{"id":6879,"date":"2012-03-28T19:19:30","date_gmt":"2012-03-28T16:19:30","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/"},"modified":"2012-03-28T19:19:30","modified_gmt":"2012-03-28T16:19:30","slug":"diyalektik-siniftir","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/","title":{"rendered":"Diyalektik S\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r"},"content":{"rendered":"

Kapital\u2019in 140. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan etkinli\u011fe izleyici olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131k. Etkinlik bitti\u011finde, y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fczde t\u00fcketilmemi\u015f bir keyif vard\u0131; g\u00f6nl\u00fcm\u00fcz arkada kald\u0131. Ke\u015fke hi\u00e7 bitmeseydi. Olsun! Hayata i\u00e7kin Marx ya\u015f\u0131yor; her g\u00fcn cebelle\u015fip duruyoruz zaten\u2026 Y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze bu keyfi konduran, bu etkinli\u011fi d\u00fczenleyen emeklere te\u015fekk\u00fcrler,ellerinize sa\u011fl\u0131k!<\/p>\n

Bazen rastlant\u0131lar hayat\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, ya\u015fam\u0131n keyfine doyum olmuyor. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan Kapital\u2019in 140. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc etkinli\u011fi, devrimci hareketin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fen bir etkinlikti. Marx\u2019\u0131, Kapital\u2019i anmak, devrimci bir sayg\u0131n\u0131n gere\u011fidir. Bu sayg\u0131n\u0131n, devrimci Marksist hareketin hangi ihtiyac\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de \u00f6nemlidir. Bu \u00f6nem yakalanamay\u0131nca, Marx ve Kapital \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ya elit, entelekt\u00fcel bir \u00e7aba olarak alg\u0131lanmakta ya da ajitatif bir s\u00f6ylemle Marx anmas\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmektedir. Bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimizle y\u00fczle\u015fmek gerekiyor: Marx ve Kapital \u00fczerinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, devrimci hareketimizin gelene\u011finde bir elitlik, bir entelekt\u00fcellik, bir masa ba\u015f\u0131 devrimcili\u011fi olarak, Lenin, Stalin ve Mao \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ise, devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct ve pratik \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek olarak bilinir. Bu alg\u0131lama, genlerimize i\u015flemi\u015f bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme bi\u00e7imidir. Geleneksel bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme bi\u00e7imi alt\u0131nda Kapital \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, edebi ve ajitatif bir s\u00f6ylemle Marx\u2019\u0131 anmaktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7memektedir. Oysa bug\u00fcn Marx ve Kapital \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, antagonizma (s\u0131n\u0131fsal uzla\u015fmazl\u0131k), eme\u011fin \u00f6znelli\u011fi (eme\u011fin politik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131), \u00f6rg\u00fct ve devrimci pratik \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek demektir. Bu ba\u011flamda devrimci hareketin \u00f6nemli ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri de, Marx ve Kapital \u00fczerinde yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektir. Kapital\u2019in 140. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan bu etkinlik, devrimci hareketin Marx ve Kapital \u00fczerine yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme ihtiyac\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Olanaklar, her devrimcinin ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 giderecek imk\u00e2nlard\u0131r. Olanaklar\u0131 kurmak ve yaratmak ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 eme\u011fin kendi eme\u011fini de\u011ferli k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fclk edinmeden sa\u011flamak, kom\u00fcnalist bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fcr. \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck bundan ba\u015fka nedir ki!.. Dile\u011fimiz bu etkinli\u011fin sol\u2019un geneline yay\u0131lan bir gelene\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Marksistler, Marx\u2019\u0131, Lenin, Tro\u00e7ki, Stalin ve Mao \u00fczerinden tan\u0131d\u0131. Bu bir yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131k de\u011fil, bir olgudur. Bilgi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. S\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin devrimci ihtiyac\u0131, bu bi\u00e7imde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi zorunlu k\u0131ld\u0131. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin devrimci ihtiyac\u0131 ise, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 terse \u00e7evirmeyi gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yor. Art\u0131k Lenin, Tro\u00e7ki, Stalin ve Mao, Marx \u00fczerinden tan\u0131nacak ve tan\u0131mlanacakt\u0131r. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ters \u00e7evrili\u015fi, yeni bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme bi\u00e7imini gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yor ve zorluk da burada ba\u015fl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Devrimci hareket bir kriz i\u00e7indedir. Bu kriz herkes taraf\u0131ndan bilinen bir s\u0131rd\u0131r. Kriz a\u015f\u0131lmadan, bu durum bir s\u0131r olarak devam edecektir. Bu s\u0131r, maddi olarak, aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, direnmeleri, ket vurmalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. S\u0131r, bir i\u00e7 m\u00fccadeledir; kom\u00fcnistler i\u00e7 m\u00fccadele i\u00e7indedir. Bu durumun alt\u0131 \u00e7izilmelidir. Bizim k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fczde bu bir zaaft\u0131r. Oysa kendi \u00fczerine ele\u015ftirel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek bir erdemdir. Bizim k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fczde kendi \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 \u00fcstlenme ba\u011flam\u0131nda \u00f6zele\u015ftiriyi ifade ediyor. Bu do\u011fru bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Bu bir k\u00f6le ahlak\u0131d\u0131r. Yanl\u0131\u015f, bir zaaf de\u011fil do\u011frunun olu\u015fudur. Do\u011fru, yanl\u0131\u015flarla kirletilmi\u015f oland\u0131r. Yanl\u0131\u015f yapmak hayat\u0131n kendisidir. Aray\u0131\u015flar yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7er. Metafizik gelenekte, yanl\u0131\u015f do\u011fru taraf\u0131ndan kirletilmi\u015ftir ve yasaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Maddeci gelenekte ise do\u011frunun yolu yanl\u0131\u015f yapmay\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015ftirmekten ge\u00e7er. Metafizikte varl\u0131k, ancak kendisini ba\u015fkala\u015ft\u0131rarak, olumsuzlayarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnebilir. \u00d6tekinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme donmu\u015ftur. Oysa erdem, ba\u015fkas\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011fil kendi \u00fczerinden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmedir. Ahlak ile etik aras\u0131ndaki fark budur. Etikte, kendi \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek \u00f6zele\u015ftiri de\u011fil ele\u015ftiri, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme ve var olu\u015f prati\u011fidir. Sermayenin ahlak\u0131 diyalektik iken, eme\u011fin eti\u011fi anti-diyalektiktir. Sermaye kendisini \u201csorun\u201dla\u015ft\u0131rarak, emek ise kendisini \u201csorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rarak\u201d devinir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde politik olarak kom\u00fcnizm, tarihsel-toplumsal eti\u011fin kendisidir. \u201cZaman\u201d, olumsuzlanan varl\u0131ktan kendini olumlayan varl\u0131\u011fa ge\u00e7i\u015fin politik zaman\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn, anti-kapitalizmin eti\u011fi kom\u00fcnizmdir.<\/p>\n

Anti-kapitalizm, toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n t\u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr ve s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131yla toplumsal antagonizma aras\u0131nda art\u0131k bir dolay\u0131m kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda politiklik yeniden kurulacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bizim gelene\u011fimizde, toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n t\u00f6z\u00fc anti-emperyalizm ve anti-fa\u015fizm olmu\u015ftur. Genel olarak s\u00f6ylersek, bundan on y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine kadar, politik g\u00fcc\u00fcn kurucu s\u00f6ylemi olarak anti-kapitalizm g\u00f6r\u00fclmezdi. Anti-kapitalizm politik g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fumunu darla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flevinden dolay\u0131, anti-emperyalizm ve anti-fa\u015fizm s\u00f6ylemlerinin yan\u0131nda bile kullan\u0131lmazd\u0131. Bug\u00fcn ise, anti-emperyalizm ve anti-fa\u015fizm s\u00f6ylemlerinin hemen arkas\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lan anti-kapitalizm moda olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Olsun! Bizim solumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Tahakk\u00fcm denildi\u011finde akl\u0131na yaln\u0131zca devlet gelen bir akl\u0131n, kapitalizmde ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn, toplumsal sermayenin mistifikasyonu ve yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f eme\u011fin toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fc olan \u201cpara\u201dn\u0131n oldu\u011funu tan\u0131mas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir ad\u0131md\u0131r. Marx ve Kapital\u2019i \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ran ve \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmesini zorlayan, i\u015fte bu anti-kapitalizmin toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir. Marx anti-kapitalizmdir.<\/p>\n

Eme\u011fin Siyasal Demokrasi G\u00fcc\u00fc Olarak S\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye solunun politik teorisinin kurulu\u015funda, Marx \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin pek yeri olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi\u011fimizde sol\u2019a haks\u0131zl\u0131k eti\u011fimiz s\u00f6ylenemez. Bu bir yetersizlik sorunundan kaynaklanm\u0131yor. Her tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, arkas\u0131nda yatan ihtiya\u00e7lar belirler. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Marksistler, Marx \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye pek ihtiya\u00e7 duymad\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye devrimci hareketinin ruhunda s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131, her zaman ideoloji ve \u00f6nderlik ba\u011flam\u0131nda yerini ald\u0131. Bu ba\u011flamda, s\u0131n\u0131f temsili \u00f6nc\u00fcye indirgendi. Parti, \u00f6rg\u00fct alg\u0131lamas\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bedeninden a\u015fk\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n politik bedeni olarak siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olan \u201chalk\u201d kavram\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n t\u00f6z\u00fc anti-emperyalizm ve anti-fa\u015fizmdi. S\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131 her zaman halk ve ulus kavramlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kurulur oldu. S\u0131n\u0131f, emperyalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ulus, fa\u015fizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda halk oldu. \u0130ktidar perspektifi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu durum me\u015fru idi. Fakat hayat g\u00f6sterdi ki Halk ve ulus kavramlar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ittifak\u0131n\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lan ve eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f olarak yeniden \u00fcreten politik s\u00f6ylemlerdi. Eme\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131ran politik s\u00f6ylemlere ge\u00e7ilemedi. Bu durum, s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131 politik olarak kom\u00fcnist g\u00fc\u00e7ten \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131 siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fcne indirgedi. A\u015famal\u0131 devrim bunu gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u00dccretli eme\u011fin reddi \u00fczerinden kom\u00fcnizm politik talep haline getirilemedi. Oysa eme\u011fin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fccretli eme\u011fin reddi idi. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kom\u00fcnistli\u011fi, siyasal devrim sonras\u0131 toplumsal devrime ertelendi. S\u0131n\u0131f, politik devrimde siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc, toplumsal devrimde de kom\u00fcnist g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc.
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak politik kurulu\u015fu Kautskizmdir. Marx\u2019ta, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 asla siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak kurulmas\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, Lenin\u2019e Marx\u2019tan de\u011fil Kautsky\u2019den mirast\u0131r. Kautsky, siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n politik kurulu\u015funu evrimci bir bi\u00e7imde devletin demokratikle\u015ftirilmesine indirgerken, Lenin, devrimci bir bi\u00e7imde, demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik devrimin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik olarak kuran, toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n t\u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr. As\u0131l olan devrimcilik de bu t\u00f6zde yatar. Emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki antagonizma tarihseldir. Tarihsel olarak s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc politiktir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik olarak kuran bu politikliktir. Lenin, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmenin politikli\u011fini buldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131, di\u011fer emek bi\u00e7imleriyle, di\u011fer toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar ile, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi ile ittifak \u00fczerinden politik g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. Parti, yaln\u0131zca s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n temsiliyeti de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda di\u011fer emek bi\u00e7imleriyle ittifak\u0131n kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u00d6nc\u00fcl\u00fck ve \u00f6nderlik, toplumsal antagonizman\u0131n t\u00f6z\u00fcne g\u00f6re s\u0131n\u0131f ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinin kurulu\u015fu, bu kurulu\u015fa g\u00f6re s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n politik \u00f6znele\u015ftirilmesidir. Lenin a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kendili\u011findencilik, spontan bir hareket de\u011fil, tam tersine siyasi bir harekettir. Lenin a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, kendili\u011findencili\u011fin ele\u015ftirisi politiktir. Kendili\u011findencilik, s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetini, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n toplumsal politik bedenini s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcne, sosyolojik g\u00fcc\u00fcne indirger. Lenin, siyasal m\u00fccadeleden bunu anlam\u0131yordu. Lenin\u2019in anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal m\u00fccadele, di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 da politik g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmekti. Lenin a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 toplum \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek, di\u011fer emek bi\u00e7imleriyle birlikte politik g\u00fc\u00e7 olmaktan ge\u00e7iyordu. Ya\u015fanan d\u00f6nemde, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek bir dolay\u0131md\u0131. Di\u011fer emek bi\u00e7imleri kapitalist birikime tabi olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen kapitalistle\u015fmemi\u015fti. Bu dolay\u0131m\u0131 siyaseten kuran s\u00f6ylem ise siyasal demokrasi s\u00f6ylemi olmu\u015ftur. Anti-emperyalizm ve anti-fa\u015fizm, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmenin politik dolay\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Metafizik gelenek \u00f6zc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Pratik, kurucu de\u011fil kuruland\u0131r. \u00d6zne, kurulan eylemin kurucusudur. Oysa maddeci gelenekte, eylem, kurulan de\u011fil kurucudur. Kurucu ili\u015fkisellik, yani pratik olan, \u00f6zneyi kurar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 politik olarak kuran, maddi ili\u015fkilerin \u00e7eli\u015fkileri ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Toplumsal antagonizma, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik olarak, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 toplum \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 olarak kurma dolay\u0131m\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak kurmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kom\u00fcnist \u201c\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d parti \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. Hi\u00e7bir varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc, temsiliyet ad\u0131na ba\u015fka bir varl\u0131k \u00fcstlenemez. Bu bir a\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131kt\u0131r ve metafiziktir.
Marx, hi\u00e7bir zaman kom\u00fcnistli\u011fi temsiliyette, \u00f6nc\u00fcde, \u00f6nderlikte g\u00f6rmedi. Marx, kom\u00fcnistli\u011fi, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bug\u00fcnden s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kendini reddeden \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc somut politik prati\u011fi olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u201cBize g\u00f6re kom\u00fcnizm, ne yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir durum ne de ger\u00e7e\u011fin ona uydurulmak zorunda olaca\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclk\u00fcd\u00fcr. Biz, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc duruma son verecek ger\u00e7ek harekete kom\u00fcnizm diyoruz. Bu hareketin ko\u015fullar\u0131, \u015fu anda var olan \u00f6nc\u00fcllerden do\u011farlar.\u201d\u00a0 Bu tarihsel-toplumsal \u00f6nc\u00fcller \u00f6nemliydi. Fakat Marx, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n tarihsel antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131 toplumsal antagonizma ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirdi ve 1848 devriminden \u00e7ok \u015fey bekledi. 1848 devriminin yenilgisi, bir \u00f6zele\u015ftiriyi beraberinde getirdi. Devrim, \u201chen\u00fcz \u015fiddetli s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkileri haline gelecek kadar keskinle\u015fmemi\u015f olan toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131\u201dna\u00a0 \u00e7arpt\u0131. Emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131 toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015fti. Marx, 1848 devriminin \u00f6zele\u015ftirisinden sonra s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi dolay\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc politik olarak g\u00f6rmedi. Bu dolay\u0131m\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal antagonizmaya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini sermayenin tarihsel-toplumsal olgunla\u015fmas\u0131na ba\u011flad\u0131. Marx\u2019\u0131n ekonomi politi\u011fi, bu olgunla\u015fman\u0131n de\u011fer teorisi \u00fczerinden kurulu\u015fudur. Gramsci\u2019nin dedi\u011fi gibi, Ekim Devrimi Kapital\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir devrimdir. Lenin, bu noktada Marx\u2019\u0131 kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde yeniden kurarken, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda ortodoks Marksistler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda heterodoks bir Marksistti.<\/p>\n

Kom\u00fcnistlerin tarihinde, demokrasi kavram\u0131 maddi politik bir ili\u015fkiye g\u00f6nderme yapar. Marx\u2019ta bunun kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal demokrasidir ve kendilerine de sosyal demokratlar denmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamda s\u0131n\u0131f, toplumsal demokrasinin kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Emek, hi\u00e7bir zaman siyasal demokrasinin kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmedi. Eme\u011fin siyasal demokrasi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesine neden olan \u201culus devlet\u201din kurulu\u015fudur. Ulus-devlet egemenlik bi\u00e7imi, eme\u011fi \u00fccretli emek alt\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n, eme\u011fi \u00fccretli emek alt\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rarak sermayenin siyasi m\u00fclk\u00fc haline getirmenin bir egemenlik bi\u00e7imidir. Alman Marksizmi ve Kautsky, tam da bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te devreye girdi. \u201cHer ulusal devlet i\u00e7inde, proletarya da kendi ulusal alan\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve birli\u011fini korumak i\u00e7in t\u00fcm enerjisini kullanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Demokrasinin, proletaryan\u0131n sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve zaferi i\u00e7in zorunlu olan bu temelin elzem bir par\u00e7as\u0131 budur.\u201d\u00a0 \u201cDemokrasi olmadan, proletaryan\u0131n kurtulu\u015funa d\u00f6n\u00fck bir ara\u00e7 olarak sosyalizm d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez.\u201d\u00a0 Kautsky ile birlikte, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, devletin demokratikle\u015ftirilmesinin kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olmal\u0131yd\u0131. Eme\u011fin kom\u00fcnist siyaseti, eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00fcreten \u00fccretli eme\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti olan siyasal demokrasi m\u00fccadelesine indirgendi. Eme\u011fin kom\u00fcnalist siyaseti, sermayenin kendini olumlama politik prati\u011finin diyalekti\u011fine g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc. Lenin, emperyalizm teorisini politik kriz teorisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek bu konseptin devrimcile\u015ftirilmesini sa\u011flad\u0131. Emperyalist \u00fclkeler, ulusal birli\u011fin i\u00e7 sava\u015fla par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 devrimci g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeler ise, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k temelinde \u201culusal birli\u011fin\u201d kurucu g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak politikle\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n

Gelinen noktada, sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131c\u0131 bir toparlamaya girmek gerekiyor. Yukar\u0131da \u00f6zetleyerek anlatt\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z, bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan bir ger\u00e7ekliktir. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan, bu ger\u00e7eklikte kimse ve hi\u00e7bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6tekile\u015ftirilerek \u201csorun\u201d haline getirilmemi\u015ftir. Bu ger\u00e7eklik bizim tarihimizdir. Bu tarihin i\u00e7inde \u00f6zg\u00fcrce dola\u015fmak ve bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimizi \u201cbug\u00fcn\u201d ve \u201cyar\u0131n\u201dlar i\u00e7in \u201csorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmak\u201d, bizim devrimci g\u00f6revimizdir. Ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimizi sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmaktan ve bu \u201csorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u201d i\u00e7inden sorular \u00fcretmekten, yan\u0131tlar\u0131 Marksizm i\u00e7inde aramaktan vazge\u00e7meyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda, bu sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rmalardan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z soyutlamalar\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle s\u0131ralayabiliriz:<\/p>\n

1.<\/strong> Eme\u011fin siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak politikle\u015ftirilmesinin tarihsel-toplumsal zemini kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 politik g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme siyaseti, \u00fccretli emek siyasetidir. \u00dccretli emek siyaseti, eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131ran bir siyasete de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f olarak devam ettiren bir burjuva siyasetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Art\u0131k, eme\u011fin siyaseti s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rmaya kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma olmal\u0131d\u0131r; s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma siyaseti, siyasal demokrasi de\u011fil kom\u00fcnalizmdir. Tarihsel antagonizman\u0131n temeli, emek ile sermayenin yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imi olan \u00fccretli emek aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

2.<\/strong> S\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fatmak politiktir. Emek kavram\u0131n\u0131 halkla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve ulusla\u015ft\u0131rmak devrimci olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emek, toplumsalla\u015fma s\u00fcrecini art\u0131k tamamlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emek, toplumsal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak tan\u0131mlanmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tan\u0131m, eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131ran bir dil taraf\u0131ndan kurulmal\u0131d\u0131r. Eme\u011fi toplumsal olarak s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131ran ve bu ba\u011flamda eme\u011fi politik bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kuran kavram \u00e7okluktur. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u201chalk\u201d ve \u201culus\u201d kavramlar\u0131na indirgemek, eme\u011fi toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00fcretmek politik olarak eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karmakt\u0131r. Bu kesimin, eme\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rarak toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131ran ve politik a\u00e7\u0131dan s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kuran \u201c\u00e7okluk\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bizlere \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 reddediyorsunuz\u201d derken, bizim \u00fczerimizden kendilerini ifade ettiklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz.
3.<\/strong> Sermayenin eme\u011fi ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na alma s\u00fcreci tamamlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u00fcresel emek, k\u00fcresel gerekli emek alt\u0131nda tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sermaye, k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta toplumsal bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Emperyalizm, sermayenin politik olarak k\u00fcresel g\u00fcc\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u0130mparatorluk, sermayenin toplumsal olarak k\u00fcresel g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Kapitalizm, emperyalizmi i\u00e7ererek a\u015fan yeni bir k\u00fcresel egemenli\u011fin kurulu\u015fu i\u00e7indedir. Bu kurulu\u015f, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde kurulmaktad\u0131r.
4.<\/strong> Sermayenin kendini olumlama politik prati\u011finin felsefesi diyalektiktir. Eme\u011fin kendini olumlama politik prati\u011fi ise anti-diyalektiktir. Sermayenin kendini olumlama politik prati\u011finin diyalekti\u011finde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lma politikli\u011finden, eme\u011fin kendini olumlama prati\u011finde sermayenin tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karma politikli\u011fine ge\u00e7ilmi\u015ftir.
B\u00fct\u00fcn bu soyutlamalar\u0131n kurucu temelleri, Marx\u2019ta ve Marksist birikimin tarihinde vard\u0131r.

Diyalektik, S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn Maddi \u0130\u015fleyi\u015fidir<\/strong><\/p>\n

Marx i\u00e7in \u201cKapital\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kapitalizmin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesi ve ele\u015ftirisidir. Burada bir sorun yok. Fakat Marx ve sermayenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesi ve ele\u015ftirisi Kapital I\u2019e indirgendi\u011finde ve Marx \u201cKapital I\u201d ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirildi\u011finde, sorunlar ba\u015flamaktad\u0131r. 1939\u2019da yay\u0131mlanan, d\u00fczenlemeler ile yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 1950-60\u2019lara yay\u0131lan Grundrisse \u201cyok\u201d say\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130kincisi, \u201cDolays\u0131z \u00dcretim S\u00fcrecinin Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131\u201d kitab\u0131, Kapital I\u2019in bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen Kapital i\u00e7inde yay\u0131mlanmam\u0131\u015f, Ceylan Yay\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan 1999\u2019da yay\u0131mlanarak \u00fclkemiz devrimci hareketine kazand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
Marx, ancak Grundrisse \u00fczerinden bir Kapital okumas\u0131 ile anla\u015f\u0131labilir. Marx i\u00e7in sermayenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesi, sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesidir. Diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015f, tarihsel bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, sermayenin kendi elleriyle kendisini \u00e7\u00f6zmesine kadar devam eder. Sermayenin kendi eleriyle kendisini \u00e7\u00f6zmesi, sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015fini tamamlamas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme bu iken, ele\u015ftiri, sermayenin bu diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerine ve bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin krizlerine ba\u011flan\u0131r. Bu durumu, Grundrisse bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak bize sunar. Bu ba\u011flamda Kapital analitik ve e\u015f zamanl\u0131, Grundrisse ise tarihsel ve art zamanl\u0131d\u0131r. Grundrisse, sermayenin biyografisidir.<\/p>\n

Hegel\u2019in iki temel yap\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlay\u0131n: Tinin G\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc Bilimi ve Mant\u0131k. Marx, Hegel ile sorununu Hukuk Felsefesinin Ele\u015ftirisi ile bitirdi ve bir daha Hegel\u2019e d\u00f6nmedi. Grundrisse\u2019yi yazarken, Hegel\u2019in Mant\u0131k\u2019\u0131 yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131ndayd\u0131. Marx’\u0131n, ba\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerinde durur iken ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerine oturttu\u011fu Tinin G\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc Bilimi\u2019ndeki Hegel idi. Fakat sermayenin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmesinin anahtar\u0131 olarak Mant\u0131k\u2019\u0131 i\u00e7selle\u015ftirdi. Diyalekti\u011fi, sermayenin i\u015fleyi\u015fine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak maddeci bir yerden yeniden kurdu. Sermayenin kendini olumlama prati\u011fi, varolu\u015funun hareket dinami\u011fi, ontolojisinin yasas\u0131 diyalektikti. Diyalektik, ak\u0131lsal kurulan bir y\u00f6ntem de\u011fil, sermayenin maddi i\u015fleyi\u015fine i\u00e7kin bir \u201ct\u00f6z\u201d idi. Sermayenin t\u00f6z\u00fc yakalanmadan sermaye \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemezdi. Marx, Hegel\u2019i sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finde yeniden ke\u015ffetti. Burada durmak gerekiyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z e\u015fi\u011fin \u00f6n\u00fcndeyiz. O zaman neden sermayenin ele\u015ftirisi, diyalektik ele\u015ftirisine ve diyalektik ele\u015ftirisi \u00fczerinden Hegel ele\u015ftirisine tekrar d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015femedi? \u0130\u015fte temel ve k\u00f6k soru budur. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc diyalektik, belirleyen fakat belirlenmeyen, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesini belirleyen tarihsel maddecili\u011fin temel yasas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc diyalektik \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fmesinin maddi i\u015fleyi\u015fiydi. Tarih, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi iken \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fme tarihine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclerek evrenselle\u015ftirildi. Ve emek sermaye \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, sermayenin varolu\u015f felsefesi olan diyalekti\u011fin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerine g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc. Siyasal m\u00fccadele bu boyuttan sonra ekonomi politi\u011fin t\u00fcrevine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Kom\u00fcnizm ekonomi politik ele\u015ftirisi iken burjuva ekonomi politi\u011finin ele\u015ftirisine ve bo\u015f zaman \u00fcreten ekonomi politi\u011fe indirgendi.<\/p>\n

Bu noktadan sonra, Marksistler, ele\u015ftiriyi ve direni\u015fi sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015findeki \u00e7eli\u015fkilere ba\u011flay\u0131p durdular, s\u0131n\u0131fsal antagonizmay\u0131 ve eme\u011fin politik \u00f6znelli\u011finin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 diyalekti\u011fin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131karamad\u0131lar. Marx, eme\u011fin politik \u00f6znelli\u011finin ekonomi politi\u011fin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 politik de\u011fil toplumsal olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc. \u201c burjuva toplumunun \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin, i\u00e7inde burjuva ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n izin verdi\u011fi bollukta geli\u015ftikleri bu genel g\u00f6nen\u00e7 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ger\u00e7ek devrimden bahsedilemez.\u201d\u00a0 \u201cYeni ve daha y\u00fcksek \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri, bu ili\u015fkilerin maddi varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131, eski toplumun ba\u011fr\u0131ndan \u00e7i\u00e7ek a\u00e7madan, asla gelip yerlerini alamazlar.\u201d\u00a0 Marx, eme\u011fin politik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sermayenin toplumsal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00fczerine temellenen siyasal bir devrime ba\u011flar. Eme\u011fin politik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine temellenir ve bu toplumsal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ekonomi politi\u011fin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin olgunla\u015fmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 bir momentin tarihselli\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Marksist tarihin temel tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n pek \u00e7ok k\u00f6k\u00fc bu gerilimdir. Lenin buna bir itirazd\u0131. Lenin eme\u011fin politik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 politik olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Siyasal devrim sermayenin toplumsal ili\u015fkisini \u00e7\u00f6zecektir. Fakat Lenin, devrim sonras\u0131 ekonomi politi\u011fin diyalektik determinizmine teslim oldu.<\/p>\n

Diyalektik bir s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcretme felsefesi, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn maddi i\u015fleyi\u015fidir. Diyalektik, bir s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. Varl\u0131k, kudreti ile var olur. Kudret, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n eylemselli\u011fidir. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n varolu\u015fu eylemselli\u011fine i\u00e7kindir. Bu ba\u011flamda, varl\u0131k s\u00fcrekli olu\u015ftur ve kendini olumlar. Diyalektik, sermayenin eylemselli\u011fi, kudreti ve olu\u015fudur. Sermayenin kendisini olumlamas\u0131, olumsuzlaman\u0131n olumsuzlamas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Olumsuzlaman\u0131n olumsuzlamas\u0131 ilkesi, sermayenin olumsuzlanmas\u0131 olarak \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131. Diyalektik, Zincirlikuyu Mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u201cHer canl\u0131 bir g\u00fcn \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc tadacakt\u0131r\u201d mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirgendi. Sermaye, bir g\u00fcn kendisini olumsuzlayarak yok olacakt\u0131r. Sermayeyi \u00f6ld\u00fcren, sermayenin ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerdi. \u00c7eli\u015fki kavram\u0131, devrimci hareket i\u00e7in sermayenin Azrail\u2019i olarak alg\u0131land\u0131. Oysa \u00e7eli\u015fki, sermayeye i\u00e7kin kurucu g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fc; sermayeyi devindiren, sermayenin \u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretiminin t\u00f6z\u00fc idi. Kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n birli\u011finin temeliydi. Marx,<\/p>\n

\u201cNihayet, bizzat sermaye-emek ili\u015fkisinin, kapitalist ile i\u015f\u00e7i aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin yeniden-\u00fcretimi ve yeni-\u00fcretimi, \u00fcretim ve de\u011ferlenme s\u00fcrecinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca sonucu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Bu toplumsal ili\u015fki, bu \u00fcretim ili\u015fkisi, ger\u00e7ek s\u00fcrecin maddi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nemli bir \u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ger\u00e7ekten, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te i\u015f\u00e7i kendi kendini emek kapasitesi olarak ve kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olarak sermayeyi \u00fcretmekte, kapitalist ise kendi kendini sermaye olarak ve kendi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olarak canl\u0131 emek kapasitesini \u00fcretmektedir. Her biri kendini yeniden \u00fcretirken, kendi olumsuzlamas\u0131n\u0131 da yeniden-\u00fcretmektedir. Kapitalist, eme\u011fi yabanc\u0131 emek olarak \u00fcretmekte; emek, \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc yabanc\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcn olarak \u00fcretmektedir. Kapitalist i\u015f\u00e7iyi, i\u015f\u00e7i de kapitalisti \u00fcretmektedir, vb.\u201d diyerek, \u00e7eli\u015fkinin bir ili\u015fki \u00fcretimi oldu\u011funu ortaya koymu\u015ftur. Sermaye ve \u00fccretli eme\u011fin kendilerini olumlamalar\u0131, kendilerini olumsuzlamalar\u0131na i\u00e7kindir. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u201cAyn\u0131 zamanda hem \u00fccretli eme\u011fin korunmas\u0131n\u0131 hem de sermayenin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istemek, demek ki kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7eli\u015fkili ve kendi kendini \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten bir taleptir.\u201d\u00a0 \u00c7eli\u015fki, bir ili\u015fkiselliktir, sermayenin hem nedeni hem de sonucudur. Sermaye bir \u00e7eli\u015fkidir. Sermayenin \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimidir. Sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00fcretti\u011fi oranda var olur. \u00c7eli\u015fki bir s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcretme ili\u015fkiselli\u011fidir ve sermayenin kudretidir. Bu ba\u011flamda \u00e7eli\u015fki tahakk\u00fcmd\u00fcr ve politiktir. Sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00fcretti\u011fi oranda de\u011fil tam tersi \u00e7eli\u015fki \u00fcretemedi\u011fi anda krize girer.<\/p>\n

Marx, diyalektik \u00fczerinden Hegel ile mesafesini, \u201ckar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n \u00f6zde\u015fli\u011fi\u201d ilkesini sorunsalla\u015ft\u0131rarak koymu\u015ftur. Hegel, kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n \u00e7eli\u015fkili ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 ili\u015fkisini, \u201cBengi\u201d ve mutlak olan \u201cTin\u201d \u00fczerinden \u00f6zde\u015flik olarak kurmu\u015ftur. Marx, diyalekti\u011fi bu \u0130dealizmden kurtar\u0131r fakat maddeci bir yerden metafizi\u011fi yeniden kurar. Marx\u2019ta, sonsuz bir mutlak varl\u0131k yoktur. \u00d6zde\u015flik \u00fczerinden \u00e7eli\u015fki kurulamaz. Kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n birli\u011fi \u00fczerinden \u00e7eli\u015fki yeniden kurulur ve \u201cTin\u201dnin yerini \u201c\u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler\u201d al\u0131r. Sonsuz olan\u0131n yerine mutlak belirleyen ge\u00e7er. 1848 devriminin yenilgisinin \u00f6zele\u015ftirisinden sonra bu durum daha a\u00e7\u0131k hale geldi. S\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesini belirleyen \u201calt yap\u0131\u201d metaforu devreye girdi ve s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi nesnelcilik, determinizm ve erekselcili\u011fe g\u00f6m\u00fcld\u00fc. S\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi tarihi, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fme tarihine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u201c\u0130\u00e7erebildi\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler geli\u015fmeden \u00f6nce, bir toplumsal olu\u015fum asla yok olmaz\u2026\u201d\u00a0 soyutlamas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin temeli haline geldi. Kom\u00fcnizm, politik olgudan ekonomi politi\u011fin toplumsal olgusuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bo\u015f zaman \u00fcreten toplumsal ekonominin toplumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bireyi, kom\u00fcnizmin temeli olarak kuruldu. Grundrisse, sermayenin bu biyografisini anlat\u0131r. Negri, Kapital\u2019in s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n politikli\u011fini nesnelcili\u011fe kapatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Grundrisse\u2019nin ise s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6znelcili\u011fini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Bu pozitif bir zorlamad\u0131r. \u201cMarx \u00dczerine 20 Tez\u201dde ise, \u201cGrundrisse gibi mucizevi metinlerde dahi, eme\u011fin ilerleyen bir \u015fekilde sermayenin boyunduru\u011fu alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fal bir tarihini olu\u015fturma ve de\u011ferin bi\u00e7imini kendi mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fckemmelle\u015ftirmenin ilerleyen, ama \u00fctopik, belirlenimci s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde g\u00f6sterme riskini ta\u015f\u0131r\u201d\u00a0 diyerek bu zorlamay\u0131 itiraf etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Diyalektik, ekonomi politik \u00fczerinden tarihsel maddecili\u011fin \u00f6z\u00fc ve mutlak belirleyeni de\u011fildir. Maddi olan ili\u015fkiselliktir. Diyalektik, sermayenin eme\u011fi, \u00fccretli emek, \u00fcretken emek alt\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n ekonomi politikli\u011fidir. Bu ba\u011flamda diyalektik, ekonomi politik \u00fczerinden sermayedir. Kavram maddi ili\u015fkileri kurmaz; kavram\u0131 kuran maddi ili\u015fkilerdir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn maddi ili\u015fkilerini ge\u00e7mi\u015fin ve gelece\u011fin sonsuz ve mutlakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden kurmak ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak metafizik \u00f6zc\u00fcl\u00fckt\u00fcr. Diyalektik kavram\u0131n\u0131 bengile\u015ftirip mutlakla\u015ft\u0131rarak bug\u00fcn\u00fcn hareketini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme mant\u0131\u011f\u0131, diyalektik kavram\u0131n\u0131 \u201cide\u201d haline getirmektir. Tarihsel ve toplumsal hareket \u201cide\u201dnin, \u201ckavram\u201d\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 olamaz. Tarihsel maddecilik s\u0131n\u0131flardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi reddeder. Diyalektik, s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r ve sermayedir. Eme\u011fin kendini olumlama politikli\u011fi ise diyalektik de\u011fildir. Emek, asla kendisini olumsuzlayarak kendisiyle ili\u015fkilenmez. S\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin antagonist maddi t\u00f6z\u00fc, s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rmaya kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma, diyalekti\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 anti-diyalektiktir. Tersi, eme\u011fin kendini olumlama politikli\u011fini sermayenin diyalekti\u011fine g\u00f6mmek demektir. Bu ise, eme\u011fi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik bir varl\u0131k olarak g\u00f6rmemektir. Sermaye eme\u011fe ihtiya\u00e7 duyar; emek ise sermayeye asla ihtiya\u00e7 duymaz. Sermaye eme\u011fi diyalekti\u011fine ve \u00e7eli\u015fkisine \u00e7ekerken, emek sermayenin diyalekti\u011fini ve \u00e7eli\u015fkisini k\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda ekonomi politik, sermayenin politik diyalekti\u011finin, eme\u011fin sermaye taraf\u0131ndan boyunduru\u011fu alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kendisi ve bir tahakk\u00fcm ili\u015fkisidir. De\u011fer teorisi, bu ili\u015fkinin diyalektik teorisidir.<\/p>\n

De\u011fer \u00dcretme \u0130li\u015fkisinin Ba\u015fkala\u015f\u0131m\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cSermaye \u00fcretken midir de\u011fil midir sorusu, o halde, budalaca bir sorudur. Sermayenin \u00fcretimin temelini olu\u015fturdu\u011fu, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kapitalistin de \u00fcretime kumanda etme konumunda oldu\u011fu yerde, emek ancak sermaye taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6z\u00fcmsendi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u00fcretken olabilir.\u201d\u00a0 Bu ba\u011flamda sermayenin \u00fcretken g\u00fcc\u00fc, eme\u011fin sermaye taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6z\u00fcmsendi\u011fi oranda, eme\u011fin kullan\u0131m-de\u011ferini art\u0131-emek zaman \u00fczerinden de\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011ferine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebildi\u011fi oranda, emek \u00fcretken eme\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc oranda m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu ba\u011flamda sermayenin krizi, eme\u011fi tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na alamamas\u0131ndan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Sermaye eme\u011fi \u00fcretken eme\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcremiyorsa ya da \u00fcretken eme\u011fin \u00fcretimini ve yeniden \u00fcretimini sa\u011flayam\u0131yorsa krizdedir. Kriz, tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131namayan eme\u011fin bir ifadesidir. Sermayeler aras\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda yatan neden de budur. Gerekli emek zaman eme\u011fi, art\u0131-emek zaman ise sermayeyi ifade eder. Gerekli emek ve art\u0131 emek aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik, gerekli emek ve art\u0131 emek aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi \u00fcretti\u011fi oranda kriz yoktur. Sermaye gerekli emek zaman ve art\u0131 emek zaman \u00e7eli\u015fkisini \u00fcretemedi\u011fi ba\u011flamda krizdedir. Genel kan\u0131 bu krizleri \u00fcreten sermayenin ba\u015fkala\u015f\u0131m s\u00fcre\u00e7lerindeki sermayenin de\u011fersizle\u015fme u\u011fraklar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu u\u011fraklar s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesine i\u00e7kindir. Sermayenin de\u011fersizle\u015fme momentlerinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu krizlerle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi olumsald\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez. Krizin nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00f6znel g\u00fc\u00e7lerine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Krizi derinle\u015ftiren s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6znelli\u011fidir. Herhangi bir krizde sermayeyi y\u0131kacak olan eme\u011fin \u00f6znelli\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir yasa yoktur. Krizler, emek ve sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131fsal g\u00fc\u00e7lerini kurmak i\u00e7in bir f\u0131rsatt\u0131r. Sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan krizler ayn\u0131 zamanda kendini \u00fcretmenin en \u00f6nemli f\u0131rsatlar\u0131d\u0131r. Sava\u015f, krizi derinle\u015ftirerek \u00e7\u00f6zmenin politikli\u011fidir. 1848 devriminin yenilgisi \u00fczerine verilen \u00f6zele\u015ftiriyi dikkate ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda yenilginin nedeni, eme\u011fin politik \u00f6znelli\u011finin yetersizli\u011fi de\u011fil, sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015findeki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin yeterince derinle\u015fmemesinin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131na ba\u011flan\u0131r. Ne kadar kriz o kadar devrim! Krizin ekonomi-politik boyutu devrimin toplumsal derinli\u011fini belirler. Sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden kaynaklanan ekonomik krizlere ba\u011fl\u0131 politik krizler antagonist de\u011fildir; bir devrimle sonu\u00e7lansa da, kapitalizmi reforme etmenin politik temelidir. \u00dccretli eme\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti de i\u015fte budur. Yap\u0131lan siyasal devrim, ekonomi politi\u011fin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015fini \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaya mahk\u00fbmdur ve toplumsal sermayenin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00fccretli emek devam ettirilir. Ad\u0131na da siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, demokrasi m\u00fccadelesi, kalk\u0131nma ve ilerleme denilerek devlet rasyonelle\u015ftirilir.<\/p>\n

Antagonist kriz, eme\u011fin direni\u015finin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ekonomi politik, eme\u011fin \u00f6z\u00fcmsenerek sermayele\u015fmesinin tahakk\u00fcm bi\u00e7imidir ve politiktir. Ekonomi politik, eme\u011fi \u00fccretli emek alt\u0131nda \u00f6z\u00fcmseyerek s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Emek ise, bu s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rmaya kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rma politikli\u011finin kurucusudur. Sermayenin politik g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131rmak iken, eme\u011fin g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fman\u0131n toplumsal politikli\u011fidir. Bu ba\u011flamda eme\u011fin devrimi toplumsal devrime i\u00e7kindir. Burada durup bir soyutlama yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, sermaye bir s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcretme ili\u015fkisidir ve s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcretme ili\u015fkisine i\u00e7kindir; kendini geni\u015fleterek \u00fcreten emek olan sermaye, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesidir.<\/p>\n

1848 \u00f6zele\u015ftirisinin \u00f6z\u00fc \u015fudur: Sermaye \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri geli\u015ftirme g\u00fcc\u00fcne sahip oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir devrimden bahsedilemez. Tam burada, \u015fu soruyu sormak gerekir: Sermayenin diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden kaynaklanan konjonkt\u00fcrel krizlerin \u00f6tesinde, sermayeyi ortadan kald\u0131ran tarihsel-toplumsal kriz ne zaman gelecektir? Rosa\u2019n\u0131n sorunla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 soru budur. Bu soru \u00fczerinden Rosa emperyalizm teorisini geli\u015ftirir. Sermayenin ekonomi politik diyalektik i\u015fleyi\u015finin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerine ba\u011fl\u0131 kriz anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re, sermayenin tarihsel krizi, gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek zaman diyalekti\u011finin i\u015flemedi\u011fi anda ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. \u201cEmek, evrime u\u011frayarak toplumsal emek haline geldi\u011fi ve b\u00f6ylelikle zenginli\u011fin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn kayna\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, emek\u00e7ide yoksulluk ve teslimiyet, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayanda servet ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr geli\u015fir. Bug\u00fcne dek b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihin yasas\u0131 b\u00f6yledir.\u201d\u00a0 Emek, \u201czenginli\u011fin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn kayna\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde\u201d gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek diyalekti\u011fi \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r ve kom\u00fcnizmin toplumsal zemini kurulamaz. Kom\u00fcnizm, emek zenginli\u011fin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn kayna\u011f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu, bir ereksel nedenselli\u011fe ba\u011fl\u0131 determinizmdir. Evet, de\u011fer teorisi herkesin anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc yasas\u0131d\u0131r. Fakat de\u011fer teorisi, bu durumun \u00f6tesinde bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 zamanda Marx\u2019ta de\u011fer teorisi, zenginlik kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc olan eme\u011fin zenginlik kayna\u011f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n teorisidir. De\u011fer teorisi, \u00f6zg\u00fcr eme\u011fin bo\u015f zaman\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131-emek zaman i\u00e7inde \u00fcretken eme\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren ekonomi politikten, bo\u015f zaman \u00fcreten bir ekonomi politi\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015fin teorisidir. \u0130\u015fte o zaman, de\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011feri \u00fczerinden i\u015fleyen toplumsal ili\u015fkiler \u00e7\u00f6ker. Grundrisse, de\u011fer teorisinin bu \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ekim Devrimi, ekonomi politi\u011fin bu diyalekti\u011fine g\u00f6m\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclerek \u00e7\u00f6km\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 tarihsel-toplumsal olarak tamamlanmadan, toplumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bireye ge\u00e7ilemez. De\u011fer teorisi, eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Emek ve sermaye \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n alan\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fma boyutudur. Eme\u011fi toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131rma g\u00fcc\u00fc sermayeye aittir. \u00dcretken emek ve \u00fcretken olmayan emek tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131nda yatan ger\u00e7ek budur. Bu ba\u011flamda, \u00fcretken emek toplumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f emektir. Kendini geni\u015fleterek \u00fcreten emek, bir ba\u015fka deyi\u015fle sermayele\u015fmi\u015f emek, \u00fcretken emektir. Emek bi\u00e7imi ister \u00fccretli emek bi\u00e7iminde, ister pre-kapitalist emek bi\u00e7iminde olsun ve bu emek bi\u00e7imlerinin hepsi de s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen emek olsun, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu emek bi\u00e7imleri sermayele\u015fmemi\u015f emek ise \u00fcretken emek de\u011fildir ve toplumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f emek kategorisinde yer almaz. \u201cDola\u015f\u0131m alan\u0131 art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretmez, hizmet alan\u0131 da dola\u015f\u0131m alan\u0131d\u0131r; bu ba\u011flamda, hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fc alan\u0131ndaki emek \u00fcretken emek de\u011fildir\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, sorunu anlamayanlar\u0131n teorik kabala\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u00dccretini gelirden de\u011fil k\u00e2rdan alan her emek \u00fcretken emektir. Gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek diyalekti\u011finde g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen her emek \u00fcretken emektir. \u015eirketle\u015fmi\u015f \u00f6zel okullarda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00f6\u011fretmen \u00fcretken emektir. \u201cHizmetler \u015feklinde\u2026 bu i\u015f t\u00fcrleri kapitalist \u00fcretimin hacmiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda devede kulak kal\u0131rlar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bunlar\u0131 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edebiliriz ve \u00fcretken olmayan \u00fccretli emek kategorisinde ele alabiliriz.\u201d\u00a0 Marx a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli olan, hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn mutlak olarak \u00fcretken emek bar\u0131nd\u0131rmamas\u0131 de\u011fil, eme\u011fi toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131ran, gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek zaman diyalekti\u011fini i\u015fleten ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran fabrikan\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Eme\u011fin kullan\u0131m-de\u011ferini de\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011feri \u00fcretimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek eme\u011fi toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131ran mek\u00e2n fabrikad\u0131r. Eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fma boyutu, art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretme boyutudur.<\/p>\n

Bu boyut, kapitalizmin man\u00fcfakt\u00fcrden fabrikaya ge\u00e7i\u015finin boyutudur ve eme\u011fin bi\u00e7imsel tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eder. Bi\u00e7imsel boyundurukta, sermayenin eme\u011fi boyunduruk alt\u0131na alma i\u015fleyi\u015fi, mutlak art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimi \u00fczerinden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Para, eme\u011fin yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7 \u00fczerinden, sermaye geni\u015fleyerek \u00fcretimini ve yeniden \u00fcretimini sa\u011flar. Toplumsal emek zaman taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc ve toplumsal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak para, \u00fcretken emek d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm emek bi\u00e7imlerini tasfiye eden bir tahakk\u00fcmd\u00fcr. Sermayeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeyen emek bi\u00e7imlerin \u00fcretti\u011fi de\u011ferin, toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkisi i\u00e7inde hi\u00e7bir anlam\u0131 yoktur. Sermayenin emek-de\u011fer \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc, \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez olan eme\u011fin \u00fczerinde bir tahakk\u00fcmd\u00fcr. Bi\u00e7imsel boyunduruk d\u00f6neminde eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc \u00fczerinden di\u011fer emek bi\u00e7imleri \u00fczerinde tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fleten alan fabrikad\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te eme\u011fin \u00fcretkenli\u011fi, verimlili\u011fi \u00fczerinden de\u011fil, yo\u011funlu\u011fu ve \u00fcretim s\u00fcresinin uzat\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerindendir. Bi\u00e7imsel tahakk\u00fcmden ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcme ge\u00e7i\u015fte, de\u011fer \u00fcretme ili\u015fkisi de\u011fi\u015fir. Eme\u011fin \u00fcretkenli\u011fi, emek verimlili\u011fi \u00fczerinden gerekli emek zaman\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclterek art\u0131-emek zaman\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131r. Mutlak art\u0131-de\u011ferden, nispi art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimine ge\u00e7ilir. Cans\u0131z eme\u011fin canl\u0131 emek \u00fczerindeki tahakk\u00fcm bi\u00e7imi, de\u011fer \u00fcretme ili\u015fkisini belirler. Ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcm d\u00f6neminde sermayenin geni\u015fleyerek \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi, sermayenin toplumsal ili\u015fkilere ve alanlara yay\u0131lmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu durum, sermayenin eme\u011fi i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc a\u011flar\u0131na a\u00e7mas\u0131d\u0131r. Eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131, i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 ve yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 boyutudur. Bu noktadan itibaren art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimi, bir fabrikadaki gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek zaman\u0131n diyalekti\u011fine g\u00f6re de\u011fil, i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine kurulmu\u015f \u00fcretim birimleri aras\u0131ndaki \u201ca\u011f\u201d\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu a\u011f, sermayenin toplumsalla\u015fma boyutudur. Art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimi ile gerekli emek ve art\u0131-emek zaman diyalekti\u011finin i\u015fleyi\u015fi, sermayenin i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc a\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcmde, fabrika kavram\u0131 i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n uzam\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde sermayenin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131, fabrikadan toplumsal fabrikaya, toplumsal fabrikadan k\u00fcresel fabrikan\u0131n i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc a\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Emperyalizm, kapitalizmin politik k\u00fcreselle\u015fmesi iken, imparatorluk, kapitalizmin k\u00fcresel toplumsal g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Politik k\u00fcreselle\u015fme, toplumsal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ba\u011flamda, emperyalizm imparatorlu\u011fun kurucusudur.<\/p>\n

Marx, man\u00fcfakt\u00fcrden bi\u00e7imsel tahakk\u00fcme, bi\u00e7imsel tahakk\u00fcmden ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcme ve ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcmden de\u011fer teorisinin ba\u015fkala\u015f\u0131m\u0131na ge\u00e7er. Bi\u00e7imsel tahakk\u00fcm ve ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcm s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde emek zaman, servetin ve de\u011ferin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcmden sonra de\u011fer \u00fcretme ili\u015fkisindeki de\u011fi\u015fim sonucu, \u201cemek zaman\u201d de\u011ferin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n

\u201cCanl\u0131 eme\u011fin nesnele\u015fmi\u015f emek kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fimi; yani toplumsal eme\u011fin sermaye ve \u00fccretli emek kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 halinde konumu \u2013de\u011fer ili\u015fkisinin ve de\u011fere dayal\u0131 \u00fcretimin son geli\u015fmesidir. Bunun ko\u015fulu, do\u011frudan emek zaman\u0131 kitlesi, servetin \u00fcretiminin kesin etkeni olarak uygulanm\u0131\u015f eme\u011fin niceli\u011fidir. Bununla birlikte, b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayinin geli\u015fmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, ger\u00e7ek servetin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, emek zaman\u0131ndan ve kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f emek niceli\u011finden daha \u00e7ok emek zaman\u0131 boyunca harekete ge\u00e7irilen arac\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu arac\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u2013onlar\u0131n etkili g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn\u2013 onlar\u0131 \u00fcretmek i\u00e7in harcanan do\u011frudan emek zaman\u0131 ile hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur; daha \u00e7ok bilimin genel d\u00fczeyine ve teknolojinin geli\u015fmesine, ya da bilimin \u00fcretime uygulanmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n

Marx, gelinen noktada, de\u011ferin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc emek-zaman niceli\u011finden daha \u00e7ok, \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck sanayinin geli\u015fmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde, ger\u00e7ek servetin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131, emek zaman\u0131ndan ve kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f emek niceli\u011finden daha \u00e7ok emek zaman\u0131 boyunca harekete ge\u00e7irilen arac\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcne\u201d ba\u011flar. Art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir \u015fey eskisi gibi de\u011fildir. \u201cYeni ve daha y\u00fcksek \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri, bu ili\u015fkilerin maddi varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131, eski toplumun ba\u011fr\u0131nda\u201d art\u0131k \u00e7i\u00e7ek a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ge\u00e7i\u015f art\u0131k a\u015fama de\u011fil, kom\u00fcnizmdir; kom\u00fcnizm ge\u00e7i\u015fin ta kendisidir. Negri\u2019nin anlatmak istedi\u011fi budur. De\u011ferin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc, eme\u011fin niceli\u011finden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, \u201cdaha \u00e7ok bilimin genel d\u00fczeyine ve teknolojinin geli\u015fmesine, ya da bilimin \u00fcretime uygulanmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131\u201d hale gelmi\u015ftir. Ve \u201cBu arac\u0131lar\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u2013onlar\u0131n etkili g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn\u2013 onlar\u0131 \u00fcretmek i\u00e7in harcanan do\u011frudan emek zaman\u0131 ile hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur.\u201d Zenginli\u011fin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn kayna\u011f\u0131 \u201cemek zaman\u201d oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde maddi olmayan eme\u011fi kuran maddi olan emekti. \u015eimdi durum tersine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Maddi olmayan emek, maddi olan eme\u011fin kurucusu ve \u00fcreticisidir. Bu durumda,<\/p>\n

\u201cDe\u011fi\u015fime u\u011fram\u0131\u015f do\u011fal nesneyi, nesne ile kendisi aras\u0131na ara halka olarak sokan art\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7i de\u011fildir; i\u015f\u00e7i sanayi s\u00fcrecine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc do\u011fal s\u00fcreci kendisi ile egemenli\u011fine ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 anorganik do\u011fa aras\u0131na ara\u00e7 olarak sokar. \u00dcretim s\u00fcrecinin ba\u015f arac\u0131s\u0131 olmak yerine s\u00fcrecin yan\u0131nda yer al\u0131r. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimde \u00fcretimin ve servetin b\u00fcy\u00fck temel dire\u011fi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan, ne bizzat insan\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011frudan i\u015f, ne onun \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi zamand\u0131r; bu, onun kendi genel \u00fcretim g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn mal edilmesi, onun do\u011fa kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve toplum \u00fcyesi olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoluyla do\u011faya egemen olmas\u0131 \u2013k\u0131sacas\u0131, toplumsal bireyin geli\u015fmesidir. Bizzat sanayi taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve yeni geli\u015fmi\u015f bu temele kar\u015f\u0131 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc servetin dayana\u011f\u0131 olan, \u00f6tekinin emek zaman\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan h\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131k, baya\u011f\u0131 bir temel olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar. Emek do\u011frudan bi\u00e7imiyle servetin b\u00fcy\u00fck kayna\u011f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar \u00e7\u0131kmaz, emek-zaman\u0131 da onun \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla de\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011feri kullan\u0131m-de\u011ferinin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar ve \u00e7\u0131kmak zorundad\u0131r. Kitlenin art\u0131-eme\u011fi, genel servetin geli\u015fmesinin ko\u015fulu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, bunun gibi, birilerinin eme\u011fi olmas\u0131 da insan beyninin genel g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin geli\u015fmesinin ko\u015fulu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. De\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011ferine dayanan \u00fcretim bununla birlikte \u00e7\u00f6ker ve do\u011frudan maddi \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci de ge\u00e7icilik ve kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k bi\u00e7imine girmi\u015f olur.\u201d<\/p>\n

Hi\u00e7 kimse, de\u011fer teorisindeki ba\u015fkala\u015f\u0131m\u0131 kendinden \u00fcretmiyor; bu durum Marx\u2019ta vard\u0131r. Art\u0131k de\u011fer teorisi, bi\u00e7imsel ve ger\u00e7ek tahakk\u00fcm ile s\u0131n\u0131rlanamaz ve dondurulamaz. Marx, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze devasa bir sorunsal alan koymu\u015f bulunuyor. Bu sorunsal alan \u00fczerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Yanl\u0131\u015f yapmalar bizi bekliyor. Fakat baz\u0131 noktalar bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan nettir: Sermayenin k\u00fcresel toplumsal g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, eme\u011fin de k\u00fcresel toplumsal g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini ifade ediyor. Eme\u011fin toplumsalla\u015fma boyutu, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131n\u0131n boyutunu belirler. Art\u0131k, s\u0131n\u0131f antagonizmas\u0131 ile toplumsal antagonizma aras\u0131ndaki dolay\u0131m kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Anti-kapitalizm, toplumsal antagonizmad\u0131r; s\u0131n\u0131f, siyasal demokrasi g\u00fcc\u00fc olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emek, toplumsal boyutta \u00f6znele\u015fmi\u015ftir ve \u00e7okluk, toplumsal boyutta s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

http:\/\/otonomdergisi.org\/index.php\/makaleler\/politik-felsefe\/158-diyalektik-siniftir<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Kapital\u2019in 140. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan etkinli\u011fe izleyici olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131k. Etkinlik bitti\u011finde, y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fczde t\u00fcketilmemi\u015f bir keyif vard\u0131; g\u00f6nl\u00fcm\u00fcz arkada kald\u0131. Ke\u015fke hi\u00e7 bitmeseydi. Olsun! Hayata i\u00e7kin Marx ya\u015f\u0131yor; her g\u00fcn cebelle\u015fip duruyoruz zaten\u2026 Y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze bu keyfi konduran, bu etkinli\u011fi d\u00fczenleyen emeklere te\u015fekk\u00fcrler,ellerinize sa\u011fl\u0131k! Bazen rastlant\u0131lar hayat\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, ya\u015fam\u0131n keyfine doyum olmuyor. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan Kapital\u2019in […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[178],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6879","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-marksizm"},"yoast_head":"\nDiyalektik S\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diyalektik S\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Kapital\u2019in 140. y\u0131ld\u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan etkinli\u011fe izleyici olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131k. Etkinlik bitti\u011finde, y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fczde t\u00fcketilmemi\u015f bir keyif vard\u0131; g\u00f6nl\u00fcm\u00fcz arkada kald\u0131. Ke\u015fke hi\u00e7 bitmeseydi. Olsun! Hayata i\u00e7kin Marx ya\u015f\u0131yor; her g\u00fcn cebelle\u015fip duruyoruz zaten\u2026 Y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze bu keyfi konduran, bu etkinli\u011fi d\u00fczenleyen emeklere te\u015fekk\u00fcrler,ellerinize sa\u011fl\u0131k! Bazen rastlant\u0131lar hayat\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, ya\u015fam\u0131n keyfine doyum olmuyor. 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Etkinlik bitti\u011finde, y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fczde t\u00fcketilmemi\u015f bir keyif vard\u0131; g\u00f6nl\u00fcm\u00fcz arkada kald\u0131. Ke\u015fke hi\u00e7 bitmeseydi. Olsun! Hayata i\u00e7kin Marx ya\u015f\u0131yor; her g\u00fcn cebelle\u015fip duruyoruz zaten\u2026 Y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze bu keyfi konduran, bu etkinli\u011fi d\u00fczenleyen emeklere te\u015fekk\u00fcrler,ellerinize sa\u011fl\u0131k! Bazen rastlant\u0131lar hayat\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, ya\u015fam\u0131n keyfine doyum olmuyor. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan Kapital\u2019in […]","og_url":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/","og_site_name":"narteks.net","article_published_time":"2012-03-28T16:19:30+00:00","og_image":[{"url":"http:\/\/www.otonomyayincilik.com\/\/images\/slide\/ana-mkoII.jpg","type":"","width":"","height":""}],"author":"Tar\u0131k","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@narteks","twitter_site":"@narteks","twitter_misc":{"Yazan:":"Tar\u0131k","Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi":"36 dakika"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/"},"author":{"name":"Tar\u0131k","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#\/schema\/person\/61f37d9834294b72d31d274e7ed79bca"},"headline":"Diyalektik S\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r","datePublished":"2012-03-28T16:19:30+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/"},"wordCount":7270,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"http:\/\/www.otonomyayincilik.com\/\/images\/slide\/ana-mkoII.jpg","articleSection":["Marksizm"],"inLanguage":"tr","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/","url":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/03\/28\/diyalektik-siniftir\/","name":"Diyalektik S\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r - 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