{"id":6693,"date":"2011-08-15T14:44:06","date_gmt":"2011-08-15T11:44:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/08\/15\/liberalizm-kapitalizm-ve-sol-fikret-baskaya\/"},"modified":"2011-08-15T14:44:06","modified_gmt":"2011-08-15T11:44:06","slug":"liberalizm-kapitalizm-ve-sol-fikret-baskaya","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/08\/15\/liberalizm-kapitalizm-ve-sol-fikret-baskaya\/","title":{"rendered":"Liberalizm, kapitalizm ve sol | Fikret Ba\u015fkaya"},"content":{"rendered":"

Son d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle de neoliberal \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ideolojik alan\u0131 ku\u015fat\u0131p, alternatifsiz tek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olarak sunuldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda, zaten ge\u00e7erli olan kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha da b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Esas itibariyle bir sistem olan kapitalizmle bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131 olan liberalizm bir ve ayn\u0131 \u015fey say\u0131l\u0131r hale geldi. Oysa baz\u0131 kesi\u015fme alanlar\u0131 olmakla birlikte kapitalizm ve liberalizm kavramlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahip de\u011fildir. Liberalizm, insanl\u0131k tarihinde bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131, m\u00fcthi\u015f bir entellekt\u00fcel devrim olan Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k Felsefesinin sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131yd\u0131. Entellekt\u00fcel bir devrim olan Ayd\u0131nl\u0131k Felsefesi insan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ama\u00e7, akl\u0131 da ara\u00e7 say\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Liberalizm de, esas itibariyle iki bile\u015fenden olu\u015fuyordu: \u0130nsan\u0131 merkeze alan, insan\u0131n e\u015fit ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr oldu\u011funu il\u00e2n eden politik felsefe ve m\u00fclkiyeti esas alan ekonomik doktrin. Politik bir felsefe olan liberalizmin ekonomik doktrin olan liberalizme \u00f6nceli\u011fi vard\u0131. Ekonomik liberalizm kapitalizmin bir sistem olarak sahneye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p kendini dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda form\u00fcle edilmi\u015fti. Bir politik felsefe olan liberalizm ise ayd\u0131nl\u0131klar [lumi\u00e8res] y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 da denilen XVII. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n hemen sonras\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ekonomik doktrin olarak liberalizm \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti \u2018do\u011fal bir hak\u2019 say\u0131yordu ve bireylerin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeleriyle kollektif \u00e7\u0131kara ula\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc ifade edersek, teker teker kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 pe\u015finde ko\u015fan bireylerin, kollektif \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirece\u011fi varsay\u0131l\u0131yordu. Bu daha sonra g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez el metaforunda ifadesini bulacak ve zihinlere yerle\u015fip b\u0131kt\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir tekerlemeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecekti. Fakat bir ekonomik doktrin olarak liberalizm ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalizme dair bir s\u00f6ylemdi. Buna g\u00f6re piyasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fine hi\u00e7bir \u015fey engel olmamal\u0131, devlet de oyunun kurallar\u0131na riayet edilmesini sa\u011flayacak kadar m\u00fcdahale etmeli, kurallara uymayanlar\u0131 cezaland\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

B\u00fcy\u00fck Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nin \u00fc\u00e7 slogan\u0131: \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, e\u015fitlik, karde\u015flik, modernite devriminin ve ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n tezah\u00fcr\u00fcyd\u00fc. Sol hareket de modernitenin ve ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n do\u011fal miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ve devam\u0131 olarak sahneye \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sosyalizm, Frans\u0131z Devrim\u2019inin \u00fc\u00e7 slogan\u0131nda ifadesini bulan ama\u00e7lar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi ve insan\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fc yabanc\u0131la\u015fmadan ar\u0131narak \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi [emansipasyon], kendini b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesi perspektifiydi. Sosyalizm, hem politik felsefe olan, bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00f6nemseyen politik liberalizmin miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, hem de onu ele\u015ftirip a\u015fmak zorunda olan bir politik-entellekt\u00fcel ak\u0131md\u0131. Zira, Politik felsefe olarak liberalizm insan\u0131 merkeze al\u0131p, insan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne vurgu yapmakla birlikte, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir ama\u00e7 [finalit\u00e9] olarak g\u00f6rm\u00fcyordu… Bir ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu ve yakla\u015f\u0131m kabaca \u015f\u00f6yleydi: e\u011fer insan [birey] kilise [din], gelenek ve h\u00fck\u00fcmdar [prens] \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn [Eski Rejimin] tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcnden kurtulursa, \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesinin, kendini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesinin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lacakt\u0131r… Politik liberalizm e\u011fer insan\u0131n hareketi engellenmez ve ak\u0131l galip gelirse, \u00f6zel giri\u015fimin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131rsa, adaletin ve genel \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fini \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Oysa, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin kutsand\u0131\u011f\u0131, rekabetin y\u00fcceltildi\u011fi kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ne insan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi, ne de genel \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n tecellisi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilirdi ki, i\u015fte XIX\u2019uncu y\u00fczy\u0131lda sahneye \u00e7\u0131kan sosyalist felsefe ve sosyalist hareket, liberalizmin bu vaatlerinin bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda, ona bir tepki olarak do\u011fdu, ay\u0131b\u0131 te\u015fhir etti… Bireyin, Eski Rejimin, eski d\u00fczenin densin k\u0131s\u0131tlar\u0131ndan kurtulmas\u0131 gerekliydi ama yeterli de\u011fildi. \u00dccretli k\u00f6lelik d\u00fczeninden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olmayan kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda liberalizmin vaat etti\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Kapitalizm, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, e\u015fitli\u011fi ve karde\u015fli\u011fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyi hedef alan perspektifin i\u00e7inin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131 demekti. Nitekim, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin ve prod\u00fcktivizmin kutsand\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn giri\u015fim [te\u015febb\u00fcs] \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u2019 [s\u00f6m\u00fcrme, ya\u011fmalama ve talan \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc], e\u015fitli\u011fin yasalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u2018bi\u00e7imsel e\u015fitlik\u2019 say\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, onun dah\u00ee bir retorik olman\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7emedi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda, karde\u015flikten [fraternit\u00e9] s\u00f6z etmek abesti [zira, rekabetin ve bireysel egoizmin kutsand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda art\u0131k dayan\u0131\u015fma diye bir \u015fey m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir] Her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sosyal ba\u011fdan kopmu\u015f, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc koruma ve sosyal g\u00fcvenceden yoksun, eme\u011fini satmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman a\u00e7, kaderi sermayenin insaf\u0131na terkedilmi\u015f, ekonomik planda \u00f6zerk olmayan, meta denizinde bo\u011fulmamak i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli debelenen bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, oradan hareketle de toplumsal refahtan s\u00f6z edilebilir miydi? B\u00f6ylesi bir ortamda tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kan, ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n ve moderniten\u0131n miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ve devam\u0131 olan sosyalist ele\u015ftiri ve sosyalist hareket bir t\u00fcr ikinci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel-entellekt\u00fcel devrimdi. Ayd\u0131nlanman\u0131n vaatlerini ve B\u00fcy\u00fck Frans\u0131z Devrim\u2019inin \u00fc\u00e7 slogan\u0131n\u0131n da [lib\u00e9rte, \u00e9galit\u00e9, fraternit\u00e9] somutlanan\u0131 nihai hedefe ta\u015f\u0131may\u0131 vaat ediyordu. Sorun bireyi \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirerek [ o sayede] \u2018iyi toplumu\u2019 yaratmak de\u011fil, tam tersine, bireylerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc aya\u011f\u0131 yere sa\u011flam basan dayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir toplumsal d\u00fczen kurarak tesis etmekti… Velhas\u0131l sosyalizm politik felsefe olan liberalizmin i\u00e7eri\u011finin ters-y\u00fcz edilmesiydi. Ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc ifade etmek istersek, sosyalizm, bir bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme [emansipasyon] felsefesiydi ama bunu bireyi yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131ran liberal felsefenin aksine, toplumsal dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, toplumsal ba\u011flar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirerek ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyi vaat ediyordu… O halde kritik sorun ne idi? Sol bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckle ilgili nas\u0131l bir tutum benimsemeliydi? Sol ekonomik liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi politik liberalizme de kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmal\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131? E\u011fer bizdeki \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 lib\u00e9rt\u00e9 ise, sol anti-lib\u00e9ral olamazd\u0131 ama bu onun asla liberal oldu\u011fu, liberalizmle uzla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmezdi. Tarihsel sol s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fimiz ince \u00e7izgi \u00fczerinde y\u00fcr\u00fcyemedi ve liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karken \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc [lib\u00e9rt\u00e9] \u00f6nemsemedi. Bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00f6nemini kavramakta s\u0131n\u0131fta kald\u0131. \u00d6yle ki, solun bu talihsiz tavr\u0131 \u00e7ocu\u011fu le\u011fendeki kirli su ile birlikte atmak gibi bir \u015feydi. Buna ba\u015fka olumsuzluklar ve yanl\u0131\u015flar da eklenince iflas ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. Ekonomik liberaller gibi sol da ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi [prod\u00fcktivizmi] esas ald\u0131 ve maddi zenginle\u015fmeyle t\u00fcm sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fine dair burjuva saplant\u0131s\u0131na ortak oldu… Sosyal sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn maddi zenginlikten ge\u00e7ti\u011fini ve maddi zenginli\u011fe giden yolun ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesiyle sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi beklentisi tam bir hata idi… Bu \u2018biz yaparsak iyi yapar\u0131z\u2019 demekten ibaretti ve sonucun h\u00fcsr\u00e2n olmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Tarihsel solun bu t\u00fcr zaaflar\u0131n\u0131n ve yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, teorik, ideolojik, pratik ve entellekt\u00fcel planda azgeli\u015fmi\u015f T\u00fcrkiye toplumunda daha derin olarak ya\u015fanmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. Zira, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir ayd\u0131nlanma ve modernite devrimi ya\u015fanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Eski rejimle ve onun \u2018geleneksel\u2019 ideolojisiyle bir hesapla\u015fma hi\u00e7bir zaman s\u00f6z konusu olmam\u0131\u015f, \u2018kopu\u015f\u2019 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015fti… Ele\u015ftiri bilinci, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve \u00fcsl\u00fbbu geli\u015fmemi\u015fti [bug\u00fcn de geli\u015fmi\u015f de\u011fildir] B\u00f6yle bir durumun, bizzat ayd\u0131nlanma ve modernite\u2019nin devam\u0131 ve miras\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olan sosyalist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin alg\u0131lan\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve \u00f6z\u00fcmleni\u015fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sorunlar yaratmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki sol hareket, Avrupa solu\u2019nun zaaflar\u0131n\u0131 ve yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 miras ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, yeg\u00e2ne referans\u0131 da sosyalizmin teorik ve pratik planda ink\u00e2r\u0131 demek olan Stalinizmdi. Oysa Stalinistse sosyalist de\u011fildir denecektir. Sol hareket Sovyetler Birli\u011finde ge\u00e7erli olan\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z sosyalizmin tecellisi sayd\u0131. Sovyet devrimine ve devrim sonras\u0131na dair bildi\u011fi, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu resmi tarih ve resmi ideolojiye dayand\u0131… Devrimi, rejimin kendisiyle \u00f6zde\u015f saymak gibi bir aymazl\u0131ktan bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc yakay\u0131 kurtaramad\u0131. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan bile h\u00e2l\u00e2 orada \u2018ya\u015fanan\u0131n\u2019 sosyalizm oldu\u011funa inananlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ibret verici. Sadece ibret verici de de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda rahats\u0131z edici… Kolayca iki \u015fey birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u015flerine geliyordu: Birincisi Sovyet Devrimi insanl\u0131k tarihinin tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z en \u00f6nemli olaylar\u0131ndan, \u015fanl\u0131 insanl\u0131k tarihinin kritik \u2018emansipasyon\u2019 a\u015famalar\u0131ndan biriydi; ikincisi, devrimden k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra devrim rotadan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7taki amaca yabanc\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n sona erdi\u011fi 1921 sonunda ortada ne Sovyetler ne de Bol\u015fevik Parti diye reel bir \u015fey kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Moshe Lewin\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi, \u201cSovyet devleti sosyalist de\u011fildi ama Ekim Devrimi\u2019ni yapanlar sosyalistti.\u201d Elbette bu, devrimin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi say\u0131s\u0131z i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f sorunlar\u0131 ve olumsuzluklar\u0131, emperyalist ku\u015fatmay\u0131, vb. hafife almak anlam\u0131na gelmezdi ama, bunlar sosyalizmin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeyi\u015finin gerek\u00e7esi de olamazd\u0131. Lenin durumun fark\u0131ndayd\u0131 ve yeni bir perspektif \u00f6nermeye haz\u0131rlan\u0131rken \u00f6nce hastaland\u0131 sonra da \u00f6ld\u00fc. Ya\u015fasayd\u0131 olaylar\u0131n seyrini de\u011fi\u015ftirebilir miydi? Bu \u2018tarihte bireyin rol\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019 angaje eden bir soru ve soruya olumlu cevap vermek pek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil… O a\u015famadan sonra Lenin\u2019in rotay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi belki imk\u00e2ns\u0131z de\u011fildi ama \u00e7ok zay\u0131f bir olas\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131… Retorik sosyalist olsa da realite \u00e7ok farkl\u0131yd\u0131 ve sosyalizm d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 gerici b\u00fcrokrasi \u00e7oktan yerle\u015fmi\u015fti… Lenin\u2019in \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra Bol\u015fevik Parti art\u0131k Bol\u015fevik parti de\u011fildi. Stalinist otokrasinin bir iktidar arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. S\u00f6ylemle ger\u00e7ek durum aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir u\u00e7urum vard\u0131. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi sosyalist de\u011fildi ama Stalinist rejim Sovyetler Birli\u011fini d\u00fcnya siyasetinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca akt\u00f6rlerinden biri haline getirmeyi ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu durum rejimin prestijini art\u0131r\u0131rken, soldan ele\u015ftiri konusu yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 da engellemi\u015f, de\u011filse zorla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131… Elbette Sovyet Sisteminin niteli\u011fi, neden ve nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ciddi bir tarihsel-sosyal-entellekt\u00fcel ele\u015ftiriyi hak ediyor ama rejimin bir otokrasi oldu\u011fu ve hi\u00e7bir zaman \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck diye bir kayg\u0131s\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131na bile ya\u015fama \u015fans\u0131 tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131, velhas\u0131l o tarakta bezi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kesindi… Oysa \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, demokrasi ve sosyalizm \u00f6zde\u015f olmasalar da akraba kavramlard\u0131r ve ayn\u0131 aileye mensupturlar… \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ve demokrasinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde sosyalizm m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Tabii bunun tersi de ayn\u0131 derecede do\u011frudur: sosyalizasyon yoksa \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve demokrasi kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7i bo\u015ftur. Birinin geli\u015fip- serpilmesi di\u011ferinin geli\u015filip, olgunla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n da ko\u015fuludur. Bu temel ger\u00e7e\u011fin fark\u0131nda olmayanlar\u0131n inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olmalar\u0131 da, bir \u015feyleri ba\u015farmalar\u0131 da asla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir…<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sol hareketin ad\u0131na l\u00e2y\u0131k olabilmesi i\u00e7in iki \u015fey yapmas\u0131 gerekiyor: Birincisi, tarihsel solun ve kendi ge\u00e7mi\u015finin radikal bir ele\u015ftirisini yapmak; ikincisi de realiteyi anlamak \u00fczere i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendi\u011fi at\u00e2letten kurtulmak. Toplumsal sorunlar\u0131n bilince \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in yeni, farkl\u0131, orijinal y\u00f6ntemler ke\u015ffetmek, g\u00fcnl\u00fck ya\u015fam\u0131n farkl\u0131 ve\u00e7helerini tart\u0131\u015f\u0131p-tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 ba\u015farmak, s\u00f6yledikleriyle yapt\u0131klar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki tutarl\u0131l\u0131k konusunda ikna edici, inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olmak… Sosyalizm demek ayn\u0131 zamanda ele\u015ftiri demektir ama bizdeki solun o tarakta bezi yok gibi. \u0130ktidar\u0131 al\u0131rlarsa, direksiyona kendileri ge\u00e7erlerse, sorunun ilelebet \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fini san\u0131yorlar. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m sosyalizme \u00f6zg\u00fc bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 temsil etmez. Son tahlilde bu, biz de asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 zemin \u00fczerindeyiz demeye gelir… E\u011fer \u2018reel sosyalizmler\u2019 de denilen tarihsel deneyleri ele\u015ftirel bir tarzda de\u011ferlendirebilselerdi, arac\u0131n direksiyonuna kendileri ge\u00e7ti\u011finde hedefe ula\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmezlerdi. D\u00fcnyay\u0131 anlamadan onu de\u011fi\u015ftirmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 anlaman\u0131n yolu radikal ele\u015ftiriden ge\u00e7iyor. Solun kitlelerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnde bir \u00e7ekim merkezi olamamas\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l nedeni yeteri kadar radikal olamamakla, farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funa kitleleri ikna edememekle ilgili. Kald\u0131 ki, bizdeki sol hareket radikallikten ba\u015fka \u015feyi anl\u0131yor. Onlara g\u00f6re radikal olmak, iktidar\u0131 silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyle [zorla] ele ge\u00e7irmek \u00fczere gizli \u00f6rg\u00fct kurmaktan ibaret… Zaten bu y\u00fczden de sadece iktidar\u0131 hedef al\u0131yor ve g\u00f6z\u00fc ba\u015fka bir \u015fey g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor. Elbette iktidar el de\u011fi\u015ftirmeden s\u00fcreci farkl\u0131 y\u00f6ne \u00e7evirmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir ama bu kafayla iktidar\u0131 almak dahi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Sol retorik bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa, sol \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin i\u00e7 i\u015fleyi\u015fi burjuva \u00f6rg\u00fctlerdekinden farks\u0131z. Kendi i\u00e7inde demokrasiyi, gayri hiyerar\u015fik, e\u015fitlik\u00e7i ili\u015fkileri bir ya\u015fam tarz\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrememi\u015f, ele\u015ftirel bilinci geli\u015fmemi\u015f, daha da \u00f6tede ele\u015ftiriyi yasaklayan \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin farkl\u0131 bir \u015feyin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmalar\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u0130stedikleri kadar sosyalizme, kom\u00fcnizme, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z topluma g\u00f6nderme yaps\u0131nlar, bu t\u00fcr b\u00fcrokratik yap\u0131lar\u0131n kendi kendilerini yeniden \u00fcretmeleri bile problemlidir. Kald\u0131 ki, b\u00fcrokrasinin oldu\u011fu yerde b\u0131rak\u0131n canl\u0131, verimli, ufuk a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, canl\u0131 hi\u00e7bir \u015feyin ya\u015famas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. B\u00fcrokrasi demek stat\u00fcko ve stat\u00fckonun korunmas\u0131 demektir… Bir zamanlar solcu oldu\u011funu sanan\/san\u0131lanlar\u0131n \u015fimdilerde \u2018ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa\u2019 iltica etmesi, b\u00fcrokratik yap\u0131lar\u0131n nereye varaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ibret verici bir g\u00f6stergesidir… \u0130nsanl\u0131k i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcklendi\u011fi kepazeli\u011fe raz\u0131 olmayacak, olmamas\u0131 gerekiyor… Kepazelikten kurtulman\u0131n yolu da radikal ele\u015ftiriden ge\u00e7iyor… \u00d6yleyse insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu onun ele\u015ftiri ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme yetene\u011fine ve kapasitesine indirgenmi\u015f demektir…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Son d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle de neoliberal \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ideolojik alan\u0131 ku\u015fat\u0131p, alternatifsiz tek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olarak sunuldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda, zaten ge\u00e7erli olan kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha da b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. Esas itibariyle bir sistem olan kapitalizmle bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131 olan liberalizm bir ve ayn\u0131 \u015fey say\u0131l\u0131r hale geldi. Oysa baz\u0131 kesi\u015fme alanlar\u0131 olmakla birlikte kapitalizm ve liberalizm kavramlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahip de\u011fildir. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[98],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6693","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-turkiye"},"yoast_head":"\nLiberalizm, kapitalizm ve sol | Fikret Ba\u015fkaya - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/08\/15\/liberalizm-kapitalizm-ve-sol-fikret-baskaya\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Liberalizm, kapitalizm ve sol | Fikret Ba\u015fkaya\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Son d\u00f6nemde, \u00f6zellikle de neoliberal \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ideolojik alan\u0131 ku\u015fat\u0131p, alternatifsiz tek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olarak sunuldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda, zaten ge\u00e7erli olan kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha da b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc. 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Esas itibariyle bir sistem olan kapitalizmle bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ak\u0131m\u0131 olan liberalizm bir ve ayn\u0131 \u015fey say\u0131l\u0131r hale geldi. Oysa baz\u0131 kesi\u015fme alanlar\u0131 olmakla birlikte kapitalizm ve liberalizm kavramlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahip de\u011fildir. 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