{"id":6674,"date":"2011-06-10T10:12:49","date_gmt":"2011-06-10T07:12:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/06\/10\/antonio-gramsciye-gore-trockizm-ve-surekli-devrim\/"},"modified":"2011-06-10T10:12:49","modified_gmt":"2011-06-10T07:12:49","slug":"antonio-gramsciye-gore-trockizm-ve-surekli-devrim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/06\/10\/antonio-gramsciye-gore-trockizm-ve-surekli-devrim\/","title":{"rendered":"Antonio Gramsci’ye G\u00f6re Tro\u00e7kizm ve ‘S\u00fcrekli Devrim’"},"content":{"rendered":"![](\"images\/stories\/gramsci.jpg\")
Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin hareketin \u201cs\u00fcreklili\u011fi\u201d hakk\u0131ndaki \u015fu \u00fcnl\u00fc teorisinin, hareket sava\u015f\u0131 teorisinin siyaset alan\u0131ndaki bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak gerekir. Bundan ba\u015fka, yine bu teorinin, ya\u015fam s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n embriyon halinde ve gev\u015fek olu\u015fu y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u201csiper ya da kale\u201d olamayacak bir \u00fclkede (Rusya\u2019da) genel ekonomik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmek de yerinde olur. Bu tutumu ile bir \u201cbat\u0131c\u0131\u201d gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen Tro\u00e7ki, aksine bir kozmopolittir, yani ulus\u00e7ulu\u011fu kadar, bat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da Avrupal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 da y\u00fczeydedir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k Lenin derinden ulus\u00e7u, derinden Avrupal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n
Tro\u00e7ki, an\u0131lar\u0131nda, \u201cs\u00fcreklilik\u201d teorisinin on be\u015f y\u0131l sonra do\u011fru \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc anlat\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda bu teori ne on be\u015f y\u0131l \u00f6nce ne de on be\u015f y\u0131l sonra do\u011fruydu: Olaylar\u0131n gidi\u015f y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kabaca \u00f6nceden sezmi\u015fti denilebilir. Fakat bu \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fc, d\u00f6rt ya\u015f\u0131nda bir k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011funun anne olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledikten sonra, bu k\u0131z yirmi ya\u015f\u0131na gelince, ben b\u00f6yle olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmi\u015ftim, demeye benzer; ama bunu s\u00f6yleyenin d\u00f6rt ya\u015f\u0131ndayken anne olsun diye k\u0131z\u0131n \u0131rz\u0131na ge\u00e7meye kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 akla gelmektedir.<\/p>\n
\u2026<\/p>\n
Stalin, 1927 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcnde yay\u0131nlanan soru ve cevap \u015feklinde yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitapta(1) politika bilimi ve sanat\u0131n\u0131n baz\u0131 temelli noktalar\u0131 \u00fczerinde durmu\u015ftu. Bence geli\u015ftirilmesi gereken nokta \u015fudur: Praksis felsefesine (Marksizm\u2019e) g\u00f6re siyasal planda ister kurucusunun form\u00fclle\u015ftirmesinde, ister \u00f6zellikle bu felsefenin en b\u00fcy\u00fck yeni kuramc\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n getirdi\u011fi ayd\u0131nlatmalar g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutularak, uluslararas\u0131 durum, ulusal g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcyle nas\u0131l incelenmelidir? Asl\u0131nda \u201culusal\u201d ili\u015fki, \u00f6zg\u00fcn tek (belirli bir anlamda) bir d\u00fczenlemenin sonucu ve e\u011fer y\u00f6netmek ve egemen olmak bir \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fck ve teklik temeli \u00fczerindeyse, bu d\u00fczenleme d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ve kavram\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Do\u011frusu \u015fu ki, geli\u015fme uluslararas\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k y\u00f6n\u00fcnde olmaktad\u0131r, ama hareket noktas\u0131 \u201culusal\u201dd\u0131r; buradan yola \u00e7\u0131kmak gerekir. Ama ileriki hedef uluslararas\u0131d\u0131r ve ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc de olamaz. Bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, uluslararas\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, uluslararas\u0131 hedeflere g\u00f6re ve uluslararas\u0131 y\u00f6nde y\u00f6netip geli\u015ftirece\u011fi ulusal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yak\u0131ndan incelemek gerekir. Y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f kendisinin de kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131y\u0131 do\u011fru olarak yorumlamak ko\u015fuluyla bu ada lay\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu da ona, b\u00f6yle olmas\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, harekete belirli bir ama\u00e7la, belirli bir y\u00f6n vermesine olanak sa\u011flar.<\/p>\n
Bana \u00f6yle geliyor ki, Bol\u015fevik hareketin yorumlanmas\u0131nda, Tro\u00e7ki ile Stalin aras\u0131ndaki temelden ayr\u0131l\u0131k bu noktada meydana gelmi\u015ftir. Sorunun temeline inilirse, ulusalc\u0131l\u0131k su\u00e7lamalar\u0131 anlams\u0131zd\u0131r. 1902 ile 1917 aras\u0131nda Bol\u015feviklerin harcad\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7aba incelenirse, bunun \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn, uluslararas\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn belirsiz ve salt ideolojik (terimin k\u00f6t\u00fc anlam\u0131yla) unsurlardan temizlemek ve b\u00f6ylece ona ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir i\u00e7erik kazand\u0131rma iste\u011fi oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Hegemonya kavram\u0131, ulusal nitelikteki isteklerin d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmlendi\u011fi bir kavramd\u0131r; i\u015fte bunun i\u00e7in baz\u0131 e\u011filimlere sahip olanlar\u0131n neden bu kayramdan s\u00f6z etmedikleri ya da \u015f\u00f6yle bir de\u011finip ge\u00e7tikleri anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Uluslararas\u0131 nitelikteki bir s\u0131n\u0131f, s\u0131k\u0131dan s\u0131k\u0131ya \u00abulusal\u00bb toplumsal tabakalar\u0131 (ayd\u0131nlar), ya da \u00e7ok kere ulusal olmaktan \u00e7ok \u00f6zerklik\u00e7i ya da belediyeci (k\u00f6yl\u00fcler) tabakalar\u0131 y\u00f6netti\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, bir anlamda \u00abulusalla\u015fmak\u00bb zorundad\u0131r; kald\u0131 ki bu anlam da \u00e7ok dar de\u011fildir: \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde planl\u0131 bir ekonominin olu\u015fmas\u0131ndan \u00f6nce bir\u00e7ok evrelerden ge\u00e7mek zorunludur; bunlarda b\u00f6lgesel ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131lar (ulus gruplar\u0131) \u00e7e\u015fitlenebilir.<\/p>\n
\u00d6te yandan hi\u00e7bir zaman unutmamak gerekir ki, inisiyatif, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a, bar\u0131\u015f ve dayan\u0131\u015fmaya dayanan bir i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc plan\u0131na g\u00f6re yeni bir toplum kurmaya y\u00f6nelen g\u00fc\u00e7lerin eline ge\u00e7medik\u00e7e, tarihsel \u00e7eli\u015fme, zorunluluk yasalar\u0131n\u0131n izinde gider. Ulusal olmayan kavramlar\u0131n (yani her \u00fclkenin \u00f6zelli\u011fine dayanmayan) oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir: 1. \u0130lk evrede kimse ba\u015flamak gerekti\u011fine inanm\u0131yordu, ba\u015fka deyimle herkes, giri\u015fimi ele al\u0131rsa yaln\u0131z kalaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyordu; b\u00fct\u00fcn bir hareketi bekleyerek kimse k\u0131m\u0131ldam\u0131yor, kimse hareketi \u00f6rg\u00fctlemiyordu; 2. \u0130kinci evrede belki daha da k\u00f6t\u00fcyd\u00fc; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc tarihsel geli\u015fimine oldu\u011fu kadar do\u011fal olarak da zaman a\u015f\u0131m\u0131na u\u011fram\u0131\u015f bir \u00abnapoleonculuk\u00bb(2) beklenmekteydi (ger\u00e7ekten de b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihsel evreler hep ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde tekrarlanmaz). Eski mekanizman\u0131n bu \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f bi\u00e7imdeki kuramsal zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fu \u00e7ok genel s\u00fcrekli devrim teorisiyle maskelenmi\u015ftir; oysa bu teori, bir dogma gibi ileriye s\u00fcr\u00fclen bir kehanetten (prevision) ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmay\u0131p, olaylarda yans\u0131mamas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden kendi kendisini y\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Kaynak: Antonio Gramsci, Hapishane Defterleri, Belge yay., s. 295-296, 317-319<\/p>\n
Notlar<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n(1) Gramsci burada muhtemelen Stalin\u2019in 9 Haziran 1925 tarihinde Sverdlov \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201cSorular ve Cevaplar\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda ilk kez Pravda\u2019da yay\u0131nlanan konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 kastetmektedir. Gramsci\u2019nin tutukland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kitaplar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u0130talyanca \u00f6zet-\u00e7evirisi bulunan bu konu\u015fma \u0130talya\u2019da ilk kez 1927 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f olabilir.<\/p>\n
(2) \u201cS\u00fcrekli Devrim\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Avrupa gericili\u011finin son kalesi olmas\u0131 fikri ve buna dayanak olarak Napoleon\u2019un devrimci sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ancak Rusya\u2019da durdurulabilmi\u015f olmas\u0131 olgusu b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yordu. Bu ko\u015fullar asl\u0131nda Rusya\u2019n\u0131n kesin olarak devrimci bir yola girmesiyle geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fclemez bi\u00e7imde ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Lenin emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ge\u00e7ersizli\u011fini ilk kez 1915 tarihli \u201cAvrupa Birle\u015fik Devletleri \u015eiar\u0131 \u00dczerine\u201d\u00a0 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesiyle uluslar aras\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin g\u00fcndemine getirdi: \u201cKendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir \u015fiar olarak “D\u00fcnya Birle\u015fik Devletleri” \u015fiar\u0131 ise pek do\u011fru de\u011fildir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u2026bu \u015fiar, tek \u00fclkede sosyalizmin zaferinin imkans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ve b\u00f6yle bir \u00fclkenin di\u011fer \u00fclkelerle ili\u015fkileri hususunda yanl\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler yaratabilir.<\/p>\n
Ekonomik ve politik geli\u015fmenin e\u015fitsizli\u011fi, kapitalizmin mutlak bir yasas\u0131d\u0131r. Buradan sosyalizmin zaferinin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta az say\u0131da ya da hatta tek bir kapitalist bir \u00fclkede m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu sonucu \u00e7\u0131kar. Kendi \u00fclkesinde kapitalistleri m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirdikten ve sosyalist \u00fcretimi \u00f6rg\u00fctledikten sonra, bu \u00fclkenin muzaffer proletaryas\u0131, di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 kendi yan\u0131na \u00e7ekerek, o \u00fclkelerde kapitalistlere kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmay\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckleyerek ve hatta gerekirse s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flara ve onlar\u0131n devletlerine kar\u015f\u0131 askeri \u015fiddete ba\u015fvurarak kapitalist d\u00fcnyaya kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanacakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin hareketin \u201cs\u00fcreklili\u011fi\u201d hakk\u0131ndaki \u015fu \u00fcnl\u00fc teorisinin, hareket sava\u015f\u0131 teorisinin siyaset alan\u0131ndaki bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak gerekir. Bundan ba\u015fka, yine bu teorinin, ya\u015fam s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n embriyon halinde ve gev\u015fek olu\u015fu y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u201csiper ya da kale\u201d olamayacak bir \u00fclkede (Rusya\u2019da) genel ekonomik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmek de yerinde olur. Bu tutumu ile bir \u201cbat\u0131c\u0131\u201d […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[162],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6674","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-antonio-gramsci"},"yoast_head":"\n
Antonio Gramsci'ye G\u00f6re Tro\u00e7kizm ve 'S\u00fcrekli Devrim' - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/06\/10\/antonio-gramsciye-gore-trockizm-ve-surekli-devrim\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Antonio Gramsci'ye G\u00f6re Tro\u00e7kizm ve 'S\u00fcrekli Devrim'\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Tro\u00e7ki\u2019nin hareketin \u201cs\u00fcreklili\u011fi\u201d hakk\u0131ndaki \u015fu \u00fcnl\u00fc teorisinin, hareket sava\u015f\u0131 teorisinin siyaset alan\u0131ndaki bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmak gerekir. Bundan ba\u015fka, yine bu teorinin, ya\u015fam s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n embriyon halinde ve gev\u015fek olu\u015fu y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u201csiper ya da kale\u201d olamayacak bir \u00fclkede (Rusya\u2019da) genel ekonomik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmek de yerinde olur. 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