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru bir g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetede yer alanlar bu ruh halini son derece iyi yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r. \u201cOnlar (T\u00fcrkler) Girit\u2019te \u00f6ld\u00fcrt\u00fcl\u00fcr, Sisam\u2019da kestirilir, Rumeli\u2019de k\u0131rd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, Yemen\u2019de do\u011frat\u0131l\u0131r, Havran\u2019da bi\u00e7tirilir, Basra\u2019da bo\u011fdurulurdu. Oralara Rum, Ermeni, Bulgar, Ulah, Yahudi, Arap, Arnavut… g\u00f6nderilecek de\u011fildi ya! Onlar evlerinde, yurtlar\u0131nda, \u00e7ad\u0131rlar\u0131nda otursunlar, i\u015fleri g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle u\u011fra\u015fs\u0131nlar, zengin olsunlar, evlensinler, \u00e7o\u011fals\u0131nlard\u0131. Onlar\u0131 k\u0131zd\u0131rmaya, onlar\u0131n aziz canlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131kmaya, nazik bedenlerini yormaya gelmezdi. Aksi halde onlar\u0131 nas\u0131l Osmanl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa \u0131s\u0131nd\u0131rabilirdik? Onlar\u0131 memnun etmeliydik ki lutdefedip kerem edip Osmanl\u0131 kals\u0131nlar\u201d5.<\/p>\n
Gerek Yeni Osmanl\u0131lar, gerekse \u0130ttihat ve Terakki hareketi imparatorlu\u011fun sahipsiz M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalisine sahip \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 \u00f6nlerine ana politik g\u00f6rev olarak koymu\u015flar ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa varan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler geli\u015ftirerek H\u0131ristiyan d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 bir ruh halinin olu\u015fmas\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmu\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n
B\u00f6ylece, H\u0131ristiyan halklar, imparatorlu\u011fun T\u00fcrk-M\u00fcsl\u00fcman ahalisi taraf\u0131ndan, sadece Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131 par\u00e7alamak, b\u00f6lmek isteyen bozguncular olarak de\u011fil, daha da \u00f6nemlisi, kendi egemen konumlar\u0131na g\u00f6z diken ve kendilerini s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirmek isteyen emperyalizmin uzant\u0131lar\u0131 olan g\u00fc\u00e7ler olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n
3) Ayaklanan ulusal gruplar\u0131n baz\u0131 haklar elde etmeleri kendi g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmalar\u0131 sonucu olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayaklanmalar\u0131 bast\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 durumlarda bile Osmanl\u0131lar, d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerin bask\u0131s\u0131 ile yenik say\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Kendisinden asker\u00ee-politik-iktisadi bak\u0131mdan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc emperyalist devletler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131lar kendilerini son derece \u00e7aresiz hissetmi\u015flerdir. Kazand\u0131klar\u0131 asker\u00ee zaferlerden sonra bile s\u00fcrekli yenik say\u0131lmay\u0131 kabul etmek zorunda kalm\u0131\u015flar, bu da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir d\u00fc\u015fman kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli i\u00e7e at\u0131lmak zorunda olan bir \u00f6fke ve kin duygusunu do\u011furmu\u015ftur. Kendisini s\u00fcrekli a\u015fa\u011f\u0131layan, onuruyla oynayan d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 gelemeyen Osmanl\u0131, i\u00e7ine atmak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kin ve nefreti \u00fczerine bo\u015faltaca\u011f\u0131 daha zay\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7leri aram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Norbert Elias\u2019\u0131n Alman ulusal kimli\u011finin olu\u015fum tarihi \u00fczerine s\u00f6yledikleri, Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrk kimli\u011finin yukar\u0131daki bi\u00e7imde \u015fekillenmesi konusunda ipucu verecek niteliktedir, \u201cKendi devletinin di\u011fer devletlere k\u0131yasla g\u00f6rece zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, beraberinde bu zay\u0131fl\u0131ktan etkilenen insanlar i\u00e7in \u00f6zel, ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ko\u015fullar yarat\u0131r. Bu insanlar psikolojik olarak, emin olamama duygusu alt\u0131nda ezilirler, kendi de\u011ferleri hakk\u0131nda ku\u015fkuya kap\u0131l\u0131rlar, kendilerini a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f ve onurlar\u0131yla oynanm\u0131\u015f hissederler ve bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n yarat\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131ndan intikam alma \u00f6zlemi duyarlar.\u201d6<\/p>\n
Osmanl\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 farkl\u0131 olmad\u0131. \u201cAskeri yenilgi ve siyasal k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck d\u00fc\u015fme, T\u00fcrklerin kendi yenilmez ve de\u011fi\u015fmez \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerine kar\u015f\u0131 olan uyu\u015fuk ve rahat g\u00fcvenini sarsm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; fakat barbar kafire kar\u015f\u0131 eski k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme duygusu, boyun e\u011fdi\u011fi yerde, imrenmeden \u00e7ok kin duygusuna yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u201d7. Bu nedenle onuruyla oynanmas\u0131na, ezilme ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmas\u0131na neden olan az\u0131nl\u0131k uluslara, i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc durumun intikam\u0131n\u0131 almak duygusuyla yana\u015ft\u0131. Deyim yerindeyse \u201cf\u0131rsat kollad\u0131\u201d ve d\u0131\u015f devletlerin desteklerinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 noktada bu gruplar\u0131 toptan katletmekten \u00e7ekinmedi.<\/p>\n
4) Ayaklanan uluslar\u0131n, \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun kenar b\u00f6lgelerinde ya\u015f\u0131yor olmalar\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 \u00e7evresinin kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehdit eden d\u00fc\u015fmanlarla \u00e7evrildi\u011fi fikrinin geli\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Norbert Elias\u2019\u0131n Alman ulusal devletinin olu\u015fumunu belirledi\u011fini s\u00f6yledi\u011fi bir tarihsel durumun Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrk tarihi i\u00e7inde ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz: \u201cAlmanlar\u0131n devlet kurma s\u00fcreci, \u00fc\u00e7 halk blokunun ortas\u0131ndaki blok olma durumundan derin bi\u00e7imde etkilenmi\u015ftir. Latinle\u015fmi\u015f ve Slav gruplar, insanca kalabal\u0131k Alman devleti taraf\u0131ndan, s\u00fcrekli olarak tehdit ediliyor hissediyorlard\u0131. Ayn\u0131 zamanda olu\u015fmakta olan Alman devleti temsilcileri de, kendilerini s\u00fcrekli olarak kenarlardan tehdit alt\u0131nda hissediyorlard\u0131. Her bir taraf, geni\u015flemek i\u00e7in ellerine ge\u00e7en f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 ba\u015fka bir \u015fey g\u00f6zetmeden sonuna kadar kullanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Devletlerin bu bi\u00e7imde yer almalar\u0131 zorunlulu\u011fu ortadaki Alman devleti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kenar b\u00f6lgelerden s\u00fcrekli bir kopma ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletlerin olu\u015fmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyordu.\u201d8.<\/p>\n
Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrk tarihinde s\u00fcre\u00e7 farkl\u0131 olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. En uzaktakilerden ba\u015flamak \u00fczere, \u201ckenar b\u00f6lgelerin koparak imparatorluktan ayr\u0131lmalar\u0131\u201d ve kendi devletlerini kurmalar\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk devlet adamlar\u0131n\u0131n ulusal az\u0131nl\u0131klar konusundaki politikalar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen ana fakt\u00f6r olmu\u015ftur. Her ulusal demokratik talep, imparatorlu\u011fun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 yoluna at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir ad\u0131m olarak kavranm\u0131\u015f ve ulusal gruplara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, kenarlardan imparatorlu\u011fu par\u00e7alamak amac\u0131yla \u00e7evrelenmi\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanlara kar\u015f\u0131, kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumak sava\u015f\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
5) G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, T\u00fcrk ulusal kimli\u011fi s\u00fcrekli bir var olma-yok olma psikozu i\u00e7inde olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Da\u011f\u0131lan bir imparatorlu\u011fun \u00fcyelerinin ruh, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylem d\u00fcnyalar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen esas olarak bu atmosferdir. Vatan\u0131n elden gitti\u011fi ve kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi bir fikri sabit halinde zihinlerimize yerle\u015fmi\u015ftir. \u201cBir fesad co\u015fmu\u015ftur gidiyor. Girid gitdi, Tarblusgarb gidiyor, T\u00fcrkiya gidiyor, \u0130slamiyet gidiyor…\u201d9. B\u00fcy\u00fck bir moral \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc bir panik durumudur ya\u015fanan. \u201cBu hafta haritaya bakt\u0131m. \u00c7o\u011fu gitti az\u0131 kald\u0131. Bu da gidecek an karib…\u201d10. Tarihten se\u00e7ti\u011fimiz bu \u00f6rneklerin tazelenmesi i\u00e7in sadece g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetelere bakman\u0131n yeterli oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum. K\u00fcrt, Ermeni sorunlar\u0131, kom\u015fular\u0131m\u0131zla ili\u015fkilerimiz hep bu korkunun \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Bu t\u00fcr bir ruh halinin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fal bir sonucu da bi k\u00f6t\u00fc gidi\u015fe yol a\u00e7an sebeplerin ve ki\u015fi ve \u00e7evrelerin \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektir. Yukar\u0131daki \u00f6rneklerden de anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bu konuda ulus olarak hemfikirizdir. Osmanl\u0131n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Cumhuriyetin kurulmas\u0131 zihinlerinde derin bir bi\u00e7imde yer etmi\u015f bu ulusun \u00fcyeleri olarak, sa\u011fc\u0131s\u0131 ve solcusu ile emperyalist d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumumuzun ana sorumlular\u0131 olduklar\u0131 konusunda anla\u015f\u0131r\u0131z. Tarihimizde \u00f6zellikle H\u0131ristiyan az\u0131nl\u0131klar bu ikinci \u00e7evrelerin temsilcileri olarak ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n
6) Etnik ve ulusal gruplara kar\u015f\u0131 olu\u015fmu\u015f bu ku\u015fkucu ve d\u00fc\u015fmanca tavr\u0131 sa\u011f ve sol t\u00fcm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn d\u00fcnyam\u0131zda bulmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Hangi tarih kitab\u0131 kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rsa kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ls\u0131n ayn\u0131 tabloyla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131r\u0131z. H\u0131ristiyan az\u0131nl\u0131klar, kapit\u00fclasyonlarla beslenen, komprodorla\u015fan emperyalizmin uzant\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r. Sosyalistlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce g\u0131dalar\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131klar\u0131 eserlerde de konu farkl\u0131 dile getirilmez. \u201cT\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015fti\u011fi ve emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00fclke haline geldi\u011fi\u201d \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan t\u00fcm teorik tespitlerde, konu \u00fczerine yaz\u0131lan t\u00fcm eserlerde, yerli i\u015fbirlik\u00e7iler, genellikle H\u0131ristiyan az\u0131nl\u0131klar olarak sahneye \u00e7\u0131karlar. B\u00f6ylece koca bir imparatorlukta H\u0131ristiyan az\u0131nl\u0131klar, ayr\u0131cal\u0131klardan yararlanan, ya da s\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cGalata Bankerleri\u201d u\u00e7 \u00f6rne\u011finde dile getirilen komprodorlar olarak olumsuz iktisadi-siyasi fonksiyonlar yerine getiren akt\u00f6rlerdir.<\/p>\n
Sol literat\u00fcrde konuya ilgili y\u00fczlerce \u00f6rnek bulmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Burada sadece iki tanesini vermekle yetinelim: Osmanl\u0131 y\u00f6neticilerinin ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cH\u0131ristiyanlar\u0131 en g\u00f6zde uyruklar yapmak oldu\u011funu\u201d s\u00f6yleyen Avc\u0131o\u011flu, bunlar\u0131, \u201cBat\u0131 kapitalizminin yerli komisyonculu\u011fu rol\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00fcklenen Rum ve Ermeni arac\u0131lar\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemekte ve b\u00f6ylece y\u00f6netimce g\u00fcndeme getirilmek istenen genel e\u015fitlik fikrinin arkas\u0131ndaki emperyalist \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanmaktad\u0131r11.<\/p>\n
Benzeri fikirler daha da ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclerek, t\u00fcm gayri m\u00fcslimlerin asl\u0131nda kapitalistler oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir. \u201c\u0130stanbul\u2019da Rumlar, T\u00fcrklerinkini g\u00f6lgede b\u0131rakan konfor ve l\u00fcks i\u00e7inde bulunmaktad\u0131rlar\u201d. Bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe ra\u011fmen, emperyalist devletlerce, \u201cOsmanl\u0131 devletinin i\u00e7 i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fma olanaklar\u0131 yaratmak ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olmayan Osmanl\u0131 uyruklular\u0131n durumlar\u0131n\u0131 daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc k\u0131lmak\u201d amac\u0131yla bu zengin kapitalistlerin, \u201cezilmi\u015f topluluklarm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6sterilmelerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.\u201d12 Bat\u0131\u2019da yayg\u0131n bi\u00e7imde var olan Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131, anti-semitik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere benzer bir bi\u00e7imde, bir din veya etnik grup \u00fcyeleri, iktisadi bir s\u0131n\u0131fla bir ve ayn\u0131 anlamda kullan\u0131larak a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. H\u0131ristiyanlarla burjuva olmak aras\u0131na konan e\u015fit i\u015fareti ile H\u0131ristiyanlar, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sermaye kesimi olarak tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f ve b\u00f6ylece Osmanl\u0131larda g\u00fcndeme getirilmek istenen e\u015fitlik anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ele\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
7) Kendisinin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 ve da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 isteyen, egemenli\u011fi alt\u0131ndaki H\u0131ristiyan halklardan ve emperyalist devletlerden olu\u015fan geni\u015f bir koalisyonla u\u011fra\u015fmak zorunda kalmak \u00f6nce Osmanl\u0131larda sonra Cumhuriyet T\u00fcrkiyesi\u2019nde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir yaln\u0131zl\u0131k psikozunun olu\u015fmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7evremizin bizi par\u00e7alamak ve yok etmek isteyen d\u00fc\u015fmanlarla \u00e7evrildi\u011fi \u201cd\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n ortas\u0131nda yaln\u0131z ve tek ba\u015f\u0131na kald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u201d fikri zihinlerde o denli yer etmi\u015ftir ki, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusal demokratik talep, bu yaln\u0131zl\u0131k psikolojisinin etkisiyle, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 yok etmeye y\u00f6nelik tehdit olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bunun sonucu olarak, az\u0131nl\u0131k gruplar\u0131n\u0131n demokratik taleplerinin \u00fcst\u00fcne \u201cvar olma ya da yok olma\u201d sava\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmek zihniyeti ile gidilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
8) \u00d6zellikle Avrupa\u2019da sadece az\u0131nl\u0131klara y\u00f6nelik katliam haberlerinin olduk\u00e7a abart\u0131l\u0131 ve tek yanl\u0131 aktar\u0131lmas\u0131, buna kar\u015f\u0131 T\u00fcrk veya M\u00fcsl\u00fcman halka y\u00f6nelik katliamlar\u0131n s\u00f6zkonusu edilmemesi olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7 geli\u015fen T\u00fcrk ulusal kimli\u011fi \u00fczerinde derin izler b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Balkan halklar\u0131n\u0131n ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015flar\u0131 tarihi, sadece hakl\u0131 taleplerle ayaklanan H\u0131ristiyan topluluklar\u0131n katledilmeleri tarihi de\u011fildir. Bu tarih ayn\u0131 zamanda, bu b\u00f6lgelerde ya\u015fayan \u201cM\u00fcsl\u00fcman halk\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck soyk\u0131r\u0131mlara u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 da kapsar\u201d13. Kendilerine yap\u0131lan katliamlar\u0131n ve haks\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n kimseyi ilgilendirmedi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, Osmanl\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk y\u00f6neticilerinde ve M\u00fcsl\u00fcman-T\u00fcrk toplulu\u011funda tarihsel tecr\u00fcbelerin \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir fikri sabit halini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrk ulusunda, \u201ckendisine s\u00fcrekli haks\u0131zl\u0131k yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, hakk\u0131n\u0131n yendi\u011fi\u201d derin bir fikri sabit olarak yer etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zellikle 1840\u2019lar sonras\u0131, H\u0131ristiyan topraklardaki bask\u0131 ve katliamlardan kurtulmak i\u00e7in, \u201c…geride \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ana-babalar\u0131n\u0131, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131, akrabalar\u0131n\u0131, mallar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fclklerini b\u0131rakarak, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun s\u00fcrekli daralan s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na yeti\u015fmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan\u201d14 g\u00f6\u00e7menler, halklar aras\u0131nda nefretin artmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bilin\u00e7li bir se\u00e7imle yerle\u015ftirildikleri yeni b\u00f6lgelerde H\u0131ristiyanlara kar\u015f\u0131 duyduklar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck nefreti, M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar aras\u0131nda yaym\u0131\u015flar ve y\u00f6redeki H\u0131ristiyan halka y\u00f6nelik katliamlar d\u00fczenlemi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zetle s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, T\u00fcrk ulusal kimli\u011finin olu\u015fum s\u00fcrecinde, \u00e7evremizin \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc isteyen d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmanlarla \u00e7evrildi\u011fi\u201d; \u201c\u0130\u00e7erde bunlar\u0131n uzant\u0131s\u0131 baz\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n oldu\u011fu\u201d; \u201caz\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n kendi hakl\u0131 taleplerini savunur g\u00f6r\u00fcnerek, asl\u0131nda emperyalizme hizmet ettikleri\u201d; \u201cBize s\u00fcrekli haks\u0131zl\u0131k edildi\u011fi ve sevilmedi\u011fimiz\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcnden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler derin bir rol oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu ruh halinin do\u011fal sonucu olarak, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmana kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cvarl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 korumak\u201d, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 savunmak\u201d fikri bizi hareket ettiren ana de\u011ferler olmu\u015flard\u0131r. D\u0131\u015far\u0131dan, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa\u2019dan gelen her \u015feye ku\u015fkuyla bakmak alt\u0131nda mutlaka bizim aleyhimize planlanm\u0131\u015f bir tezgah, \u00e7apano\u011flu aramak bu ruh halinin do\u011fal sonucudur.<\/p>\n
Dipnotlar<\/p>\n
1 Norbert Elias, Studien \u00dcber die Deutschen., s. 165 ve 8.
2 Do\u00e7. Dr. G\u00fclnih\u00e2l Bozkurt, Alman-\u0130ngiliz Belgelerinin ve Siyas\u00ee Geli\u015fmelerin I\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 Alt\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131 Vatanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n Hukuki Durumu (1539-1914), s. 60, T.T. Kurumu Yay\u0131n\u0131, Ankara 1989.
3 Cevdet Pa\u015fa, Tez\u00e2kir, No: 10, s. 67-68, T.T. Kurumu, Ankara 1986.
4 Do\u00e7. Dr. G\u00fclnihal Bozkurt, a.g.e., s. 60-61.
5 Bekir S\u0131tk\u0131 Baykal, \u015eark Buhran\u0131 ve Sabah Gazetesi, s. 148, Ankara 1948. Aktaran \u00c7etin Yetkin T\u00fcrk Halk Hareketleri ve Devrimler, s. 303, \u0130stanbul 1984.
6 Norbert Elias, a.g.e., s. 13.
7 Bernard Lewis, Modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Do\u011fu\u015fu, s. 127, Ankara 1988.
8 Norbert Elias a.g.e., s. 9.
9 \u015e\u00fckr\u00fc Hanio\u011flu, Bir Siyasal \u00d6rg\u00fct Olarak Osmanl\u0131 \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti ve J\u00f6n T\u00fcrkl\u00fck, s. 620, \u0130stanbul 1985.
10 \u015e\u00fckr\u00fc Hanio\u011flu a.g.e., s. 633.
11 Do\u011fan Avc\u0131o\u011flu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin D\u00fczeni, Cilt I, s. 122, Ankara 1987.
12 \u00c7etin Yetkin, a.g.e., s. 265.
13 Stanford Shaw Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funda Az\u0131nl\u0131klar Sorunu, s. 1004, Tanzimattan Cumhuriyete T\u00fcrkiye Ansiklopedesi, Cilt 4, \u0130stanbul 1985.
14 A.g.e., 1005.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve ulusal devletimizin kurulu\u015fu s\u00fcrecinde, bizlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylemlerini belirleyen, ulusal ruh d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131n temel direklerini olu\u015fturan, baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, duygu ve davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131plar\u0131 olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Zihniyet d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131 olu\u015fturan bu duygu, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, davran\u0131\u015f modellerimizin i\u00e7inde insan haklar\u0131 gibi bir soruna fazlas\u0131yla yer yoktur. Bu nedenle, insan haklar\u0131 sorununda yeni bir perspektif geli\u015ftirebilmemiz i\u00e7in, zihniyet d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131n, ulusal […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-624","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-milliyetcilik"},"yoast_head":"\n
Ulusal Kimli\u011fimizin Olu\u015fumu \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 Tezler | Taner Ak\u00e7am - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2010\/01\/31\/ulusal-kimligimizin-olusumu-uzerine-bazi-tezler-taner-akcam\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ulusal Kimli\u011fimizin Olu\u015fumu \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 Tezler | Taner Ak\u00e7am\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ve ulusal devletimizin kurulu\u015fu s\u00fcrecinde, bizlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylemlerini belirleyen, ulusal ruh d\u00fcnyam\u0131z\u0131n temel direklerini olu\u015fturan, baz\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce, duygu ve davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131plar\u0131 olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. 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