{"id":6696,"date":"2011-08-22T00:01:25","date_gmt":"2011-08-21T21:01:25","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2011\/08\/22\/dunyanin-butun-dukkan-hirsizlari-birlesin-slavoj-iek\/"},"modified":"2011-08-22T00:01:25","modified_gmt":"2011-08-21T21:01:25","slug":"dunyanin-butun-dukkan-hirsizlari-birlesin-slavoj-iek","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/08\/22\/dunyanin-butun-dukkan-hirsizlari-birlesin-slavoj-iek\/","title":{"rendered":"D\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fckk\u00e2n h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131 birle\u015fin | Slavoj \u017di\u017eek"},"content":{"rendered":"

Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re \u2018tekrar\u2019 tarihte kritik bir rol oynar. E\u011fer bir \u015fey yaln\u0131zca bir kez ya\u015fan\u0131rsa, tesad\u00fcf olarak nitelenebilir, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc tutum al\u0131nsa ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131labilecek bir hadise olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir; ama ayn\u0131 olay tekrarlan\u0131rsa bu, daha derin bir tarihsel s\u00fcrecin geli\u015fti\u011fine i\u015faret eder. 1813\u2019te Napolyon, Leipzig\u2019de yenildi\u011finde, bu \u015fanss\u0131zl\u0131k olarak de\u011ferlendirildi ama Waterloo\u2019da da kaybetti\u011finde d\u00f6neminin sona erdi\u011fi anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Ayn\u0131 \u015fey s\u00fcregelen ekonomik kriz i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli. Eyl\u00fcl 2008\u2019de, baz\u0131lar\u0131 krizi, daha iyi d\u00fczenlemeler vs. yap\u0131lsa tekrarlanmayacak bir anomali olarak sunmu\u015ftu. \u015eu aralar sinyallerini veren yeni mali \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcyse daha yap\u0131sal bir fenomenle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fumuzu netle\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n

Bize tekrar tekrar, bir bor\u00e7 krizinden ge\u00e7ti\u011fimizi ve bunun y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc e\u015fit olarak payla\u015f\u0131p, kemerlerimizi s\u0131kmam\u0131z gerekti\u011fi s\u00f6yleniyor. Herkes bunu yapmal\u0131, (\u00e7ok) zenginler hari\u00e7. Onlar\u0131 daha \u00e7ok vergilendirmek bir tabu: e\u011fer \u00f6yle yaparsak, zenginler yat\u0131r\u0131m yapamayacak, daha az i\u015f olanaklar\u0131 yarat\u0131lacak ve bunun ceremesini hepimiz \u00f6deyece\u011fiz. Bu zor zamanlardan kendimizi koruman\u0131n tek yolu, yoksulun daha da yoksulla\u015fmas\u0131 ve zenginin daha da zenginle\u015fmesi. Yoksullar ne yapmal\u0131? Yoksullar ne yapabilir?<\/p>\n

\u0130ngiltere\u2019deki isyanlar, Mark Duggan\u2019\u0131n vurulmas\u0131yla patlak verse de herkes daha derin bir ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fun oldu\u011fu konusunda hemfikir- ama ne \u00e7e\u015fit bir ho\u015fnutsuzluk? 2005\u2019te Paris banliy\u00f6lerindeki araba yakma eylemleri gibi \u0130ngiltereli isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n da iletecek hi\u00e7bir mesaj\u0131 yoktu. (\u015eiddet eylemlerinin de ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kas\u0131m 2010\u2019daki kitlesel \u00f6\u011frenci eylemleriyle bu eylemler aras\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k bir fark var. \u00d6\u011frenciler y\u00fcksek \u00f6\u011fretime getirilmek istenen reformlara kesinlikle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu) Bu nedenle \u0130ngiltereli isyanc\u0131lar\u0131, Marksist terimlere g\u00f6re, devrimci bir \u00f6znenin do\u011fu\u015fu olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnemeyiz; Hegelci \u2018g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcc\u00fc kalabal\u0131k\u2019 yani \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir toplumsal alan\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yer al\u0131p ho\u015fnutsuzluklar\u0131n\u0131 ancak y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u015fiddetin \u2018irrasyonel\u2019 d\u0131\u015favurumlar\u0131 \u015feklinde g\u00f6sterebilen ve Hegel\u2019in \u2018soyut olumsuzluk\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavrama \u00e7ok daha yak\u0131nlar.<\/p>\n

H\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131k yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u015f\u00fcphelenilen bir i\u015f\u00e7iyle alakal\u0131 eski bir hik\u00e2ye vard\u0131r. Bek\u00e7iler, her ak\u015fam, i\u015f\u00e7i fabrikay\u0131 terk ederken, ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 el arabas\u0131n\u0131 dikkatlice incelerler. Hi\u00e7bir \u015fey bulamazlar, el arabas\u0131 her zaman bo\u015ftur. Sonunda anlarlar ki, i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 el arabas\u0131n\u0131n kendisidir. Bek\u00e7iler, t\u0131pk\u0131 isyanlar\u0131 de\u011ferlendiren yorumcular gibi, ayan beyan ortada olan ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yordur. Bize, 90\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda kom\u00fcnist rejimlerin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ideolojinin sonuna i\u015faret etti\u011fini s\u00f6ylediler. Totaliter felaketlerle sonu\u00e7lanan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 ideolojik projelerin zaman\u0131n\u0131n bitti\u011fini art\u0131k rasyonel, pragmatik politikalar\u0131n ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011fu yeni bir d\u00f6neme ad\u0131m att\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 dillendirip durdular. E\u011fer post-ideolojik bir d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015feklindeki basmakal\u0131p fikir do\u011fruysa bu, son isyanlarda ya\u015fanan \u015fiddet olaylar\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclebilir. Ya\u015fananlar hi\u00e7bir \u015fey talep etmeyen \u015fiddet eylemleridir. \u0130syandan \u00e7aresizce anlamlar \u00e7\u0131karmaya u\u011fra\u015fan sosyolog ve yazarlar\u0131n kafas\u0131 ayaklanmalar\u0131n temsil etti\u011fi muammayla kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Protestocular, yoksul ve d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f kesimden olsa da, a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131nda da ya\u015fam\u0131yordu. B\u0131rak\u0131n \u00e7ok daha bask\u0131c\u0131 fiziksel ve ideolojik \u015fartlar\u0131, \u00e7ok daha k\u00f6t\u00fc maddi ko\u015fullar i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fayan insanlar dahi kendilerini daha net g\u00fcndemlere sahip politik g\u00fc\u00e7ler olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctleyebilmi\u015flerdir. Bu nedenle isyanc\u0131lar\u0131n hi\u00e7bir program\u0131n\u0131n olmamas\u0131 yorumlanmas\u0131 gereken bir ger\u00e7ekliktir ve bizlere ideolojik-politik \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131m\u0131z ve nas\u0131l bir toplumda \u2013 se\u00e7me hakk\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6klere \u00e7\u0131karan ama demokratik konsens\u00fcse kar\u015f\u0131 sahip olunan tek alternatifin k\u00f6r taklidi yapmak oldu\u011fu bir toplum – ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131za ili\u015fkin \u00f6nemli \u015feyler s\u00f6ylemektedir. Sisteme muhalefet art\u0131k kendisini ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir alternatif hatta bir \u00fctopik proje olarak dahi ifade edememekte, yaln\u0131zca anlams\u0131z bir tepkinin \u015feklini alabilmektedir. Yap\u0131labilecek tek se\u00e7im oyunu kurallar\u0131na g\u00f6re oynamak ya da (kendi kendini)y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 \u015fiddet uygulamaksa se\u00e7me hakk\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kutsaman\u0131n manas\u0131 nedir ki?<\/p>\n

Alain Badiou, gittik\u00e7e daha \u2018d\u00fcnyas\u0131z\u2019la\u015fan bir toplumsal alanda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 iddia eder, b\u00f6yle bir toplumda, protestonun alabilece\u011fi tek form i\u00e7eriksiz \u015fiddettir. Belki de bu kapitalizmin ana tehlikelerinden biri, k\u00fcresel olman\u0131n ruhu gere\u011fi t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kapsasa da, insanlar\u0131n kendilerini anlamland\u0131rma yollar\u0131ndan mahrum kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018d\u00fcnyas\u0131z\u2019 bir ideolojik k\u00fcmelenmeyi ayakta tutmas\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin asli iddias\u0131, kapitalizmin kendisini H\u0131ristiyan\u0131ndan, Hindusuna, do\u011fusundan bat\u0131s\u0131na t\u00fcm uygarl\u0131klara uyarlayabilece\u011fidir: k\u00fcresel bir \u2018kapitalist d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, \u2018kapitalist uygarl\u0131k\u2019 yoktur. Kapitalizmin k\u00fcresel boyutu anlam\u0131 olmayan bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi temsil eder.<\/p>\n

\u0130syanlardan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak ilk sonu\u00e7, ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2r ve liberal yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n tamamen yetersiz oldu\u011fudur. Muhafazak\u00e2r tepki tahmin edilebilirdi: \u201cBu tarz bir vandalizmin me\u015fruiyeti yoktur, ne olursa olsun d\u00fczeni sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in her \u015fey yap\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r; ilerideki patlamalar\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in daha \u00e7ok tolerans ve toplumsal deste\u011fe de\u011fil disipline, s\u0131k\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ve bir sorumluluk duygusuna ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131r.\u201d Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n temel sorunu yaln\u0131zca gen\u00e7leri \u015fiddet eylemlerine iten \u00e7aresiz toplumsal durumu g\u00f6rmezden gelmesi de\u011fil, belki de bundan \u00f6nemlisi bu eylemlerin muhafazak\u00e2r ideolojinin gizli \u00f6nermelerini de yank\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 fark edememesi. Muhafazak\u00e2rlar, 1990\u2019larda, \u2018K\u00f6klere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u2019 kampanyas\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131nda, onlar\u0131n muz\u0131r tamamlay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 Norman Tebbit taraf\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201c\u0130nsan yaln\u0131zca sosyal de\u011fil ama b\u00f6lgesel de bir hayvand\u0131r: Bizim, ayn\u0131 zamanda onlar\u0131n kabileci ve b\u00f6lgeci i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fclerini de tatmin ediyor olmam\u0131z gerek.\u201d \u2018K\u00f6klere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u2019\u00fcn as\u0131l olarak imledi\u011fi buydu: Bizim uygar, burjuva toplumumuzun etraf\u0131nda dolanan barbar\u0131, barbarlar\u0131n temel i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fclerini memnun ederek a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karma. 1960\u2019larda Herbert Marcuse, \u2018cinsel devrim\u2019i a\u00e7\u0131klayabilmek i\u00e7in \u2018bask\u0131c\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131-y\u00fcceltme\u2019 terimini ortaya att\u0131: insan g\u00fcd\u00fcleri kar\u015f\u0131-y\u00fcceltmeye tabi tutulup serbestle\u015ftikleri halde kapitalist kontrol\u00fcn h\u00e2kimiyetinde olabilirler \u2013porno end\u00fcstrisi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla mesela-. \u0130syan s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u0130ngiltere sokaklar\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerimiz, canavara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f insanlar de\u011fil, kapitalist ideolojinin \u2018canavar\u2019 formunda \u00fcretti\u011fi insanlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u0131rada solcu liberaller de yine tahmin edilece\u011fi \u00fczere toplumsal programlar ve entegrasyon projeleriyle alakal\u0131 mantralar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 kalarak, ekonomik ve toplumsal umutlar\u0131ndan mahrum b\u0131rak\u0131lan ikinci ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc jenerasyon g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin memnuniyetsizliklerini ifade etmenin tek yolunun \u015fiddetli eylemler oldu\u011funu dile getirdi. \u0130ntikam fantezilerinden ziyade onlar\u0131n isyanlar\u0131n\u0131n daha derin nedenlerini anlamak i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6stermeliydik. Yoksul, etnik olarak kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k, polis taraf\u0131ndan ola\u011fan \u015f\u00fcpheli olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen ve taciz edilen, sadece i\u015fsiz de\u011fil \u00e7o\u011funlukla vas\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc i\u015f verilemeyecek durumda olan, gelecek i\u00e7in umutsuz bir gen\u00e7 adam olman\u0131n ne demek oldu\u011funu hayal edebilir miydik? Buradaki ima, bu insanlar\u0131n kendilerini i\u00e7inde buldu\u011fu ko\u015fullar\u0131n onlar\u0131n sokaklara d\u00f6k\u00fclmesini ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feklindedir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131mla ilgili problem, bunun yaln\u0131zca isyan\u0131n nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 listelemesidir. \u0130syan etmek, \u00f6znel bir ifadedir, ki\u015finin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n tam olarak ilan edilmesidir.<\/p>\n

Bu liberal ve muhafazak\u00e2r yakla\u015f\u0131mlardan hangisinin daha k\u00f6t\u00fc oldu\u011fu \u00fczerine kafa patlatmak anlams\u0131zd\u0131r: Stalin\u2019in diyece\u011fi gibi, her ikisi de k\u00f6t\u00fcd\u00fcr, ve buna her iki taraf\u0131n da yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 as\u0131l tehlikenin \u2018sessiz \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun\u2019 bu eylemlere g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi tahmin edilebilir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 tepkide yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feklindeki uyar\u0131 da dahildir. Bu reaksiyonun ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 formlardan biri yerel(T\u00fcrk, Karayipli, Sih) topluluklar\u0131n m\u00fclklerini korumak ad\u0131na \u2018kabileci\u2019 bir anlay\u0131\u015fla kendi koruma gruplar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmas\u0131yd\u0131. D\u00fckk\u00e2n sahipleri, m\u00fclklerini ger\u00e7ek ve \u015fiddet i\u00e7eren bir sistem kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 protestoya kar\u015f\u0131 koruyan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvalar m\u0131d\u0131r yoksa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal par\u00e7alanmaya kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fan \u00fcyeleri mi? Bu noktada taraf se\u00e7meyi reddetmek gerekir. Ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, buradaki anla\u015fmazl\u0131k, biri sistem i\u00e7erisinde tutunmay\u0131 ba\u015farm\u0131\u015f di\u011feri bunu denemek i\u00e7in bile fazlas\u0131yla y\u0131lg\u0131n olan, olanaklar\u0131 k\u0131t iki grup aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u0130syanc\u0131lar\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi \u015fiddet neredeyse yaln\u0131zca kendilerine y\u00f6neliktir. Yak\u0131lan ara\u00e7lar ve ya\u011fmalanan ma\u011fazalar zenginlerin de\u011fil yoksullar\u0131n mahallesindeydi. Anla\u015fmazl\u0131k, toplumun farkl\u0131 kesimleri aras\u0131nda de\u011fil, en radikal haliyle ayn\u0131 toplum i\u00e7erisinde kaybedecek \u00e7ok \u015feyi olanlarla hi\u00e7bir \u015feyi olmayanlar aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Zygmunt Bauman, isyanlar\u0131 \u2018yetersiz t\u00fcketici\u2019lerin eylemleri \u015feklinde karakterize etti. Bu her \u015feyden \u00e7ok kendisini uygun yollarla -yani al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f yaparak- ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiremeyen t\u00fcketici tutkunun \u015fiddetle harekete ge\u00e7i\u015finin d\u0131\u015favurumuydu. Benzer olarak, t\u00fcketici ideolojiye kar\u015f\u0131 ironik bir tepkiyi i\u00e7eren \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir an\u0131 da bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131lar: \u201cBizi uygun yollarla t\u00fcketmenin ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan mahrum ederken ayn\u0131 zamanda devaml\u0131 t\u00fcketmemizi istiyorsunuz. \u0130\u015fte biz de bunu yapabildi\u011fimiz tek \u015fekilde yap\u0131yoruz!\u2019\u0130syanlar, ideolojinin maddi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn bir temsilidir-post-ideolojik toplum buraya kadar herhalde-. Devrimci bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bakarsak, isyanlardaki sorun i\u00e7erdi\u011fi \u015fiddet de\u011fil, i\u00e7erdi\u011fi \u015fiddetin kendini ger\u00e7ekten dayatmaktan yoksun oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fiydi. \u0130syanlar, yetersiz bir \u00f6fke ve umutsuzlu\u011fun bir g\u00fc\u00e7 g\u00f6sterisiyle; g\u0131ptan\u0131n ise muzaffer bir \u015fenlik \u015feklinde maskelenmesiydi.<\/p>\n

\u0130syanlar, liberal \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun ya\u015fam tarz\u0131m\u0131za tehdit olarak alg\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ba\u015fka \u00e7e\u015fit \u015fiddet bi\u00e7imiyle ili\u015fkilendirilmeli: ter\u00f6rist sald\u0131r\u0131lar ve intihar bombalamalar\u0131. \u0130ki \u00f6rnekte de \u015fiddet ve kar\u015f\u0131-\u015fiddet muz\u0131r bir d\u00f6ng\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7erisine hapsolmakta ve bunlar\u0131n her biri sava\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7leri yeniden \u00fcretmekte. \u0130ki durumda da, \u015fiddetin, g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00fcst\u00fc kapal\u0131 bir itiraf\u0131 olarak ifade edildi\u011fi k\u00f6r bir cinnet haliyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Fark \u015fu ki, Britanya ya da Paris\u2019teki isyanlar\u0131n tersine ter\u00f6rist sald\u0131r\u0131lar dinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mutlak manan\u0131n arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilir.<\/p>\n

Ama Arap ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131\u015f\u0131, kendi kendini yok eden \u015fiddet ve k\u00f6ktendincili\u011fin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 sahte alternatiften ka\u00e7\u0131nan kolektif bir direni\u015f eylemi de\u011fil miydi? Maalesef, 2011 M\u0131s\u0131r yaz\u0131, M\u0131s\u0131r devriminin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici potansiyelinin bo\u011fuldu\u011fu ve devrimin sona erdi\u011fi tarih olarak hat\u0131rlanacak. Devrimin mezar kaz\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 ordu ve \u0130slamc\u0131lar. Ordu(M\u00fcbarek\u2019in ordusu) ve \u0130slamc\u0131lar(isyan\u0131n ilk aylar\u0131nda marjinaldiler ama \u015fimdi \u00e7ok daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcler) aras\u0131ndaki anla\u015fman\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fiyse a\u00e7\u0131k: \u0130slamc\u0131lar, ordunun maddi ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131n\u0131 ho\u015f g\u00f6recek ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ideolojik hegemonyay\u0131 elinde tutacak. Kaybedenler, Bat\u0131 yanl\u0131s\u0131 liberaller oldu\u011fu kadar sendikalardan, feminist gruplara yeni bir kitle \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc a\u011f\u0131 kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ve devrimin as\u0131l kahramanlar\u0131 olan sek\u00fcler sol olacak. H\u0131zla k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fen ekonomik durum, eninde sonunda, protestolarda \u00e7o\u011funlukla ortalarda olmayan yoksullar\u0131 da sokaklara ta\u015f\u0131yacakt\u0131r. Yeni bir patlama olas\u0131 g\u00f6z\u00fck\u00fcyor ve M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019\u0131n politik \u00f6zneleri i\u00e7in zor soru, yoksullar\u0131n \u00f6fkesini kimin y\u00f6nlendirece\u011fi olacak. Kim bunu politik bir programa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebilecek, yeni sek\u00fcler sol mu yoksa \u0130slamc\u0131lar m\u0131?<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131l\u0131 kamuoyunun \u0130slamc\u0131larla ordu aras\u0131ndaki bu anla\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelik bask\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ku\u015fkusuz sinik bilgeli\u011fin muzaffer yans\u0131mas\u0131 \u015feklinde olacakt\u0131r: bize \u0130ran(Arap de\u011fildir) \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi, Arap \u00fclkelerindeki ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n her zaman i\u00e7in militan bir \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyeceklerdir. M\u00fcbarek, bir anda g\u00f6zlere ehveni\u015fer g\u00f6z\u00fckecektir. B\u00f6ylesi bir sinizme kar\u015f\u0131, M\u0131s\u0131r ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n radikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirici \u00f6z\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 besledi\u011fimiz \u015farts\u0131z g\u00fcveni korumal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n

Ama \u00fcmitsiz bir vakan\u0131n narsist cezp edicili\u011finden de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmal\u0131: ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmaya mahk\u00fbm isyanlar\u0131n g\u00f6rkemli g\u00fczelli\u011fini takdir etmek \u00e7ok kolayd\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz solu, \u2018belirli olumsuzlama\u2019 problemiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya: o g\u00f6rkemli \u015fevkin ilk an\u0131 ve ayaklanma sona erdikten sonra eski d\u00fczenin yerini ne almal\u0131d\u0131r? Bu ba\u011flamda, \u0130spanya\u2019daki \u00d6fkeliler hareketinin, May\u0131s ay\u0131ndaki ilk eylemlerinden sonra yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 manifestosu a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130lk fark\u0131na var\u0131lan \u015fey kullan\u0131lan dildeki apolitik tondur :\u201dBaz\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z kendini ilerici, baz\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z muhafazak\u00e2r olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yoruz. Baz\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z inan\u00e7l\u0131, baz\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z de\u011fil. Baz\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n net bir \u015fekilde tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ideolojileri var, \u00f6tekiler apolitik, ama hepimiz \u00e7evremizde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz politik, ekonomik ve toplumsal g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcden endi\u015feli ve \u00f6fkeliyiz: politikac\u0131lar, i\u015f adamlar\u0131 ve bankerlerin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fck bizi aciz ve sessiz k\u0131l\u0131yor.\u201d Protestolar\u0131n\u0131 \u201ctoplumda herkesin kabul edece\u011fi vazge\u00e7ilmez ger\u00e7ekler\u201d ad\u0131na yap\u0131yorlar: \u201cbar\u0131nma hakk\u0131, i\u015f, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim, politik kat\u0131l\u0131m, \u00f6zg\u00fcr bireysel geli\u015fim, mutlu ve sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir ya\u015fam i\u00e7in t\u00fcketici haklar\u0131.\u201d \u015eiddeti reddederek \u201cetik bir devrim\u201d istiyorlar. \u201cParay\u0131 insanlar\u0131n \u00fczerine koymak yerine insanlar\u0131n hizmetine yat\u0131rmay\u0131\u201d istiyorlar. \u201cBizler insan\u0131z, \u00fcr\u00fcn de\u011fil. Ben ne sat\u0131n ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131n de\u011fil, neden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131n ve kimden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcy\u00fcm.\u201d Peki bu devrimin \u00f6zneleri kimler olacak? \u00d6fkeliler, sa\u011f\u0131, solu ve t\u00fcm politik s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 reddediyor, onlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fc\u015f olarak niteliyor, peki manifestolar\u0131nda s\u0131ralad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kimden talep ediyorlar o zaman? Kendilerinden de\u011fil. \u00d6fkeliler, hen\u00fcz talep ettiklerini onlar i\u00e7in kimsenin yapmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu de\u011fi\u015fimi ancak kendilerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilece\u011fini de iddia etmiyorlar. Ve i\u015fte bu, son d\u00f6nemdeki protestolar\u0131n hayati g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr: kendisini sosyo-politik bir de\u011fi\u015fimin program\u0131 haline getiremeyecek olan otantik bir \u00f6fkeyi dile getiriyorlar. Devrimsiz bir devrim ruhunu ifade ediyorlar.<\/p>\n

Yunanistan\u2019daki durum, yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemdeki ilerici \u00f6z-\u00f6rg\u00fctlenme deneyimleri (\u0130spanya\u2019da bunlar Franco rejiminin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden sonra kayboldu) sa\u011folsun, daha umut verici g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Ama Yunanistan\u2019da bile protesto hareketi, \u00f6z-\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin limitlerini sergiliyor: protestocular hi\u00e7bir merkezi otoritenin denetiminde olmayan, herkesin e\u015fit olarak s\u00f6z s\u00f6yleme hakk\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu e\u015fitlik\u00e7i bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck alan\u0131n\u0131 muhafaza ediyor. Ama bir sonraki ad\u0131mda ne yapmak gerekti\u011fini, yaln\u0131zca protesto etmenin \u00f6tesinde nas\u0131l hareket edilmesi gerekti\u011fini tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131nda \u00e7o\u011funluk devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irmeye y\u00f6nelik direkt bir at\u0131l\u0131m ya da yeni bir parti kurmak y\u00f6n\u00fcnde de\u011fil, halihaz\u0131rdaki politik partilere bask\u0131 uygulayan bir hareket ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak y\u00f6n\u00fcnde uzla\u015f\u0131yorlar. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki bu toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n yeniden organize edilmesi i\u00e7in yeterli de\u011fidir. Bunu yapabilmek i\u00e7in, \u00e7abuk kararlar alabilen ve bunlar\u0131 t\u00fcm olas\u0131 sertliklerine kar\u015f\u0131n uygulayabilecek g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir g\u00f6vdeye ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

* London Review of Books’tan \u00e7eviren Mithat Fabian S\u00f6zmen | Evrensel<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re \u2018tekrar\u2019 tarihte kritik bir rol oynar. E\u011fer bir \u015fey yaln\u0131zca bir kez ya\u015fan\u0131rsa, tesad\u00fcf olarak nitelenebilir, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc tutum al\u0131nsa ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131labilecek bir hadise olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir; ama ayn\u0131 olay tekrarlan\u0131rsa bu, daha derin bir tarihsel s\u00fcrecin geli\u015fti\u011fine i\u015faret eder. 1813\u2019te Napolyon, Leipzig\u2019de yenildi\u011finde, bu \u015fanss\u0131zl\u0131k olarak de\u011ferlendirildi ama Waterloo\u2019da da kaybetti\u011finde d\u00f6neminin sona erdi\u011fi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[99],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6696","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-dunya"},"yoast_head":"\nD\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fckk\u00e2n h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131 birle\u015fin | Slavoj \u017di\u017eek - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2011\/08\/22\/dunyanin-butun-dukkan-hirsizlari-birlesin-slavoj-iek\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"D\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fckk\u00e2n h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131 birle\u015fin | Slavoj \u017di\u017eek\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re \u2018tekrar\u2019 tarihte kritik bir rol oynar. 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