{"id":6907,"date":"2012-10-02T16:43:07","date_gmt":"2012-10-02T13:43:07","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/"},"modified":"2012-10-02T16:43:07","modified_gmt":"2012-10-02T13:43:07","slug":"siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/","title":{"rendered":"Siyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f | Antonio Gramsci"},"content":{"rendered":"

Askeri sava\u015fta d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun imha ve toprak\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fgal edilmesiyle stratejik amaca var\u0131nca ba\u015far\u0131\u00adya ula\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u00fcstelik \u015fu da belirtilmelidir ki, sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesi i\u00e7in stratejik amaca sadece potansiyel olarak ula\u00ad\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 yeterlidir. Yani d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun art\u0131k sava\u015fa\u00admayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve zafere ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f ordunun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n top\u00adraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal \u00abedebilece\u011finin\u00bb \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemesi ye\u00adterlidir. Siyasal m\u00fccadeleyse \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r : bir bak\u0131ma koloni sava\u015flar\u0131 ya da, zafere ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f ordu\u00adnun kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 topraklar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc ya da bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kal\u0131c\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde zaptetti\u011fi, eski fetih sava\u015flar\u0131yla bir tutulabilir. Bu durumlarda ma\u011flup ordu silahlar\u0131ndan ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p da\u011f\u0131t\u0131l\u0131r ama m\u00fccadele siyasal alanda ve as\u00adkeri “haz\u0131rl\u0131k”, alan\u0131nda s\u00fcrer.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylelikle Hindistan’\u0131n ingilizlere kar\u015f\u0131 siyasal m\u00fc\u00adcadelesi (bir dereceye kadar Almanya’n\u0131n Fransa’ya ya da Macaristan’\u0131n K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Antanta kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi) \u00fc\u00e7 sava\u015f bi\u00e7imini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r : yay\u0131lma sava\u015f\u0131, mev\u00adzi sava\u015f\u0131 ve yeralt\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131. Gandhrnin pasif direni\u015fi baz\u0131 rnomentlerde yay\u0131lma baz\u0131 momentlerde yeralt\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131 bi\u00e7imine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilen bir mevzi sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Boykot mevzi sava\u015f\u0131, grevler yay\u0131lma sava\u015f\u0131, silah ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 b\u00f6I\u00fcklerin gizlice haz\u0131rlar\u0131rnas\u0131ysa yeralt\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Bir t\u00fcr koman\u00addo takti\u011fi de(1) s\u00f6z konusudur ama bu yaln\u0131zca b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ihtiyatla kullan\u0131l\u0131r. <\/p>\n

E\u011fer \u0130ngilizler kendi mevcut strate\u00adjik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerini (ki bu bir bak\u0131ma, i\u00e7 ileti\u015fim hatlar\u0131\u00adn\u0131n kontrol yoluyla manevra ve kendi kuvvetlerini “m\u00fcn\u00adferit” en tehlikeli noktaya yo\u011funIa\u015ft\u0131rma imk\u00e2n\u0131yla il\u00adgilidir) kitlesel bast\u0131rma \u2014yani, e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olarak genelle\u015fen bir sava\u015f sahnesinde kuvvetlerini yayma zorunda b\u0131rakma\u2014 yoluyla yok edecek ba\u015f kald\u0131rma hareketinin haz\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131na inansalard\u0131, genel hareketi belirlemek ve imha etmek i\u00e7in, Hintli sava\u015fkan ‘kuvvetlerin vaktinden \u00f6nce ortaya at\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmak i\u015flerine gelirdi. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde Alman ‘milliyet\u00e7i sa\u011f’\u0131n\u0131n, Frans\u0131z bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u00addan zaman\u0131nda bir m\u00fcdahaleye imkan verecek bi\u00e7imde, \u015f\u00fcpheli yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 askeri \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, vaktinden \u00f6nce ken\u00addini g\u00f6stermesini zorlayacak, macerac\u0131 bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet dar\u00adbesine kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 Fransa’n\u0131n i\u015fine gelirdi. \u0130\u015fte bu bi\u00e7imlerdeki, temelde askeri ve ba\u015fat olarak siyasal alanda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen (ama her siyasal m\u00fccadelenin daima askeri bir dayana\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur) melez m\u00fccadelelerde komando birliklerinin kullan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczg\u00fcn bir taktik geli\u015f\u00adtirimi gerektirir ki, sava\u015f deneyimi, bu geli\u015ftirinin d\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcncede olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in, bir \u00f6rnek de\u011fil de yaln\u0131zca bir uyar\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6revi g\u00f6r\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6lgesel fizik – co\u011frafi \u00f6zel ko\u015fullara, k\u0131rsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n olu\u015fumuna ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin ger\u00e7ek etkinliklerine de ba\u011fl\u0131 Balkan komiticalar\u0131(2) sorunu ayr\u0131ca ele al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r. Sava\u015f ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarz\u0131 Irlanda toplumsal ya\u00adp\u0131s\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 bulunan Irlanda \u00e7eteleri de(3) ayn\u0131 konum\u00addad\u0131r. Komitac\u0131lar, Irlandal\u0131lar ve di\u011fer partizan sava\u00ad\u015f\u0131 bi\u00e7imleri, her ne kadar ortak noktalara sahip olduk\u00adlar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyorsa da, komando sorunundan ayr\u0131 tutulma\u00adl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu sava\u015f bi\u00e7imleri iyi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f \u00e7o\u011funluklara kar\u015f\u0131 zay\u0131f ama inat\u00e7\u0131 az\u0131nl\u0131klara \u00f6zg\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f ko\u00admandoysa, aksine ,kendisini bireysel katk\u0131larla besleye\u00adcek ve destekleyecek, de\u011fi\u015fik nedenlerle hareketsiz du\u00adrumda ama potansiyel olarak etkili b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yedek kuv\u00adveti \u00f6nceden gerektirir.<\/p>\n

1917 -18″de komando birlikleriyle bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ordu aras\u0131nda var olan ili\u015fkiler siyasal y\u00f6neticileri ha\u00adtal\u0131 sava\u015f planlar\u0131 haz\u0131rlamaya g\u00f6t\u00fcrebilirdi ve g\u00f6t\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr de. \u015eunlar unutulmu\u015f bulunuyordu :<\/p>\n

1) koman\u00addolar basit taktik birimleridir ve ger\u00e7ekte \u00e7ok etkili ol\u00admayan ama b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle de hareketsiz olmayan bir ordu gerektirirler; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc askeri disiplin ve ruh yeni bir tak\u00adtik d\u00fczenlemenin \u00f6\u011f\u00fctlenebilir oldu\u011fu noktaya kadar gev\u015femi\u015fse de, bu [disiplin ve ruhun] varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gene bir dereceye \u2014ki i\u015fte buna yeni taktik birimler denk d\u00fc\u015f\u00admektedir\u2014 kadar s\u00f6z konusudur. Yoksa ‘ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz ola\u00adrak bozgun ve ka\u00e7\u0131\u015flar g\u00fcndeme gelecektir.
2) Komando olgusunu askeri kitlenin genel sava\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir i\u015fa\u00adreti olarak de\u011fil .de tersine edilgenli\u011fin ve nisbi moral bozuklu\u011funun bir i\u015fareti olarak da almak gerekir. Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn ‘bunlar ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrken, askeri sanat ile politika aras\u0131ndaki .kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ihtiyatla yap\u0131l\u00admas\u0131na ili\u015fkin, yani d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi harekete ge\u00e7irici ve sanki tersinin yalan oldu\u011funu ispatlayarak bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin do\u011fru oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermek gibisinden, basitle\u015ftirici \u00f6\u011fe\u00adler bi\u00e7iminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilecek genel \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcn hep ak\u0131lda tutulmas\u0131 gerekir. Ger\u00e7ekten de siyasal saf tutman\u0131n askeri saf tutmayla uzaktan bile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, siyasal milis kuvvetlerinde, hata yapan ya da tam anlam\u0131yla itaatte kusur edenler i\u00e7in ne ac\u0131mas\u0131z ce\u00adzai yapt\u0131r\u0131m ne de harp divan\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur.<\/p>\n

Siyasal m\u00fccadelede, yay\u0131lma sava\u015f\u0131, ku\u015fatma ya da mevzi sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6tesinde, ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imler vard\u0131r. Ger\u00ad\u00e7ek yani modern komando, 1914-18’de g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bi\u00e7i\u00admiyle, mevzi sava\u015f\u0131yla ilintilidir. \u00d6nceki d\u00f6nemlerin ya\u00ady\u0131lma ve ku\u015fatma sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n da, bir bak\u0131ma, koman\u00addolar\u0131 vard\u0131. Hafif ve a\u011f\u0131r .s\u00fcvari, usta ni\u015fanc\u0131 birlikle\u00adri,(4) vb., k\u0131sacas\u0131 genelde hareketli kuvvetler bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcye kadar komandolar\u0131n i\u015flevine sahiptirler; ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ke\u015fif kolu \u00f6rg\u00fctleme sanat\u0131 da \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f komandoculu\u011fun filizlerini i\u00e7ermekteydi. Yay\u0131lma sava\u015f\u0131ndan \u00e7ok ku\u015fat\u00adma sava\u015f\u0131, daha yayg\u0131n ke\u015fif .kolu ve devriye g\u00f6revleri ve \u00f6zellikle se\u00e7me elemanlarla beklenmeyen huru\u00e7 ve sald\u0131r\u0131lar d\u00fczenleme sanat\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, bu filizleri i\u00e7ermekteydi.<\/p>\n

Dikkatten ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131lmamas\u0131 gereken bir ba\u015fka \u00f6\u011fe \u015fu\u00addur : siyasal m\u00fccadelede egemen s\u0131n\u0131fIar\u0131n m\u00fccadele y\u00f6n\u00adtemlerini taklit\u00e7ili\u011fe yeltenilmemelidir, yoksa kolay tu\u00adzaklara d\u00fc\u015febilir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki m\u00fccadelelerde bu olay \u00e7o\u011fu kez ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmektedir. Zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f bir Devlet \u00f6r\u00adg\u00fct\u00fc sanki gev\u015fek bir ordu gibidir; sahneye iki g\u00f6revi olan komandolar, yani \u00f6zel silahl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctler girer: [g\u00f6\u00adrevleriyse], Devlet yasall\u0131k \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kal\u0131r gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken, ayn\u0131 Devleti yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek ve bunun arac\u0131 olarak yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ba\u015fvurmakt\u0131r. <\/p>\n

Yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zel faali\u00adyetlerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na benzer bir ba\u015fka faaliyetin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131la\u00adbilinece\u011fine inanmak, yani komandoculu\u011fa ba\u015fvurarak komandoculukla sava\u015fmak budalaca bir .davran\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; Dev\u00adletin sonsuza dek hareketsiz kalaca\u011f\u0131na inanmakt\u0131r ki, ba\u015fka farkl\u0131 ko\u015fullar bir yana, bu hi\u00e7 s\u00f6z konusu olmaz. S\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6zelli\u011fi temel bir farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirir her\u00adg\u00fcn belirli saatlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak durumunda olan bir s\u0131n\u0131f, geni\u015f mali olanaklara sahip ve ‘b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcyeleri bak\u0131m\u0131n\u00addan, belirli bir i\u015fe ba\u011fl\u0131 olmayan bir s\u0131n\u0131f gibi, uzman\u00adla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve s\u00fcrekli sald\u0131r\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine sahip olamaz. Bu profesyonelle\u015fmi\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctler g\u00fcnd\u00fcz olsun gece olsun her vakit ;kesin ve beklenmedik darbeler indirebilir. Demek oluyor ki komando ‘takti\u011fi baz\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in, ba\u015fkalar\u0131 i\u00e7in oldu\u011fu kadar \u00f6neme sahip de\u011fildir. Baz\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7in yay\u0131lma ve manevra sava\u015f\u0131 bunlara \u00f6zg\u00fc oldu\u011fun\u00addan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, zorunludur ve bu durumsa, siyasal m\u00fccadele halinde, komandolara \u00f6zg\u00fc takti\u011fin yararl\u0131 ve belki de vazge\u00e7ilmez kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erebilir. Ne var ki akl\u0131 askeri modele takmak budalalara \u00f6zg\u00fcd\u00fcr : burada da siyaset kendi askeri yan\u0131na \u00fcst\u00fcn olmal\u0131d\u0131r ve sadece siyasettir ki manevra ve harekat olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcm belirtilmi\u015f olanlardan ,askeri komando olgu\u00adsunda, siyasal askeri i\u015flevle, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f mevzi sava\u015f\u0131na ba\u011f\u00adl\u0131 \u00f6zel kuvvet olarak, teknik i\u015flev aras\u0131nda bir ay\u0131r\u0131m yapma gere\u011fi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131’nda \u00f6zel bir kuvvet olarak komandolardan b\u00fct\u00fcn ordular yarar\u00adlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Komandolar\u0131n siyasal – askeri i\u015flevindense, si\u00adyasal bak\u0131mdan da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k ve zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla az sava\u015fkan bir ulusal orduyla, b\u00fcrokratla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve hiz\u00admette fosille\u015fmi\u015f bir genel kurmay\u0131n s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerde yararlan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunulmaktad\u0131r.[1929 – 30].
Askeri sanatta manevra ve mevzi sava\u015f\u0131 kavramla\u00adr\u0131yla siyaset sanat\u0131nda bunlarla ilintili kavramlar ara\u00ads\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar konusunda, 1919’da (Frans\u0131zca’- dan) italyanca’ya C. Alessandri taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7evrilen Ro\u00adsa’n\u0131n(5) kitap\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kitap\u00e7\u0131kta, biraz aceleci ve hatta y\u00fczeysel bir bi\u00ad\u00e7imde, 1905’in tarihsel deneyimleri \u00fczerine teorisyenlik yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Rosa asl\u0131nda, o olaylarda kendisinin bir t\u00fcr “ekonomizmci” ve kendili\u011findenci \u00f6n yarg\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6t\u00fc\u00adr\u00fc inanmaya e\u011filim g\u00f6sterdi\u011finden daha yayg\u0131n ve etkili olan “iradi” ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel \u00f6\u011feleri g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmektedir, Gel- gelelim (ayn\u0131 yazar\u0131n ba\u015fka makaleleri yan\u0131s\u0131ra) bu ki\u00adtap\u00e7\u0131k ,siyaset sanat\u0131na uygulanm\u0131\u015f manevra sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n teorile\u015ftirilmesine ili\u015fkin en anlaml\u0131 belgelerden biri\u00addir. Dolays\u0131z ekonomik \u00f6\u011fe (bunal\u0131m, vb.), d\u00fc\u015fman sa\u00advunmas\u0131nda bir gedik, [yani] kendi birliklerinin h\u0131zla akmas\u0131na ve kesin (stratejik) bir ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131na ya da stratejik d\u00fczen :ba\u011flam\u0131nda hi\u00e7 olmazsa \u00f6nemli bir ba\u015far\u0131 sa\u011flanmas\u0131na yetecek derecede bir gedik a\u00e7a\u00adcak saha top\u00e7usuna benzetilerek ele al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r. Tabii dolays\u0131z ekonomik \u00f6\u011fenin etkileri, tarih biliminde, ma\u00adnevra sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r top\u00e7usunun etkilerinden \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekten bu \u00f6\u011fe ikili bir etkiye sahipmi\u015f gibi kavranm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r 1) bozguna u\u011frat\u0131p kendine, kuvvet\u00adlerine ve gelece\u011fine g\u00fcvenini kaybettirip, d\u00fc\u015fman savun\u00admas\u0131nda gedik a\u00e7mak: 2) \u015fim\u015fek h\u0131z\u0131yla kendi birlikle\u00adrini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek, kadrolar yaratmak ya da an\u0131nda (o vak\u00adte kadar ekonomik s\u00fcre\u00e7 taraf\u0131ndan olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bulu\u00adnan) mevcut kadrolar\u0131, kendi da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k kuvvetlerini topar\u00adlayacak yerlerine getirmek; 3) ula\u015f\u0131lacak amaca ili\u015fkin gerekli ideolojik yo\u011funla\u015fmay\u0131 \u015fim\u015fek h\u0131z\u0131yla olu\u015ftur\u00admak. Bu kavray\u0131\u015f \u015fa\u015fmaz bir ekonomizmci gerekircilik bi\u00e7imine b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f ve, \u00fcstelik daha da abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir bi\u00e7imde, etkilerin zaman ve mekan i\u00e7inde \u015fim\u015fek h\u0131z\u0131yla sonu\u00e7 verece\u011fi\u00a0 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu y\u00fczdendir ki bu kavray\u0131\u015f tam anlam\u0131yla tarihsel bir mistisizm, bir t\u00fcr mucizevi ayd\u0131nlanma bekleyi\u015fi olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

General Krasnov’un (do\u011fu sorununun \u00c7arl\u0131k lehine ke\u00adsin olarak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmemesi i\u00e7in Kraliyet Rusya’s\u0131n\u0131n bir zaferini istemeyen) itil\u00e2f [Devletlerinin] Rus genel kur may\u0131na, asl\u0131nda asl\u0131nda tek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan manevra sava\u015f\u0131yken, (cephenin Balt\u0131k denizinden Karadenize b\u00fcy\u00fck ormanl\u0131k ve batakl\u0131k b\u00f6lgelerle yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse, anlams\u0131z) mevzi sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 zorla kabul ettirdi\u011fini (roman\u0131nda)(6) ileri s\u00fcrmesi sadece sa\u00e7mal\u0131kt\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekte Rus ordusu \u00f6zel\u00adlikle Avusturya b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde (ama bu arada do\u011fu Prus\u00adya’da da) manevra ve g\u00f6\u00e7ertme sava\u015f\u0131na kalk\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, ge\u00ad\u00e7ici olsa da pek parlak ba\u015far\u0131lara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, D\u00fc\u015fman \u00fczerinde hemen ezici bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck sa\u011flanmad\u0131k\u00e7a, iste\u00adnen sava\u015f bi\u00e7iminin se\u00e7ilemeyece\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ektir. \u00c7ar\u00adp\u0131\u015fan kuvvetler hakk\u0131ndaki genel raporlarca “zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131nan” mevzi sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kabullenmeyen genel kurmayla\u00adr\u0131n \u0131srarlar\u0131n\u0131n ne kadar kayba mal oldu\u011fu bilinmekte\u00addir. Mevzi sava\u015f\u0131, asl\u0131nda, yaln\u0131zca basit taraf\u0131ndan sa\u00adhici siperlerden de\u011fil de mevzilenen ordunun ard\u0131ndaki topraklarda olu\u015fturulan t\u00fcm \u00f6rg\u00fctsel ve end\u00fcstriyel sis\u00adtemden ileri gelir. Bu sava\u015f t\u00fcr\u00fc \u00f6zellikle toplam, ma\u00adkineli t\u00fcfeklerin ve t\u00fcfeklerin s\u00fcratli ate\u015finin, kuvvetle\u00adrin belirli bir noktada yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ve bir saf yar\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ya da geri \u00e7ekilmeden sonra kaybolan malzemenin yerine yenisini h\u0131zla sa\u011flayabilecek ikmal olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fli\u011finin g\u00fcndeme getirdi\u011fi bir t\u00fcrd\u00fcr. <\/p>\n

Bir ba\u015fka \u00f6\u011feyse silah alt\u0131ndakilerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fck kitledir silah alt\u0131na al\u0131nanlar tek tek e\u015f de\u011ferli olma\u00add\u0131klar\u0131ndan asl\u0131nda sadece kitlesel bir kuvvet olarak g\u00f6\u00adrev yapabilirIer. Do\u011fu cephesinde Alman kesimine h\u00fccum etmenin ba\u015fka, Avusturya kesimine sald\u0131rman\u0131n ba\u015fka \u015fey oldu\u011fu ve ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde se\u00e7kin Alman birlik\u00adlerince g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilip Almanlarca komuta edilen Avustur\u00adya ‘kesiminde de sald\u0131rgan takti\u011fin felaketle sonu\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ,bulunuyor. I920’deki Polonya sava\u015f\u0131nda, kar\u015f\u0131 konulmaz san\u0131lan ilerlemenin Var\u015fova \u00f6nlerinde General Weygand taraf\u0131ndan Frans\u0131z subaylar\u0131n\u0131n emri alt\u0131ndaki hatta durduruldu\u011funda ayn\u0131 duruma \u015fahit olunmu\u015ftur.(7) Daha \u00f6nceki manevra sava\u015f\u0131na kafalar\u0131n\u0131 takt\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, \u015fimdilerde ak\u0131llar\u0131, fikirleri mevzi sava\u015f\u0131nda olan askeri uzmanlar do\u011fald\u0131r ki manevra sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n [askerlik] bili\u00adminden at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini ta\u015f\u0131mamak\u00adtad\u0131rlar. Aksine \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fckleri sadece, end\u00fcstriyel ve sosyal bak\u0131mdan daha ileri \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki sava\u015flar\u00adda, manevra sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n stratejik olmaktan \u00e7ok taktik i\u015f\u00adleve indirgendi\u011fi ve daha \u00f6nceleri manevra sava\u015f\u0131na kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131 ku\u015fatma sava\u015f\u0131 ne konumda ise o konumda ele al\u0131n\u00admas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Hi\u00e7 olmazsa \u00absivil toplum\u00bbun \u00e7ok karma\u015f\u0131k ve do\u00adlays\u0131z ekonomik \u00f6\u011fenin felaket getirecek patlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131na (bunal\u0131mlar, durgunluklar, Vb.) diren\u00e7li bir yap\u0131 haline geldi\u011fi daha geli\u015fkin Devletler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, siyaset sanat ve bitiminde ayn\u0131 indingenme s\u00f6z konusu olmal\u0131d\u0131r, Si\u00advil, toplumun \u00fcst yap\u0131lar\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f sava\u015ftaki siperler sis\u00adtemi gibidir. T\u0131pk\u0131 sava\u015fta \u015fiddetli bir top\u00e7u h\u00fccumu\u00adnun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n savunma sistemini imha etmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6\u00adr\u00fcnmesine kar\u015f\u0131n, aksine, sadece d\u0131\u015f \u00e7evresini yok et\u00admesi ve h\u00fccum edenlerin ilerleme ve sald\u0131r\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda daha etkili bir savunma bulmalar\u0131 gibi bir durum b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik bunal\u0131m d\u00f6nemlerinde siyaset\u00adte olur; sald\u0131rgan birlikler bunal\u0131m nedeniyle zaman ve mekan i\u00e7inde bir anda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenemedikleri kadar sald\u0131r\u00adgan bir ruhsal duruma ula\u015famazlar, benzer bir bi\u00e7imde, kendilerine ,sald\u0131r\u0131lanlar moral g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden bir\u015fey kay\u00adbetmeyip, y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar aras\u0131nda bile ne savunma hatlar\u0131n\u0131 terk ederler ne de kendi g\u00fc\u00e7 ve geleceklerine olan g\u00fcvenlerinden bir \u015fey kaybederler. Tabii [\u00e7evredeki] nes\u00adneler olduklar\u0131 gibi kalmazlar ama eksik kalmayan, si\u00adyasal Cadornizm’in(8) stratejicilerinin bekleyebilecekleri gi\u00adbi, s\u00fcrat \u00f6\u011fesi, h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f zaman ve kesin ilerlemedir.<\/p>\n

Siyaset tarihinde bu t\u00fcrden son olay 1917’de olan\u00adlard\u0131r. Bunlar siyaset sanat ve biliminin tarihinde .kesin bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f noktas\u0131n\u0131 simgeler. Bu durumda sorun, mevzi sava\u015f\u0131ndaki savunma sistemlerine denk d\u00fc\u015fen sivil top\u00adlum \u00f6\u011felerinin hangileri oldu\u011funu \u00abderinlemesine\u00bb in\u00adceleme. sorunudur. Bile isteye \u00abderinlemesine\u00bb denmek\u00adtedir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6\u011feler incelenmi\u015ftir ama t\u0131pk\u0131 gelenek ve g\u00f6renek tarih\u00e7ilerinin kad\u0131n modas\u0131n\u0131n acayipliklerini inceledikieri gibi ya da \u00abussalc\u0131\u00bb yeni baz\u0131 olgular\u0131n, sanki halk\u0131n bo\u015f inan\u00e7lar\u0131ym\u0131\u015f gibi (kald\u0131 ki bunlarda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00adland\u0131klar\u0131nda ortadan kalkmazlar), \u00abger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir bi\u00e7im\u00adde\u00bb a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131klannda ortadan kalkacaklar\u0131na kanaat ge\u00adtirilmesi gibi y\u00fczeysel ve baya\u011f\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde! [1933 – 34 1. yaz\u0131m 1930 -32 ]<\/p>\n

Bronstein(9) an\u0131lar\u0131nda kendisine, kendi teorisinin , manevra sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal yans\u0131mas\u0131 (Kazakla\u00adr\u0131n generali Krasnov d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131), son \u00e7\u00f6\u00adz\u00fcmlemede ulusal ya\u015fam\u0131n ‘kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ekirdek halin\u00adde ve gev\u015fek oldu\u011fu ve \u00absiper ya da istihkam\u00bb olma yetene\u011fine sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclkenin genel-ekonomik – k\u00fclt\u00fcrel -toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n bir yans\u0131mas\u0131 olup ol\u00admad\u0131\u011f\u0131na bak\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu konuda, bir \u00abbat\u0131c\u0131\u00bb gibi g\u00f6\u00adr\u00fcnen, Bronstein’in asl\u0131nda kozmopolit, yani y\u00fczeysel bir bi\u00e7imde ulusal ve gene ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde bat\u0131c\u0131 ya da Avru\u00adpal\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Oysa \u0130lyi\u00e7(10) esasl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde ulusal ve gene ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde Avrupal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bronstein an\u0131lar\u0131nda kendisine, kendi teorisinin do\u011f\u00adrulu\u011funun onbe\u015f y\u0131l sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylendi\u011fini hat\u0131rlar ve n\u00fckteye bir ba\u015fka n\u00fckteyle cevap verir. Ger\u00e7ekteyse teorisi, i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ,bi\u00e7imiyle, ne on\u00adbe\u015f y\u0131l \u00f6nce ne de onbe\u015f y\u0131l sonra ge\u00e7erlidir;., t\u0131pk\u0131 Guicciardianin s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi dedi\u011fim dedik\u00e7iler gibi do\u011frulu\u011fu az ya ,da \u00e7ok bir \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcde bulunmu\u015ftur, yani en genelinden pratik \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcnde hakl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu, d\u00f6rt ya\u015f\u0131nda bir k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011funun anne olaca\u011f\u0131 ,kahanetinde bulunup, yirmi ya\u015f\u0131nda anne oldu\u011funda \u00abben bunu \u00f6n\u00adceden bilmi\u015ftim\u00bb demesine-benzer; ama ‘burada, k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u00ad\u011funun d\u00f6rt ya\u015f\u0131ndayken \u0131rz\u0131na ge\u00e7ildi\u011finde anne olabilece\u011fine olan kesin inanc\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00f6rmezlikten gelindi\u011fi hat\u0131ra getirilmemektedir. <\/p>\n

San\u0131yorum ki ilyi\u00e7 1917’de Do\u00ad\u011fu’da(11) ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde uygulanan yay\u0131lma sava\u015f\u0131n\u00addan mevzi sava\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7i\u015fin gereklili\u011fini kavram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kald\u0131 ki mevzi sava\u015f\u0131, Krasnov’un belirtti\u011fi gibi, ordu\u00adlar\u0131n k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede sonsuz nicelikte sava\u015f gere\u00e7leri bi\u00adriktirebildi\u011fi, toplumsal kadrolar\u0131n kendili\u011finden \u00e7ok iyi donat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f siperler haline gelmeye yetenekli Bat\u0131’da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan tek sava\u015f bi\u00e7imidir. San\u0131yorum ki bu, itil\u00e2f Devletlerinin tek ba\u015f\u0131na Foch’un komutas\u0131nda tek bir cephe olu\u015fturmalar\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fen \u00abtek cephe\u00bb form\u00fcl\u00fc anlam\u0131na gelmektedir.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki, temel g\u00f6rev ulusaIken, alan\u0131n ke\u015ffini, sivil toplumun, vb. \u00f6\u011felerince simgelenen, siper ve istihkam \u00f6\u011felerinin belirlenmesini gerektirirken, her ne kadar sa\u00addece teorik olarak geli\u015ftirebilece\u011fi hesaba kat\u0131lsa da, ilyi\u00e7’in kendi form\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc geli\u015ftirmeye vakti yoktu, Do\u00ad\u011fu’da Devlet her\u015feydi, sivil toplumun ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 d\u00f6nem\u00adlerinde saydam ve \u015fekilsizdi; Bat\u0131’daysa Devletle sivil toplum aras\u0131nda do\u011fru bir ili\u015fki vard\u0131 ve Devletin t\u00f6\u00adkezlemesinde sivil toplumun sa\u011flam yap\u0131s\u0131 hemen g\u00f6\u00adr\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Devlet sadece ileri bir siperdi, bunun ard\u0131n\u00adda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir istihkam ve tabya zinciri bulunuyordu. \u0130s\u00adtihk\u00e2m ve tabyalar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131, tabii, Devletten Devlete de\u00ad\u011fi\u015febilirdi ama as\u0131l bu farkl\u0131l\u0131k tek tek \u00fclkeler hakk\u0131n\u00adda dikkatli bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma ve incelemeyi zorunlu k\u0131lmak\u00adtayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bronstein’in teorisi, baz\u0131 Frans\u0131z sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n ge\u00adnel greve ili\u015fkin teorisi ve Alessandri taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7evri\u00adlen kitap\u00e7\u0131ktaki Rosa’n\u0131n teorisiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilir. Asl\u0131nda Rosa’n\u0131n kitap\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131yla teoriIeri, \u00abVie Ouvriere\u00bb (i\u015f\u00e7i Ya\u015fam\u0131)’deki (fasik\u00fcller bi\u00e7imindeki ilk seri) Rosmer’in(12) Almanya \u00fczerine baz\u0131 makalelerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, Frans\u0131z sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 etkilemi\u015ftir. [Frans\u0131z sendi\u00adkac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n] teorisi bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyle kendili\u011findenlik teo\u00adrisiyIe de ilintilidir [1930 -32]<\/p>\n

Modern Prens | Siyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f – Antonio Gramsci<\/em><\/p>\n

Dipnotlar:<\/strong><\/p>\n

(1) .Arditismo\u00bb. I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ardito (cesur) lar, Italyan ordusundaki g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc komando birlikleriydi. Bu terim (yani arditi) \u015fair d’Anunzio taraf\u0131ndan kendi milli\u00adyet\u00e7i lejyonlar\u0131 i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 terim 1921 yaz\u0131nda fa\u015fist \u00e7etelere m\u00fccadele etmek \u00fczere olu\u015fturulan \u00abardili del popolo\u00bb (halk\u0131n cesurlar\u0131) i\u00e7in de kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu son hareket soldaki partilerin I\u00e7inden do\u011fmu\u015ftur; yerel \u00f6nder\u00adIeri ve \u00fcyelerinin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu kom\u00fcnist ya da sosyaIisttir. O s\u0131ralarda fa\u015fistlerle bir \u00abuzla\u015fma pakt\u0131\u00bb imzalayan Ital\u00adyan Sosyalist Partisi bu \u00f6rgiitlennaeyi \u0131nahk\u00fcm etmi\u015ftir; ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en parti direnmeci olmayan bir siyasetten yanayd\u0131. Italyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi de ayn\u0131 hareketi mahk\u00fcn\u0131 etmi\u015fti, ama hizip\u00e7i nedenlerle. ger\u00e7ekten bu parti kendi saf kom\u00fc\u00adnist \u00fcyelerince olu\u015fturulacak savunma birliklerini meyda\u00adna getirmek istiyordu. Gramsci, Italyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u00adnin bu hareketi resmen mahk\u00fcm etmesinden \u00f6nce, hareketi olumlu kar\u015f\u0131lamakta ve bu y\u00f6nde yaz\u0131lar yaz\u0131naktayken, daha sonralar\u0131, Italyan Sosyalist Partisinin tavr\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015fti\u00adrerek, \u00fcst\u00fc kapal\u0131 da olsa, ayn\u0131 hareketi iyi kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belli etmekten geri kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ne var ki daha sonralar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u2039,ardita\u00bblann\u0131n fa\u015fist \u00e7etelere kar\u015f\u0131 koyannya\u00adca\u011fun hissetmi\u015ftir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fist \u00e7eteler Devletin deste\u011fi ve anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyordu. Bu durumda, Grarnser\u00adye g\u00f6re tek \u00e7\u0131kar yol g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc fa\u015fistlere kitlesel bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kma ohnaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

(2) Xlx. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son d\u00f6neminde, \u015fimdi Arnavutluk, Kuzey Yunanistan, G\u00fcney Yugoslavya ve G\u00fcney Bulgaristan’a denk d\u00fc\u015fen b\u00f6lge Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n egemenli\u011findeydi, Bu b\u00f6lgeye ay\u00adn\u0131 zamanda, \u015fimdi Yugoslavya, Yunanistan ve bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde Bulgarista\u0131dca b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f bulunan, Makedonya da elden\u00admelidir. 1.93de Sofya’da Makedonyal\u0131 devrin\u0131ciler Dekev ve Gruev taraf\u0131ndan bir devri\u0131nci Makedonya komitesi ku\u00adrulmu\u015f ve bu komite marifetiyle Osmanl\u0131 topra\u011f\u0131na \u00e7eteler, \u00abkomitac\u0131lar\u00bb sevk edilmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ko\u00admitac\u0131lar\u0131n, Gen\u00e7 T\u00fcrklerce \u015fiddetle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan, amac\u0131 Ma\u00adkedonya’n\u0131n hi\u00e7 olmazsa bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcye kadar \u00f6zerkli\u011fiydi. Da\u00adha sonraki y\u0131llarda \u00e7evredeki \u00fclkeler \u2014Bulgaristan, S\u0131rbis\u00adtan ve Yunanistan\u2014, daha \u00f6nce Ulahlar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, b\u00f6lgede kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak i\u00e7in kendi birliklerini. (\u00e7ete) kurmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu \u00e7eteler bir yandan Osmanl\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fken \u00f6te yandan da birbirleriyle m\u00fccadele i\u00e7indeydiler.<\/p>\n

(3) Muhtemelen Fenn \u00e7etelerine g\u00f6ndermede bulunulmaktad\u0131r”.Bunlar 1867 y\u0131l\u0131nda Ingiliz y\u00f6netimine, ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lansa da, ba\u015f kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015flar ve XIX. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n daha sonraki y\u0131llar\u0131 da m\u00fcnferit ve da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k faaliyetlerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

(4) Bersaglieri, 1936’da Lamarnora taraf\u0131ndan olu\u015fturulan Italyan ordusunun se\u00e7kin birlikleri,
(5) Rosa Luxernburg, La sciopero generale \u2014 il parrito e i sinclacati, (Genel Grev \u2014 Parti ve Sendikalar), Sociefa Edittice \u00abAvanti!\u00bb, Milano, 1919.
(6) P. N, Krasnok, Dairaquila impeHaie atla &andiera rossa (Ktraliyet Kartartndam KIM Bayra\u011fa), Salani, Firenze,e 1928,
(7) Pilsudski’nin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi’ni i\u015fgalinin ard\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131nda Tuchachevskyenin komutas\u0131ndaki K\u0131z\u0131l Ordu 1920 A\u011fustosunda Var\u015fova kap\u0131lar\u0131nda durduruhnu\u015ftur. Bu yenilginin ard\u0131ndan, yerel halk\u0131n deste\u011fi olmadan \u00abdev\u00adrimi ihra\u00e7\u00bb giri\u015fimi tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmu\u015ftur. Ama yenil\u00adginin \u00f6zg\u00fc’ sorumlululdar\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan Stalin’in des\u00adtekledi\u011fi, Budyenny ile Bgorov genel komutan Kamenevein emrine uymayarak, Var\u015fova \u00f6n\u00fcnde Tuchachevskyle birle\u015f\u00admek yerine, Lvov \u00fczerine yiiriim\u00fc\u015flerdir.
(8) Bkz. yukarda \u00abSiyasetin \u00f6\u011feleri\u00bb Bi\u015furr\u0131a 2, dipnot
(9) Lev Davidovitch Bronstein, Tro\u00e7ki’nin as\u0131l ad\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00fcrek\u00adli devrim kuram\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilmektedir.
(10) Vladimir \u0130lyi\u00e7 Lenin.
(11) Rusya’da.
(12) Alfred Rosmer I. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda devrimei sen\u00addjkalisttir ve Pierra Monatte ile birlikte La Vie Ouvrier2 (i\u015f\u00e7i Ya\u015fatnO’in edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her ikisi Frans\u0131z Kom\u00fcnist Partisinin ilk \u00f6nderleri aras\u0131ndad\u0131rIar. Rosrner 1923 -24 aras\u0131nda litynanit ( Insanl\u0131k) ’11 in edit\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yap\u00adm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Rus Partisinde Ortak Muhalefeti destekledi\u011finden 1926 y\u0131l\u0131nda Partisinden at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Askeri sava\u015fta d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun imha ve toprak\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fgal edilmesiyle stratejik amaca var\u0131nca ba\u015far\u0131\u00adya ula\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u00fcstelik \u015fu da belirtilmelidir ki, sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesi i\u00e7in stratejik amaca sadece potansiyel olarak ula\u00ad\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 yeterlidir. Yani d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun art\u0131k sava\u015fa\u00admayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve zafere ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f ordunun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n top\u00adraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal \u00abedebilece\u011finin\u00bb \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemesi ye\u00adterlidir. Siyasal m\u00fccadeleyse \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r : bir bak\u0131ma koloni […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[162],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6907","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-antonio-gramsci"},"yoast_head":"\nSiyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f | Antonio Gramsci - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Siyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f | Antonio Gramsci\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Askeri sava\u015fta d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun imha ve toprak\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fgal edilmesiyle stratejik amaca var\u0131nca ba\u015far\u0131\u00adya ula\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. \u00fcstelik \u015fu da belirtilmelidir ki, sava\u015f\u0131n sona ermesi i\u00e7in stratejik amaca sadece potansiyel olarak ula\u00ad\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 yeterlidir. Yani d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun art\u0131k sava\u015fa\u00admayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve zafere ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f ordunun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n top\u00adraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal \u00abedebilece\u011finin\u00bb \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemesi ye\u00adterlidir. 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Yani d\u00fc\u015fman ordusunun art\u0131k sava\u015fa\u00admayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve zafere ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f ordunun d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n top\u00adraklar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgal \u00abedebilece\u011finin\u00bb \u015f\u00fcphe g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemesi ye\u00adterlidir. Siyasal m\u00fccadeleyse \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r : bir bak\u0131ma koloni […]","og_url":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/","og_site_name":"narteks.net","article_published_time":"2012-10-02T13:43:07+00:00","og_image":[{"width":300,"height":90,"url":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/narteks.png","type":"image\/png"}],"author":"Tar\u0131k","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@narteks","twitter_site":"@narteks","twitter_misc":{"Yazan:":"Tar\u0131k","Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi":"20 dakika"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/"},"author":{"name":"Tar\u0131k","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#\/schema\/person\/61f37d9834294b72d31d274e7ed79bca"},"headline":"Siyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f | Antonio Gramsci","datePublished":"2012-10-02T13:43:07+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/"},"wordCount":4005,"commentCount":0,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/#organization"},"articleSection":["Antonio GRAMSC\u0130"],"inLanguage":"tr","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/","url":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2012\/10\/02\/siyasal-mucadele-ve-askeri-savas-antonio-gramsci\/","name":"Siyasal M\u00fccadele ve Askeri Sava\u015f | Antonio Gramsci - 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