{"id":6947,"date":"2018-07-31T20:34:05","date_gmt":"2018-07-31T17:34:05","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2018\/07\/31\/ozne-ve-temsil-olarak-proletarya-gosteri-toplumu-guy-debord\/"},"modified":"2018-07-31T20:34:05","modified_gmt":"2018-07-31T17:34:05","slug":"ozne-ve-temsil-olarak-proletarya-gosteri-toplumu-guy-debord","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/07\/31\/ozne-ve-temsil-olarak-proletarya-gosteri-toplumu-guy-debord\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00d6zne ve Temsil Olarak Proletarya | G\u00f6steri Toplumu – Guy Debord"},"content":{"rendered":"

Herkesin bu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n nimetlerinden ve zevklerinden e\u015fit olarak yararlanma hakk\u0131, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc otoritenin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn ahl\u00e2ki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n yads\u0131nmas\u0131; i\u015fte meselenin k\u00f6k\u00fcne inildi\u011finde 18 Mart ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n ve bu ayaklanmaya bir ordu sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f olan korkun\u00e7 ortakl\u0131k belgesinin varl\u0131k nedeni budur.
18 Mart ayaklanmas\u0131 ile ilgili meclis ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131<\/em>
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Mevcut ko\u015fullan ortadan kald\u0131ran ger\u00e7ek hareket, burjuvazinin ekonomideki zaferinden itibaren ve g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr \u015fekilde de bu zaferin politik olarak ifade edilmesinden bu yana toplumu y\u00f6\u00adnetmektedir. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fmesi, eski \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini bozmu\u015f ve dura\u011fan d\u00fczenin tamam\u0131 toza dumana kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mutlak olan her \u015fey tarihselle\u015fmi\u015ftir.
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\u0130nsanlar, tarihe kar\u0131\u015farak, eme\u011fe ve tarihi olu\u015fturan m\u00fccadelelere kat\u0131lmak zorunda kalarak ili\u015fkilerini yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131ndan kurtulmu\u015f bir \u015fekilde g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irmeye mecbur olurlar. Tarihsel d\u00f6neme ait en son bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131 metafizik bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, tarihin bizzat kendini a\u00e7\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcretken ilerlemeyi tarihin nesnesi ola\u00adrak g\u00f6rebilse bile bu tarihin kendinden ba\u015fka nesnesi yoktur. Ta\u00adrihin \u00f6zne’s i, kendini \u00fcreten, d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n -tarihin- efendisi ve sahibi haline gelen ve kendi oyununun bilinci olarak var olan canl\u0131dan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.
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Burjuvazinin y\u00fckselmesiyle ba\u015flayan uzun devrimci d\u00f6nemin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri ile tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, tek bir ak\u0131m i\u00e7inde geli\u015firler; bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yani diyalektik, var olan\u0131n anlam\u0131n\u0131 aramakla yetinmez ve var olan her \u015feyin yok olmas\u0131n\u0131n bilgisine eri\u015fir ve onun ha\u00adreketi i\u00e7inde her ayr\u0131l\u0131k yok olur.
76\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 ‘
Hegel art\u0131k d\u00fcnyay\u0131 de\u011fil, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesini yorumlamak durumundayd\u0131. Sadece d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeyi yorumlayan Hegel, felsefe\u00adnin felsefi tamamlanmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. O, kendi ken\u00addini yapan bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 anlamak ister. Bu tarihsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yine de her zaman ge\u00e7 kalan ve post festum* do\u011frulanmay\u0131 dile getiren bi\u00adlin\u00e7ten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, ayr\u0131m\u0131 sadece d\u00fc\u015fiin- ce’de a\u015fabilmi\u015ftir. B\u00fct\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin anlam\u0131n\u0131 tarihsel tamamla\u00adn\u0131\u015f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 hale getirmek ile ayn\u0131 zamanda bu anlam\u0131 kendisini tarihin tamamlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u015feklinde olu\u015fturuyormu\u015f gibi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmak aras\u0131ndaki paradoks, XVII. ve XVIII. y\u00fczy\u0131llardaki burjuva dev- rimleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, kendi felsefesinde, bu devrimlerin sonu\u00e7\u00adlar\u0131yla uzla\u015fma’dan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey aramam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131ndan kaynakla\u00adn\u0131r. [Hegel] \u201cBurjuva devriminin felsefesi olarak bile bu devrimin b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u00fcrecini de\u011fil sadece nihai sonucunu ifade etmektedir. Bu anlamda bu, devrimin de\u011fil, restorasyonun felsefesidir.\u201d (Kari Korsch, Hegel ve Devrim \u00dczerine Tezler). Hegel, son bir defa fi\u00adlozof g\u00f6revini yerine getirmi\u015f, \u201cvar olan\u0131 y\u00fcceltmi\u015ftir\u201d; ama zaten Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re var olan, tarihsel hareketin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olamazd\u0131. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin haric\u00ee konumu asl\u0131nda korunmu\u015f ol\u00addu\u011fundan, bu konum ancak \u00f6nceden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi gereken bir Tin ta\u00adsar\u0131s\u0131yla, yani ne istediyse onu yapm\u0131\u015f olan, ne yapm\u0131\u015fsa onu is\u00adtemi\u015f olan ve tamamlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u015fimdiki zamanla \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fan mutlak kah\u00adramanla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilerek gizlenebilir. B\u00f6ylece, tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi i\u00e7inde \u00f6len felsefe, \u015fimdi, d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 ancak tarihi tekrar yads\u0131yarak y\u00fcceltebilmektedir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u00f6z alabilmek i\u00e7in her \u015feyi indirgedi\u011fi bu b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc tarihin art\u0131k tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve hakikate dair ka\u00adrar\u0131n verilebilece\u011fi tek mahkemenin kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 varsaymak zo\u00adrundad\u0131r.
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Proletarya bu tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin unutulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendi eylemli va\u00adrolu\u015fu ile kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, sonucun yalanlanmas\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda y\u00f6ntemin do\u011frulanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir.
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Tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ancak pratik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce haline gelerek kurtulabilir; ve devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f olarak proletaryan\u0131n prati\u011fi, kendi d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerinde i\u015fleyen tarihsel bilin\u00e7ten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey ola\u00admaz. Devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin b\u00fct\u00fcn teorik ak\u0131mlar\u0131, Stirner ve Bakunin’den Marx’a kadar, Hegelci d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ile giri\u015filen ele\u015ftirel bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmadan do\u011fmu\u015ftur.
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Marx’\u0131n teorisi ile Hegelci y\u00f6ntemin birbirinden ayr\u0131lmama \u00f6zel\u00adli\u011fi de bu teorinin devrimci \u00f6zelli\u011finden, yani hakikatinden ay\u00adr\u0131lamaz. Bu nedenle bu ilk ili\u015fki genelde es ge\u00e7ilmi\u015f ya da yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve hatta aldat\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde Marksist bir doktrin haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olan \u015feyin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir. Bernstein, So- cialisme theorique et Social-democratie pratique\\t [Teorik Sos\u00adyalizm ve Pratik Sosyal Demokrasi] diyalektik y\u00f6ntem ile tarihsel tarafl\u0131l\u0131k aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi, 1847 Manifestosu’nun Almanya’da eli kula\u011f\u0131ndaki proleter devrimle ilgili fazla bilimsel olmayan tah\u00adminlerini ele\u015ftirerek, m\u00fckemmel bir \u015fekilde ortaya koyar: \u201cSi\u00adyaset konusunda hayalperest olan herhangi birinin daha iyisini ba\u00ad\u015faramayaca\u011f\u0131 kadar yanl\u0131\u015f olan bu tarihsel kendini-aldatmada, Engels kadar Marx’\u0131n da kendisini asla tamamen kurtaramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Hegelci kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k diyalekti\u011finin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6rmesey- dik, o d\u00f6nemde ekonomiyi ciddi bir \u015fekilde incelemi\u015f olan Marx’ta bu anla\u015f\u0131lmaz olurdu. Bu genel kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131k d\u00f6nemlerinde, Hegel’den kurtulmak Marx i\u00e7in daha da hayati bir hal alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.”
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Burjuva devrimleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin “aktar\u0131m yoluyla kurtar\u0131lmas\u0131” i\u00e7in Marx’\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi tersine \u00e7evirme, nesnelle\u015fmesi ya\u00adbanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131yla \u00f6zde\u015f olan ve tarihsel yaralar\u0131 hi\u00e7 iz b\u0131rakmayan ve zaman i\u00e7inde kendisiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmaya do\u011fru ilerleyen Hegelci Tin g\u00fczerg\u00e2h\u0131n\u0131n yerine kabaca \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin materyalist ge\u00adli\u015fmesini koymak de\u011fildir. Ger\u00e7ek haline gelen tarihin art\u0131k sonu yoktur. Marx, Hegel’in olupbiten kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131 konumunu ve herhangi bir d\u0131\u015fsal y\u00fcce failin seyrini y\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bundan b\u00f6yle teori art\u0131k sadece ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmekle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcd\u00fcr. Buna kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, ekonominin hareketinin seyredilmesi, mevcut toplumun h\u00e2kim d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi i\u00e7inde Hegel’in d\u00f6ng\u00fcsel sistem aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n di\u00adyalektik olmayan yan\u0131n\u0131n tersine \u00e7evrilmemi\u015f miras\u0131d\u0131r: Bu, kav\u00adram boyutunu yitirmi\u015f ve do\u011frulanmak i\u00e7in art\u0131k Hegelcili\u011fe ih\u00adtiya\u00e7 duymayan bir onamad\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6vd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hareket mekanik geli\u015fmesi ger\u00e7ek anlamda her \u015feye h\u00e2kim olan d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fs\u00fcz bir sekt\u00f6rden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Marx’\u0131n tasar\u0131s\u0131 bilin\u00e7li bir tarih tasar\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece iktisadi olan \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin k\u00f6r\u00fc k\u00f6r\u00fcne ge\u00adli\u015fmesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan nicel \u015fey, nitel bir tarihsel uygunluk i\u00e7in\u00adde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmelidir. Ekonomi politi\u011fin ele\u015ftirisi, bu tarih \u00f6n\u00adcesinin sonunun ilk edimidir: \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda en \u00f6nemli \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7, bizzat devrimci s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r.\u201d
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Marx’\u0131n teorisini bilimsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011flayan \u015fey, top\u00adlumda ger\u00e7ekten faaliyette olan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin rasyonel kavran\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak Marx’\u0131n teorisi temelde bilimsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin a\u015f\u0131larak ko\u00adrundu\u011fu bir bilimsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00f6tesidir: Yasa’nm de\u011fil, m\u00fccade\u00adle nin kavran\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. Alman ideolojisi’nde, \u201cBiz bir tek bilim tan\u0131r\u0131z, o da tarih bilimidir\u201d denir.
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Tarihi bilimsel bir temelde in\u015fa etmek isteyen burjuvazinin d\u00f6\u00adnemi, kullan\u0131labilir haldeki bu bilimin daha ziyade ekonomi ile birlikte tarihsel olarak in\u015fa edilmesi gerekti\u011fini es gfe\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, tarih, iktisat tarihi olarak kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde do\u011frudan do\u011fruya iktisat bilgisine dayan\u0131r. Bilimsel g\u00f6zleme dayal\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n tarihin ekonomideki pay\u0131n\u0131 -kendi temel bilimsel ve\u00adrilerini de\u011fi\u015ftiren global s\u00fcre\u00e7- ne kadar ihmal etti\u011fi, bunal\u0131mlar\u0131n kesin olu\u015fma d\u00f6nemlerini saptad\u0131klar\u0131na inanan sosyalist he\u00adsaplar\u0131n beyhudeli\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; devletin s\u00fcrekli m\u00fcdahalesiyle bunal\u0131m e\u011filimlerinin etkilerini tel\u00e2fi etmenin ba\u00ad\u015far\u0131lmas\u0131ndan bu yana, ayn\u0131 t\u00fcr ak\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctme, bu dengeyi kesin bir iktisadi uyum olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Ekonominin \u00fcstesinden gelme tasar\u0131s\u0131, tarihi sahiplenme tasar\u0131s\u0131, e\u011fer toplumun bilimini tan\u0131mak – ve \u00f6z\u00fcmsemek- zorundaysa, bilimsel olamaz. Bilimsel bilgi ara\u00adc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla mevcut tarihe h\u00fckmedebilece\u011fine inanan bir harekette devrimci bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 burjuva kal\u0131r.
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\u00dctopik sosyalizm ak\u0131mlar\u0131, tarihsel a\u00e7\u0131dan, mevcut toplumsal \u00f6r\u00adg\u00fctlenmenin ele\u015ftirisi \u00fczerinde temellenmi\u015f olsalar da, bilimi red\u00addettikleri i\u00e7in de\u011fil, tarihi -yani hem mutlu toplum imajlar\u0131n\u0131n de\u00ad\u011fi\u015fmez m\u00fckemmelli\u011finin \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7en zaman hareketini hem de halihaz\u0131rdaki fiil\u00ee m\u00fccadeleyi- reddettikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tam anlam\u0131yla \u00fctopik olarak nitelendirilebilirler. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, \u00fctopist d\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, ge\u00e7mi\u015f y\u00fczy\u0131llarda h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu \u015fekliyle bilimsel d\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcncenin tamamen etkisi alt\u0131ndad\u0131rlar. Bu genel rasyonel sistemin tamamlan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015findedirler: Kendilerini hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde silahs\u0131z peygamberler gibi g\u00f6rmemi\u015flerdir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bilimsel kan\u0131t\u0131n top\u00adlumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcne ve hatta Saint-Simonculuk \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi iktidar\u0131n bilimle ele ge\u00e7irilece\u011fine inan\u0131rlar. Sombart, \u201ckan\u0131tlan\u00admas\u0131 gereken \u015feyi m\u00fccadele yoluyla ele ge\u00e7irmeyi nas\u0131l isteye\u00adbildiler?\u201d diye sormu\u015ftu. Bununla birlikte, \u00fctopistlerin bilimsel anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, baz\u0131 toplumsal gruplar\u0131n mevcut durumdan \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ol\u00addu\u011fu, bu durumu korumak i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7lere ve bu t\u00fcr durumlara uygun yanl\u0131\u015f bilin\u00e7 bi\u00e7imlerine sahip olduklar\u0131 \u015feklindeki anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7er\u00admez. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f, sadece neyin kabul edilebilece\u011fini de\u011fil ayn\u0131 za\u00admanda neyin ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilece\u011fini de se\u00e7en ve bu t\u00fcr etkenlerin so\u00adnucu olan toplumsal talep taraf\u0131ndan geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde y\u00f6nlendirilmi\u015f olan bilimdeki geli\u015fmenin tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fine bile eri\u015feme\u00admi\u015ftir. Bilimsel hakikatin sergileni\u015f tarz\u0131n\u0131n mahk\u00fbmlar\u0131 olarak kalan \u00fctopik sosyalistler, bu hakikati soyut saf imaj\u0131na (olduk\u00e7a eski bir toplum a\u015famas\u0131nda dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan bir imaj) g\u00f6re kav\u00adr\u0131yorlard\u0131. Sorel’in de saptad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00fctopistler toplum yasalar\u0131n\u0131 astronomi modeline dayanarak ke\u015ffedeceklerini ve g\u00f6stere\u00adceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015flerdi. Onlar\u0131n hedefledi\u011fi,,tarihe d\u00fc\u015fman olan uyum, tarihe ^en az ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olan bilimi topluma uyarlama gi\u00adri\u015fiminin sonucudur. Bu uyum, Nevvtonculuk ile ayn\u0131 deneysel masumlukla \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ve s\u00fcrekli ortaya at\u0131lan mutlu ge\u00adlecek kavram\u0131, \u201conlar\u0131n toplum biliminde, ataletin rasyonel me\u00adkanikte oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 role benzer bir rol oynar\u201d (Materiaux pour une theorie du proleturiat -Bir Proletarya Teorisi \u0130\u00e7in Malzemeler-).
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Marx\u2019\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeki bilimsel-determinist y\u00f6n, tam da, \u201cide\u00adolojikle\u015ftirme\u201d s\u00fcrecinin Marx’\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131 boyunca i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine kalan teorik mirasa s\u0131zd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bo\u015fluk olmu\u015ftu. Tarih konusunun g\u00fcn\u00addeme gelmesi ertelenmeye devam eder ve en \u00fcst\u00fcn tarihsel bilim olan iktisat, kendisinin gelecekteki yads\u0131nma zorunlulu\u011funu gi\u00adderek daha fazla g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131r. Ama bu \u015fekilde teorik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f alan\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilen, bu yads\u0131man\u0131n tek hakikati olan devrimci pratiktir. B\u00f6ylece, iktisadi geli\u015fmeyi sab\u0131rla ara\u015ft\u0131rmak ve ac\u0131 \u00e7ekmeyi h\u00e2l\u00e2 Hegelci bir sakinlikle kabul etmek \u00f6nemli hale gelir ve sonu\u00e7 “iyi niyetler mezarl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d olarak kal\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn, devrimlerin bilimine g\u00f6re, bilincin her zaman \u00e7ok erken geldi\u011fi ve \u00f6\u011fretilmesi gerekti\u011fi ke\u015ffedilmi\u015ftir. Engels, 1895’te, \u201ctarih bizi ve bizim gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen herkesi haks\u0131z \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. Tarih, k\u0131ta \u00fczerindeki iktisadi ge- li\u015frfle durumunun hen\u00fcz olgunla\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir…\u201d diyecektir. Marx, t\u00fcm ya\u015fam\u0131 boyunca, teorisindeki birle\u015ftirici bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015ftur, ama teorisinin a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131 h\u00e2kim d\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcnce alan\u0131n\u0131 konu alm\u0131\u015f ve ba\u015fta burjuva toplumunun temel bi\u00adlimi olan ekonomi politi\u011fin ele\u015ftirisi olmak \u00fczere belli ba\u015fl\u0131 di\u00adsiplinlerin ele\u015ftirisi bi\u00e7imi alt\u0131nda belirgin hale gelmi\u015ftir. \u201cMark\u00adsizm\u201d! olu\u015fturan \u015fey, daha sonralar\u0131 kesin olarak kabul edilen bu bozulmad\u0131r.
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Marx \u0131n teorisindeki zay\u0131fl\u0131k, do\u011fal olarak onun d\u00f6nemindeki dev\u00adrimci proletarya m\u00fccadelesinin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, s\u00fcrekli devrimi 1848 Almanyas\u0131’nda ba\u015flatmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; Kom\u00fcn yaln\u0131zl\u0131k i\u00e7inde yenilgiye u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Devrimci teori hen\u00fcz kendi b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc varolu\u015funa eri\u015fememi\u015fti. Marx’\u0131n, British Museum’Aa., d\u00fcnyadan uzak bir \u0130lm\u00ee \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayla teoriyi Savunan ve a\u00e7\u0131klayan birisi haline indirgenmesi teorinin kendisinde bir kayba neden olmu\u015ftu. Daha ileri bir a\u015famada proleter bilincin \u00f6n\u00fcnde engel haline gelecek olan \u015fey, \u00f6zellikle Marx\u2019\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n gelecekteki geli\u015fmesi \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilimsel do\u011frulamalar ve bu do\u011frulamalara ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctsel pratiktir.
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Proleter devrimin bilimsel olarak savunulmas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen b\u00fct\u00fcn teorik yetersizlikler, hem i\u00e7erik hem de a\u00e7\u0131klama bi\u00e7imi olarak, iktidar\u0131n devrimci bir \u015fekilde ele ge\u00e7irilmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan pro\u00adletaryan\u0131n burjuvazi ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmesine indirgenebilir.
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Proletarya iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bilimsel me\u015fruiyetinin kan\u0131tlanmas\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7\u00admi\u015fin tekrarlanan deneyimleri \u00fczerinde temellendirme e\u011filimi Manifesto’dan itibaren Marx’\u0131n tarihsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini bulan\u0131kla\u015f\u00adt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve her seferinde \u201cya b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumun devrimci bir d\u00f6\u00adn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ya da m\u00fccadele i\u00e7indeki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n m\u00fc\u015fterek bir \u015fekilde ortadan kalkmas\u0131yla\u201d sonu\u00e7lanacak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin yol a\u00e7\u00adt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcretim tarzlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcz bir hat izleyerek geli\u015fti\u011fi imaj\u0131n\u0131 des\u00adteklemeye zorlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama, nas\u0131l serf ayaklanmalar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman toprak sahiplerini ve Antik \u00c7a\u011f\u2019daki k\u00f6le ayaklanmalar\u0131 efendileri yenememi\u015fse, Marx’\u0131n ba\u015fka yerde g\u00f6zlemledi\u011fi \u201cAsya tipi \u00fcretim tarz\u0131\u201d da b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen tarihin g\u00f6z\u00adlemlenebilir ger\u00e7ekli\u011finde kendi dura\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015ftur. D\u00fcz hat izleyen \u015fema \u00f6ncelikle burjuvazinin asla yenilgiye u\u011framam\u0131\u015f tek devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f olma olgusunu g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmaktad\u0131r; burjuvazi ayn\u0131 zamanda, topluma el koymas\u0131n\u0131n hem nedeni hem de sonucu ekonomideki geli\u015fme olan tek s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. Ayn\u0131 basitle\u015ftirme Marx’\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 bir toplumun y\u00f6netilmesinde devletin iktisadi rol\u00fcn\u00fc es ge\u00e7meye y\u00f6neltmi\u015ftir. Y\u00fckselen burjuvazi her ne kadar eko\u00adnomiyi devletten ay\u0131r\u0131yormu\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fcyse de bu sadece statik bir ekonomide eski devletin bir s\u0131n\u0131f bask\u0131s\u0131 arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6\u00adr\u00fclmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcrrdeydi. Burjuvazi, \u00f6zerk iktisadi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, devletin zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Orta\u00e7a\u011f d\u00f6neminde, dengedeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin feodal par\u00ad\u00e7alanmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Ama, merkantilizm ile bur\u00adjuvazinin geli\u015fmesini desteklemeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f ve sonu\u00e7ta \u201cb\u0131\u00adrak\u0131n\u0131z yaps\u0131nlar, b\u0131rak\u0131n\u0131z ge\u00e7sinler\u201d d\u00f6neminde burjuvazinin devleti haline gelmi\u015f olan modern devlet, daha sonra iktisadi s\u00fc\u00adrecin hesaba dayal\u0131 y\u00f6netiminde merkez\u00ee bir g\u00fc\u00e7le donat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir halde kendini g\u00f6sterecektir. Bununla birlikte Marx, Bonapartizm kavram\u0131 ile modern devlet\u00e7i b\u00fcrokrasinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imi, \u015feylerin iktisadi tarihine indirgenmeyen her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tarihsel ya\u015fam\u0131 reddeden burjuvazinin \u201cdi\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flarla ayn\u0131 politik hi\u00e7li\u011fe mahk\u00fbm ol\u00admay\u0131\u201d istedi\u011fi \u201culusal sermayenin emek \u00fczerindeki iktidar\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal k\u00f6lelik i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir kamusal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u201d olu\u00ad\u015fumunu, sermaye ve devletin kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 tarif edebilmi\u015ftir. Pro\u00adletaryay\u0131 tarihsel ya\u015fam taht\u0131n\u0131n tek talibi olarak olumsuz an\u00adlamda tan\u0131mlayan modern g\u00f6sterinin sosyo-politik temelleri daha burada at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
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Marx’\u0131n teorisine ger\u00e7ek anlamda uyan yeg\u00e2ne iki s\u0131n\u0131f, Ka\u00adpital’deki b\u00fct\u00fcn analizlerin d\u00f6n\u00fcp dola\u015f\u0131p vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu iki kat\u0131ks\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f, burjuvazi ve proletarya, ayn\u0131 zamanda, tamamen farkl\u0131 ko\u00ad\u015fullarda olmak \u015fart\u0131yla tarihin de yeg\u00e2ne iki devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n

Burjuva devrimi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir; proletarya devrimi ise bir \u00f6nceki devrimden do\u011fmu\u015f ama nitelik olarak ondan farkl\u0131 bir tasar\u0131d\u0131r. Burjuvazinin tarihsel rol\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc es ge\u00e7ildi\u011finde, bu pro\u00adletarya tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n somut \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de gizlenmi\u015f olunur; bu tasar\u0131 kendi rengini ta\u015f\u0131madan ve \u201cg\u00f6revlerinin s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00adlincinde olmadan hi\u00e7bir sonuca eri\u015femeyecektir. Burjuvazi ik\u00adtidara gelmi\u015ftir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc o, geli\u015fmekte olan ekonominin s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r. Proletarya, bilincin s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 haline gelmedik\u00e7e iktidara gelemez. \u00dcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin olgunla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n giderek artan mahrumiyetlere yol a\u00e7mas\u0131 bile b\u00f6yle bir iktidar\u0131 garanti edemez. Devlete Jakoben y\u00f6ntemle el koymak proletaryan\u0131n arac\u0131 olamaz. Hi\u00e7bir ideoloji proletaryan\u0131n k\u0131smi ama\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 genci ama\u00e7lar haline getirmesine hizmet edemez., \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc proletarya ger\u00e7ekten kendisine ait olan hi\u00e7\u00adbir k\u0131smi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi koruyamaz.
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Her ne kadar Marx’\u0131n, proletarya m\u00fccadelesine kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n belirli bir d\u00f6neminde, bilimsel \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcden ekonomizm yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131na entelekt\u00fcel temel olu\u015fturacak kadar fazla beklentisi olduysa da ki\u00ad\u015fisel olarak bu yan\u0131lsamalara kendini kapt\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilinir. Ka\u00adpitali bizzat ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir makaleye, Engels’in bir rakipten ge\u00adliyormu\u015f gibi bas\u0131na g\u00f6nderece\u011fi makaleye e\u015flik eden 7 Aral\u0131k 1867 tarihli me\u015fhur mektubunda Marx kendi biliminin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u00e7izmi\u015ftir:\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Yazar\u0131n \u00f6znel e\u011filiminin (belki de politik ko\u00ad
numunun ve ge\u00e7mi\u015finin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u011filimin), yani, mevcut ha\u00adreketin, mevcut toplumsal s\u00fcrecin nihai sonucunu g\u00f6rme ve ba\u015f\u00adkalar\u0131na anlatma tarz\u0131n\u0131n kendi ger\u00e7ek analiziyle hi\u00e7bir ili\u015fkisi yoktur.\u201d B\u00f6ylelikle Marx kendi nesnel tahlilinin \u201cbelirli bir amaca y\u00f6nelik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131\u201d te\u015fhir ederek ve kendisine dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-bilimsel se\u00e7eneklerle ilgili \u201cbelki\u201d ironisiyle, ayn\u0131 za\u00admanda, iki durumun kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n metodolojik anahtar\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6sterir.
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Bilgi ve eylemin kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131, bizzat tarihsel m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7in\u00adde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek gerekir, \u00f6yle ki bu terimlerin her biri di\u011ferinin hakikatinin g\u00fcvencesi olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Proleter s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bir \u00f6zne olarak olu\u015fumu, devrimci m\u00fccadelelerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve toplumun dev\u00adrim an\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi demektir: Praksis teorisinin pratik teori haline gelerek do\u011fruland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilincin pratik ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u015fte bu anda var olmak zorundad\u0131r. Bununla birlikte, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye ili\u015fkin bu temel sorun, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin olu\u015ftu\u011fu d\u00f6nemde, yani bu te\u00adorinin tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden gelen birle\u015ftirici \u00f6zelli\u011fini h\u00e2l\u00e2 ko\u00adrudu\u011fu (ve birle\u015ftirici bir tarihsel pratik geli\u015ftirmeyi \u00f6zellikle g\u00f6rev edindi\u011fi) s\u0131rada, devrimci teorinin \u00fczerinde en az d\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sor\u00fcT\u0131du. Tersine bu, burjuva devriminden \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f devlet\u00e7i ve hiyerar\u015fik uygulama metodlar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden can\u00adlanmas\u0131n\u0131 kabul eden bu teori i\u00e7in tutars\u0131zl\u0131k alan\u0131d\u0131r. Teorinin bu kendini \u00e7ekmesi \u00fczerine geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imleri ise, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k olarak birle\u015ftirici bir teorinin korunmas\u0131n\u0131, onu \u00e7e\u015fitli uzmanla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve k\u0131smi bilgilere b\u00f6lerek engellemi\u015f\u00adlerdir. Teorinin bu ideolojik yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, ihanet etti\u011fi bir\u00adle\u015ftirici tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin pratikteki do\u011frulanmas\u0131n\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir do\u011frulanma i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendili\u011finden m\u00fccadelesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u00adt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, art\u0131k kabul edemez; sadece bu do\u011frulanman\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131\u00adk\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve an\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 bast\u0131rmaya yard\u0131mc\u0131 olabilir. Dahas\u0131, m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bu tarihsel bi\u00e7imler, tamamen teorinin do\u011fru olmak i\u00e7in gerek duydu\u011fu pratik ortamlard\u0131r. Bu bi\u00e7imler teorinin bir gereklili\u011fidir ancak teorik olarak form\u00fcle edilmemi\u015flerdir. Sovyet, teorinin bir bulu\u015fu de\u011fildi. Dahas\u0131 Enternasyonal \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Birli\u011fi’nin en y\u00fcce teorik hakikati onun pratikteki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131.
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Enternasyonal’in m\u00fccadelesinin ilk ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131, Enternasyonal\u2019de varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren egemen ideolojinin karma\u015f\u0131k etkilerinden kur\u00adtulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama bir s\u00fcre sonra kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenilgi ve bask\u0131, proleter devrimine ili\u015fkin iki anlay\u0131\u015f aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her iki anlay\u0131\u015fta da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bilin\u00e7li \u00f6z kurtulu\u015fu terk edilmi\u015f oldu\u011fundan otoriter bir boyut vard\u0131r. Ger\u00e7i, Marksistlerle Bakuninciler aras\u0131nda uzla\u015fmaz bir noktaya varan tart\u0131\u015fma, hem devrimci toplumdaki iktidara hem de hareketin mevcut \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine y\u00f6nelik, ikili olarak s\u00fcrmekteydi ve bir ta\u00adraftan di\u011ferine ge\u00e7mek rakiplerin konumlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiriyordu. B\u00fc\u00adrokratik bir egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yeniden yap\u0131lan\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve en bilgililerin ya da b\u00f6yle ge\u00e7inenlerin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6nceden g\u00f6ren Bakunin, devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n otoriter kullan\u0131m\u0131 yoluyla s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kal\u00add\u0131r\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131lsamas\u0131yla m\u00fccadele ediyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin demokratik e\u011fitimi ile bunun ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan iktisadi \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin ol\u00adgunla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, proleter devletin i\u015flevini, nesnel olarak dayat\u0131lan yeni toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 basit bir evreye in\u00addirgeyece\u011fini uman Marx, Bakunin ve yanda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 kendilerini kas\u0131tl\u0131 olarak Enternasyonal’in \u00fcst\u00fcnde tutan ve en devrimcilerin ya da kendilerini b\u00f6yle adland\u0131ranlar\u0131n sorumsuz diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc topluma dayatmak gibi deli sa\u00e7mas\u0131 niyetleri olan entrika yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir elit otoriterli\u011fiyle itham ediyordu. Bakunin asl\u0131nda yan\u00adda\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle bir perspektif etraf\u0131nda topluyordu: \u201cToplumsal f\u0131r\u00adt\u0131nan\u0131n ortas\u0131nda yol alan, g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez pilotlar olan bizler, f\u0131rt\u0131nay\u0131 ortal\u0131ktaki bir iktidarla de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn m\u00fcttefiklerin kolektif dik\u00adtat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle denetim alt\u0131na almal\u0131y\u0131z. Ni\u015fans\u0131z, unvans\u0131z, resm\u00ee hakk\u0131 olmayan ve iktidar g\u00f6stergelerinin hi\u00e7birine sahip ol\u00admayaca\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in daha da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck.\u201d Her biri k\u0131s\u00admen do\u011fru ele\u015ftiriler getiren ama tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin birli\u011fini yi\u00adtirmi\u015f olan ve kendilerini ideolojik otoriteler olarak kurumsal\u00adla\u015ft\u0131ran i\u015f\u00e7i devrimine ili\u015fkin iki ideoloji de b\u00f6ylece birbirine z\u0131t d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Alman Sosyal Demokrasisi ve \u0130ber Anar\u015fist Fe\u00adderasyonu gibi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler bu ideolojilerin birine ya da di\u011ferine sadakatle hizmet etmi\u015flerdir; ve alman sonu\u00e7 her yerde istenilenden b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde farkl\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.
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Proleter devriminin hedefini hemen \u015fimdi mevcut olarak g\u00f6rmek, ger\u00e7ek anar\u015fist m\u00fccadelenin hem b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hem de zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r (\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bireyci varyantlar\u0131nda anar\u015fizmin iddialar\u0131 her zaman g\u00fc\u00adl\u00fcn\u00e7 olmu\u015ftur). Kolektivist anar\u015fizm, modern s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadele\u00adlerinin tarihsel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden sadece ula\u015f\u0131lan sonucu al\u0131r ve bu sonu\u00e7taki mutlak \u0131srar\u0131, y\u00f6ntemi bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmse\u00admesinin ifadesidir. B\u00f6ylece anar\u015fizmin iktisadi m\u00fccadele tercihi sadece genel grev ya da ayaklanma g\u00fcn\u00fcnde iktisadi alana in\u00addirilecek tek bir hamleyle kesin bir sonuca ula\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi ya\u00adn\u0131lsamas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrken, politik m\u00fccadele ele\u015f\u00adtirisi soyut kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Anar\u015fistlerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilecek bir idealleri vard\u0131r. Anar\u015fizm, devletin ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, yani ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ideolojinin toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n sadece ideolojik yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, her \u015feyi e\u015fitleyen ve tarihsel k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini d\u0131\u015flayan kat\u0131ks\u0131z \u00f6z\u00adg\u00fcrl\u00fck ideolojisi’d’u. B\u00fct\u00fcn k\u0131smi istekleri kayna\u015ft\u0131ran bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, anar\u015fizme, var olan ko\u015fullar\u0131, ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir ele\u015ftirel uz\u00admanla\u015fma ad\u0131na de\u011fil, ya\u015fam\u0131n tamam\u0131 ad\u0131na reddetmeyi temsil etme onurunu vermi\u015ftir; ama fiilen ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeden \u00f6nce bireysel iste\u011fe g\u00f6re mutlak olarak kabul edilen bu kayna\u015fma, anar\u015fizmi son derece bariz bir tutars\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa mahk\u00fbm etmi\u015ftir. Anar\u015fizm her m\u00fccadelede ayn\u0131 basit genel sonucu tekrarlamak ve yeniden or\u00adtaya koymak zorundad\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu ilk sonu\u00e7 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri ha\u00adreketin vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc sonu\u00e7 ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece Ba\u00adkunin, 1873’te Jura Federasyonu’ndan ayr\u0131l\u0131rken \u015funlar\u0131 yazabil- mi\u015fti: \u201cSon dokuz y\u0131lda Enternasyonal’in ba\u011fr\u0131nda d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kur\u00adtarmak i\u00e7in gerekenden daha fazla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce geli\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir, ke\u015fke d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler tek ba\u015f\u0131na d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kurtarmaya yetebilseydi, ben kim olursa olsun yeni bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ileri s\u00fcrecek olana hodri meydan di\u00adyorum. Devir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce devri de\u011fil, olgular\u0131n ve eylemlerin dev\u00adridir.\u201d \u015e\u00fcphesiz bu anlay\u0131\u015f tarihsel proletarya d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin bir un\u00adsurunu, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin prati\u011fe d\u00f6k\u00fclmesi gerekti\u011fi yolundaki kesinli\u011fi korur, ancak bu prati\u011fe ge\u00e7menin uygun bi\u00e7imlerinin zaten var oldu\u011funu ve asla de\u011fi\u015fmeyece\u011fini varsayarak tarih ala\u00adn\u0131n\u0131 terk eder.
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\u0130deolojik inan\u00e7lar\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin tamam\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ayr\u0131lan anar\u015fistler, bu yetki ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kendi aralar\u0131nda da yeniden \u00fcre\u00adteceklerdir; propagandistlerin ve ideoloji savunucular\u0131n\u0131n, yani genel kural olarak entelekt\u00fcel etkinlikleri esas olarak baz\u0131 kesin do\u011frular\u0131n tekrar\u0131ndan olu\u015ftuk\u00e7a daha da s\u0131radanla\u015fan uzmanlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn anar\u015fist \u00f6rg\u00fctler \u00fczerinde gayri resm\u00ee bir h\u00e2kimiyet kur\u00admalar\u0131 i\u00e7in uygun bir ortam sa\u011flan\u0131r. Oybirli\u011fiyle al\u0131nan karara duyulan ideolojik sayg\u0131, daha ziyade, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck uzmanlar\u0131n\u0131n biz\u00adzat \u00f6rg\u00fct i\u00e7indeki kontrol d\u0131\u015f\u0131 otoritesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; ve dev\u00adrimci anar\u015fizm \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmi\u015f halktan ayn\u0131 yollarla elde edilmi\u015f ayn\u0131 tarz oybirli\u011fini bekler. Dahas\u0131, Ispanya’daki, yerel d\u00fczeyle s\u0131\u00adn\u0131rl\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015f ve bozguna u\u011fram\u0131\u015f \u00e7ok say\u0131daki anar\u015fist ayaklanma \u00f6rne\u011finin de g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gibi, mevcut m\u00fccadelede mevzilenmi\u015f bir az\u0131nl\u0131kla \u00f6zg\u00fcr bireylerden olu\u015fan toplum aras\u0131ndaki ko\u015fullar\u0131n z\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hesaba katmay\u0131 reddetmek, ortak karar alma an\u0131nda anar\u00ad\u015fistler aras\u0131nda s\u00fcrekli ayr\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131 beslemi\u015ftir.
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An\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ferek ideolojiye ve ideolojiden t\u00fcreyen pratik \u00f6r\u00adg\u00fctlenme modeline do\u011fruluk kazand\u0131racak olan bir devrimin pek yak\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi yan\u0131lsamas\u0131 otantik anar\u015fizmde az \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 1936 y\u0131l\u0131nda anar\u015fizm ger\u00e7ekten toplumsal bir devrime, t\u00fcm zamanlar\u0131n en geli\u015fmi\u015f proletarya iktidar\u0131 modeline \u00f6nderlik etmi\u015ftir. Bu ba\u011flamda, bir yandan genel ayaklanma i\u015fa\u00adretinin ordunun muht\u0131ra’s\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu be\u00adlirtmek gerekir. Di\u011fer yandan ise, enternasyonal proleter hareke\u00adtin geriye kalan\u0131 zaten yenilgiye u\u011fram\u0131\u015fken d\u0131\u015fardan kuvvetli destek alan ve \u00fclkenin yar\u0131s\u0131na h\u00fckmeden Franko iktidar\u0131n\u0131n var\u00adl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle ve burjuva g\u00fc\u00e7lerin veya di\u011fer devlet\u00e7i i\u015f\u00e7i par\u00adtilerinin Cumhuriyet\u00e7iler saf\u0131ndaki kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 nedeniyle bu dev\u00adrim daha ilk g\u00fcnlerden itibaren eksik kald\u0131k\u00e7a \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc anar\u015fist hareket devrimin yar\u0131m kalm\u0131\u015f zaferlerini yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rma ve hatta bunlar\u0131 savunma konusunda bile yetersizlik g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Anar\u015fist hareketin tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f liderleri, i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 kaybetmek i\u00e7in devrimi mahveden burjuva devletin bakanlar\u0131 ve rehineleri haline gel\u00admi\u015flerdi.
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ILEnternasyonal’in \u201cortodoks marksizmi\u201d sosyalist devrimin bi\u00adlimsel ideolojisidir: T\u00fcm hakikatini ekonomideki nesnel s\u00fcre\u00e7\u00adlerle ve bu zorunlulu\u011fun \u00f6rg\u00fct taraf\u0131ndan e\u011fitilen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nca ta\u00adn\u0131nmas\u0131nda sa\u011flanan ilerleme ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirir. Bu ideoloji, \u00fctopik sosyalizmin \u00f6zelli\u011fi olan pedagojik kan\u0131tlamaya duyulan g\u00fcveni yeniden ke\u015ffeder, ama onu tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na yap\u0131lan seyirlik bir g\u00f6n\u00adderme ile birle\u015ftirir. Bununla birlikte, b\u00f6yle bir tutum \u00fctopist ele\u015f\u00adtiride (en fazla Fourier taraf\u0131ndan geli\u015ftirilen ele\u015ftiride) mevcut olan dura\u011fan b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck imaj\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti\u011fi gibi, Hegelci b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc tarih boyutunu da kaybetmi\u015ftir. Hilferding’in, sosyalizmin zo\u00adrunlulu\u011funu tan\u0131man\u0131n \u201cbenimsenecek pratik tutuma dair hi\u00e7bir bilgi\u201d vermedi\u011fini, \u201c\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir zorunlulu\u011fu tan\u0131makla bu zo\u00adrunlulu\u011fun hizmetine girmenin ba\u015fka ba\u015fka \u015feyler oldu\u011funu\u201d (Fi- nans Kapital) belirtti\u011fi sa\u00e7mal\u0131klar\u0131, etik se\u00e7enekleri simetrik ola\u00adrak yeniden ortaya atmaktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmayan bu bilimsel tutumdan kaynaklanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Marx ve devrimci proletarya i\u00e7in bir\u00adle\u015ftirici tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin benimsenecek pratik tutumdan hi\u00e7bir \u015fekilde farkl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezlikten gelenler, an\u0131nda benimse\u00addikleri prati\u011fin de normal olarak kurbanlar\u0131 oldular.
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Sosyal demokrat \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ideolojisi, bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 e\u011fiten profes\u00f6rlerin iktidar\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131yordu ve benimsenen \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi bu edilgen \u00e7\u0131rakl\u0131\u011fa en uygun d\u00fc\u015fen bi\u00e7imdi. II. Enternasyonal sosyalistleri politik ve iktisadi m\u00fccadelelerde ku\u015fkusuz somut olarak yer al\u0131yorlard\u0131, ancak bu tamamen ele\u015ftirel olmayan bir kat\u0131l\u0131md\u0131. Bu kat\u0131l\u0131m a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a reformist bir prati\u011fe uygun olarak devrimci yan\u0131lsama ad\u0131na s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmekteydi. B\u00f6y- lece devrimci ideoloji bizzat bu ideolojiyi ta\u015f\u0131yanlar\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 ta\u00adraf\u0131ndan par\u00e7aland\u0131. Hareketteki vekillerle gazetecilerin ay\u00adr\u0131lmas\u0131, harekete \u00f6nceden kazand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan burjuva entelekt\u00fcel\u00adleri burjuva ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imine do\u011fru \u00e7ekiyordu. Hatta sanayi i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7ilerinin m\u00fccadeleleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda kazan\u0131lan ki\u015filer ve zaten i\u015f\u00e7i olanlar bile sendikal b\u00fcrokrasi taraf\u0131ndan eme\u011fini mak\u00fbl bir fiyat kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda meta olarak satan i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc simsarlar\u0131 haline ge\u00adtirilmi\u015flerdi. Bu reformist etkinliklerin h\u00e2l\u00e2 devrimci bir \u015feyler ta\u015f\u0131yormu\u015f gibi g\u00f6sterilebilmesi i\u00e7in, yasal ajitasyonlar\u0131na politik olarak m\u00fcsamaha g\u00f6steren kapitalizmin bu reformizmi ekonomik anlamda tam zaman\u0131nda desteklemekte yetersiz kalmas\u0131 ge\u00adrekliydi. Bilimlerinin g\u00fcvencesi alt\u0131nda olsa da tarih taraf\u0131ndan her an yalanlanan bir uzla\u015fmazl\u0131kt\u0131 bu.
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Politik ideolojiden en uzak ve burjuva bilimin y\u00f6ntembilimine a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a en ba\u011fl\u0131 sosyal demokrat olan Bernstein bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ger\u00ad\u00e7ekli\u011fini ortaya koymak d\u00fcr\u00fcstl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6stermi\u015f, devrimci ide\u00adolojiden vazge\u00e7en \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin reformist eylemi de bunu or\u00adtaya koymu\u015ftur. Ancak bu \u00e7eli\u015fki tarihsel geli\u015fmenin i\u00e7inde kar\u015f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceye gerek olmadan kan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bernstein, di\u011fer hu\u00adsuslarda yan\u0131lsamalara d\u00fc\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen, kapitalist \u00fcretimde g\u00f6\u00adr\u00fclecek bir bunal\u0131m\u0131n, devrimi sadece b\u00f6yle bir kanl\u0131 me\u015frulukla devralmak isteyen sosyalistleri ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc zorlayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yad- s\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan derin toplumsal \u00e7alkant\u0131 d\u00f6nemi bilin\u00e7lenmeye uygun olsa da, Sosyal Demokrat hiyerar\u015finin Alman i\u015f\u00e7ilerini devrimci bir \u015fekilde e\u011fitmedi\u011fini, onlar\u0131 asla teorisyen haline getirmedi\u011fini iki kere ispatlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: \u0130lk olarak, partinin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun emperyalist sava\u015fa ka\u00adt\u0131lmas\u0131yla ve ard\u0131ndan da bozgun s\u0131ras\u0131nda Spartakist devrimciler ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda. Eski i\u015f\u00e7i Ebert, devrimden \u201cg\u00fcnah gibi\u201d nefret etti\u011fini itiraf etti\u011fine g\u00f6re h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fcnaha inan\u0131yordu. Ayn\u0131 lider, k\u0131sa s\u00fcre sonra Rus proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na mutlak d\u00fc\u015f\u00adman\u0131 olarak \u00e7\u0131kacak sosyalist temsilin habercisi olarak belirdi ve bu yeni yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n do\u011fru program\u0131n\u0131 form\u00fcle etti: \u201cSos\u00adyalizm \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak demektir.\u201d
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Lenin, Marksist bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr olarak \u201cortodoks Marksizmin\u201d dev\u00adrimci ideolojisini, II. Enternasyonal’in bu Marksizme kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k s\u00fcr\u00add\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc reformist prati\u011fe elveri\u015fsiz olan Rusya ko\u015fullar\u0131na uy\u00adgulam\u0131\u015f sad\u0131k ve tutarl\u0131 bir Kautskyciden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi. “Profesyonel devrimciler” haline gelmi\u015f entelekt\u00fcellere boyun e\u011fen disiplinli bir yeralt\u0131 partisi arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla hareket eden pro- lelaryan\u0131n d\u0131\u015fardan y\u00f6netilmesi, Rusya\u2019da, kapitalist toplumun hi\u00e7bir y\u00f6netici mesle\u011fi ile uyu\u015fmak (\u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n politik rejimi, temeli burjuva iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ileri bir a\u015famas\u0131 olan b\u00f6yle bir a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m sun\u00admaktan zaten acizdi) istemeyen bir meslek haline gelir. Bu du\u00adrumda proletaryan\u0131n y\u00f6netimi, toplumu mutlak anlamda y\u00f6netme mesle\u011fi haline gelir.
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Sava\u015fla ve uluslararas\u0131 Sosyal Demokrasinin sava\u015f kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7\u00f6k\u00admesiyle birlikle bol\u015feviklerin otoriter ideolojik radikalizmi d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i harekelinin demokratik yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131n\u0131n kanl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde sona ermesi b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 bir Rusya haline ge\u00adtirmi\u015fti ve bu bunal\u0131m d\u00f6neminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ilk devrimci ko\u00adpu\u015fa h\u00fckmeden bol\u015fevizm, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin proleterlerine, y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131fla \u201cRus\u00e7a konu\u015fmak\u201d i\u00e7in kendi hiyerar\u015fik ve ideolojik mo\u00addelini sunmu\u015ftur. Lenin II. Enternasyonal’in Marksizmini, dev\u00adrimci bir ideoloji oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de\u011fil, bundan vazge\u00e7ti\u011fi i\u00e7in ele\u015f\u00adtirmi\u015ftir.
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Bol\u015fevizmin Rusya’da kendisi i\u00e7in zafere ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve Sosyal De\u00admokrasinin eski d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in muzaffer bir \u015fekilde sava\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayn\u0131 ta\u00adrihsel d\u00f6nem, modern g\u00f6sterinin h\u00e2kimiyetinin merkezinde ce\u00adreyan eden bir olaylar d\u00fczeninin do\u011fumunun tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret eder: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n temsili kendisini radikal bir \u015fekilde s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na koymu\u015ftur.
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Rosa Luxemburg, 21 Aral\u0131k 1918 tarihli Rot e Fahne ‘de, \u201cbundan \u00f6nceki b\u00fct\u00fcn devrimlerde sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lar a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya ge\u00adliyorlard\u0131: S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f, program\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda program.<\/p>\n

\u015eimdiki devrimde eski d\u00fczeni koruyan gruplar, y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n al\u00e2meti alt\u0131nda de\u011fil, bir \u201csosyal demokrat parti\u201dnin bayra\u011f\u0131 al\u00adt\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yorlar. E\u011fer devrimin temel sorunu \u2018ya kapitalizm, ya sosyalizm\u2019 olarak a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ve d\u00fcr\u00fcst\u00e7e ortaya konulsayd\u0131 bug\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck proletarya kitlesinde hi\u00e7bir \u015f\u00fcphe ya da teredd\u00fct ihtimali olmazd\u0131,\u201d diye yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. B\u00f6ylece, Alman proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n radikal ak\u0131m\u0131, y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011framadan birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn \u00f6nce, \u00f6nceki b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u00fcrecin (bu s\u00fcrece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n temsilinin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde katk\u0131s\u0131 olmu\u015ftur) yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni ko\u015fullar\u0131n s\u0131rr\u0131n\u0131 ke\u015ffetmi\u015fti: Mevcut d\u00fczenin sa\u00advunmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik g\u00f6sterisel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve hi\u00e7bir \u201ctemel sorun\u201dun \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ve d\u00fcr\u00fcst\u00e7e\u201d ortaya konulamayaca\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015flerin toplumsal egemenli\u011fi. Proletaryan\u0131n devrimci temsili, bu a\u015famada, toplumdaki genel bozulman\u0131n hem birincil etkeni hem de temel sonucuydu.
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Rusya’n\u0131n gerili\u011finden ve ileri \u00fclkelerdeki i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin devrimci m\u00fccadeleyi terk etmesinden do\u011fmu\u015f olan bol\u015fevik tipteki pro\u00adletarya \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin bilin\u00e7siz bir \u015fekilde \u00f6z\u00fcnde ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine y\u00f6nelten b\u00fct\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131 da Rusya’n\u0131n gerili\u011finde bulacakt\u0131; ve Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i ha\u00adreketi kitlesinin 1918-1920 d\u00f6neminin Hic Rhod\u0131\u0131s, hic saltan\u0131” kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tekrarlanan gerilemesi, radikal az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u015fiddetle \u00e7\u00f6k\u00admesini i\u00e7eren bu gerileme, s\u00fcrecin eksiksiz geli\u015fmesini kolayla\u015f\u00adt\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve bu sahte sonucun kendini d\u00fcnyaya tek proleter \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm gibi sunmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i iktidar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131n\u0131n ve temsilinin devlet tekelinde tutulmas\u0131, Bol\u015fevik Partisi’nin do\u011frulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, Bol\u015fevik Parti\u2019yi ge\u00e7mi\u015ften farkl\u0131 k\u00fcmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Esas olarak \u00f6nceki m\u00fclkiyet bi\u00e7imlerini ortadan kald\u0131ran proletaryan\u0131n sahiplerinin partisi.
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Rus sosyal demokrasisinin \u00e7e\u015fitli e\u011filimlerinin yirmi y\u0131l s\u00fcren so\u00adnu\u00e7suz teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurdu\u011fu \u00e7arl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tasfiyesinin b\u00fct\u00fcn ko\u015fullan -burjuvazinin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00e7o\u00ad\u011funlu\u011fun n\u00fcfuzu, belirli b\u00f6lgelerde yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve m\u00fccadeleci ancak \u00fclkede son derece az\u0131nl\u0131k olan bir proletaryan\u0131n belirleyici rol\u00fc- nihayet pratikte, varsay\u0131mlarda yer almayan bir veri sayesin\u00adde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir: Proletaryay\u0131 y\u00f6neten devrimci b\u00fcrok\u00adrasi devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irerek toplumu yeni bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n h\u00e2ki\u00admiyetine sokmu\u015ftur. Tam anlam\u0131yla burjuva olan bir devrim ola\u00adnaks\u0131zd\u0131; \u201ci\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin demokratik diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d an\u00adlams\u0131zd\u0131; Sovyetlerin proleter iktidar\u0131, hem toprak sahibi k\u00f6yl\u00fcler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na hem ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 Beyaz gericili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 hem de devletin, ekonominin, ifadenin ve k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce\u00adnin mutlak efendilerinin i\u015f\u00e7i partisi bi\u00e7iminde d\u0131\u015fla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve yaban\u00adc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f temsilcilerine kar\u015f\u0131 ayakta duramazd\u0131. 1917 Nisan\u0131nda Lenin\u2019in de fiilen benimsedi\u011fi Tro\u00e7ki ve Parvus’un s\u00fcrekli devrim teorisi, burjuvazinin toplumsal geli\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan geri kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in do\u011fru olacakt\u0131r, ancak bu teori b\u00fcrokrasinin s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131 denen bu bilinmeyen fakt\u00f6r\u00fcn devreye girmesiyle do\u011fruluk kazanacakt\u0131r. Bol\u015fevik y\u00f6neticiler aras\u0131ndaki say\u0131s\u0131z tart\u0131\u015fmalar s\u0131ras\u0131nda, dik\u00adtat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, ideolojinin y\u00fcksek temsilcilerinin elinde yo\u011funla\u015f\u00admas\u0131n\u0131n en sad\u0131k savunucusu Lenin’di. Lenin, mutlak az\u0131nl\u0131k ik\u00adtidar\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015f tercihlerindeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc destekleyerek has\u0131mlar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda her zaman hakl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu: Devlet arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla k\u00f6y\u00adl\u00fclerden esirgenen demokrasi i\u015f\u00e7ilere de verilmemeliydi; bu durum demokrasinin kom\u00fcnist sendika y\u00f6neticilerinden, b\u00fct\u00fcn partiden ve nihayet hiyerar\u015fik partinin zirvesinden de esirgenmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kronstad Sovyetinin silahla yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve if\u00adtirayla has\u0131ralt\u0131 edildi\u011fi s\u0131rada yap\u0131lan X. Kongre’de, Lenin\u2019in, \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Muhalefeti\u201dnde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f solcu b\u00fcrokratlara kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00adlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fu sonu\u00e7 Stalin taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fcnyay\u0131 tam anlam\u0131yla b\u00f6lme nok\u00adtas\u0131na vard\u0131racak \u015fekilde en u\u00e7 yoruma tabi tutulacakt\u0131r: \u201cNerede olursa olsun silahla, muhalefetle de\u011fil… Art\u0131k muhalefetten b\u0131kt\u0131k.\u201d
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Bir devlet kapitalizminin tek sahibi olarak kalan b\u00fcrokrasi ilk ola\u00adrak, Kronstad’tan sonra, \u201cyeni iktisadi politika\u201d s\u0131ras\u0131nda k\u00f6y\u00adl\u00fcl\u00fckle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7ici ittifakla \u00fclke i\u00e7indeki iktidar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011f\u00adlamla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, d\u0131\u015farda ise III. Enternasyonal’in b\u00fcrokratik parti\u00adlerine kaydolmu\u015f i\u015f\u00e7ileri Rus diplomasisinin destek g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak kullanmak ve b\u00f6ylece b\u00fct\u00fcn devrimci hareketi sabote ederek ve uluslararas\u0131 politikada yard\u0131m\u0131na muhta\u00e7 oldu\u011fu burjuva h\u00fc\u00adk\u00fcmetleri (1925-1927 \u00c7in’inde Kuo-Min-Tang iktidar\u0131, \u0130spanya ve Fransa’da Halk Cephesi, v.s.) destekleyerek kendini sa\u011flama al\u00adm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama b\u00fcrokratik toplum, tarihin en zorba ilkel kapitalist bi\u00adrikimini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in k\u00f6yl\u00fclere uygulanan ter\u00f6rle tamama ermek zorundayd\u0131. Slalin d\u00f6neminin bu sanayile\u015fmesi, b\u00fcrokrasi\u00adnin son ger\u00e7e\u011fini ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r: Bu sanayile\u015fme ekonomi iktidar\u0131\u00adn\u0131n devam\u0131 ve meta-eme\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcren pazar toplumunun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u00adrunmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, toplumu, kendisi i\u00e7in gerekli s\u0131n\u0131f h\u00e2kimiyetini \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda yeniden yaratma raddesine kadar ege\u00admenli\u011fi alt\u0131na alan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ekonominin kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r: burjuvazi \u00f6y\u00adlesine \u00f6zerk bir g\u00fc\u00e7 yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki \u00f6zerkli\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fck\u00e7e bir burjuvazi olmadan da varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilecektir. Totaliter b\u00fcrokrasi, Br\u0131\u0131no Rizzi’nin kastetti\u011fi anlam\u0131yla \u201ctarihin m\u00fclk sahibi son s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d de\u011fil, sadece pazar ekonomisi i\u00e7in ik\u00e2me bir egemen s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00f6k\u00admekte olan kapitalist \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin yerine ge\u00e7en \u015fey sa\u00addele\u015ftirilmi\u015f, daha az \u00e7e\u015fitli, b\u00fcrokratik s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ortak m\u00fclkiyeti olarak yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir alt \u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu azgeli\u015fmi\u015f egemen s\u0131n\u0131f bi\u00e7imi, iktisadi azgeli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fin de ifadesidir; ve bu ge\u00adli\u015fmedeki gecikmeyi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde yakalamaktan ba\u015fka perspektifi yoktur. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bu ilave bask\u0131s\u0131na hi- yerar\u015fik-devlet\u00e7i kadroyu sa\u011flayan, burjuva ayr\u0131l\u0131k modeline g\u00f6re \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f olan i\u015f\u00e7i partisiydi. Anton Ciliga, Stalin\u2019in ce\u00adzaevlerinden birinde iken \u201c\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyle ilgili teknik sorunlar toplumsal sorunlar haline gelmi\u015ftir,\u201d diye belirtiyordu (Lenit\u0131 ve Devrim).
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Leninizmin en b\u00fcy\u00fck iradeci \u00e7abay\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi devrimci ideoloji, yani ayr\u0131 olan\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131, bu ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131y\u0131 reddeden bir ger\u00ad\u00e7ekli\u011fi destekleyerek, Stalinizm ile birlikte ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k i\u00e7indeki kendi hakikatine geri d\u00f6necektir. Bu noktada, ideoloji art\u0131k bir silah de\u011fil, ama\u00e7t\u0131r. Art\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmayan yalan \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131k haline gelir. Ger\u00e7eklik ve ama\u00e7 totaliter ideolojinin ilan\u0131yla yok olurlar: S\u00f6ylenen her \u015fey zaten ortada olandan ibarettir. Bu, d\u00fcnya \u00e7a\u00adp\u0131ndaki g\u00f6sterinin geli\u015fmesinde temel bir rol oynayan g\u00f6sterinin yerel ilkelli\u011fidir. Burada maddile\u015fen ideoloji, bolluk a\u015famas\u0131na ula\u015fan kapitalizm gibi d\u00fcnyay\u0131 iktisadi olarak de\u011fi\u015ftirmemi\u015ftir; sadece alg\u0131 polisiye y\u00f6ntemlerle de\u011fi\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir.
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\u0130ktidardaki totaliter-ideolojik s\u0131n\u0131f, alt\u00fcst olmu\u015f bir d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ik\u00adtidar\u0131d\u0131r: G\u00fc\u00e7lendik\u00e7e varl\u0131\u011f\u0131m ink\u00e2r eder ve g\u00fcc\u00fc her \u015feyden \u00f6nce var olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frulamas\u0131na yarar. O, sadece bu konuda al\u00ad\u00e7akg\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcd\u00fcr, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc resmen var olmamas\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda \u015fa\u015fmaz y\u00f6nelimine bor\u00e7lu olunan tarihsel geli\u015fmenin nec pl\u0131ts ultrds\u0131na* da denk dii\u015fmelidir. Her yere yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan b\u00fcrokrasi, bilin\u00e7 i\u00e7in g\u00f6r\u00fclmez s\u0131n\u0131f olmal\u0131d\u0131r; sonu\u00e7ta b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumsal ya\u015fam \u00e7\u0131\u011f- r\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar. Mutlak yalan\u0131n toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi bu temel \u00e7e\u00adli\u015fkiden kaynaklan\u0131r.
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Stalinizm bizzat b\u00fcrokratik s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7indeki ter\u00f6r\u00fcn h\u00fck\u00fcmranl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n iktidar temelini olu\u015fturan ter\u00f6rizm bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da k\u0131r\u0131p ge\u00ad\u00e7irmek zorundayd\u0131 zira \u00fcyelerine verebilece\u011fi hi\u00e7bir hukuksal g\u00fc\u00advence, m\u00fclkiyet sahibi s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kabul edilmi\u015f hi\u00e7bir stat\u00fc yoktu. Ger\u00e7ek m\u00fclkiyeti gizliydi ve sadece yanl\u0131\u015f bilincin sa\u00adyesinde m\u00fclkiyet sahibi haline gelmi\u015fti. Yanl\u0131\u015f bilincin mutlak ik\u00adtidar\u0131 sadece, b\u00fct\u00fcn do\u011fru motiflerin kayboldu\u011fu mutlak ter\u00f6r yo\u00adluyla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. \u0130ktidardaki b\u00fcrokratik s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00fcyeleri sadece temel bir yalana ortak olmak suretiyle toplum \u00fczerinde kolektif bir m\u00fclkiyet hakk\u0131na sahip olurlar: Sosyalist bir toplumu y\u00f6neten proletarya rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynamalar\u0131 ve ideolojik sadakatsizlik metninin sad\u0131k oyuncular\u0131 olmalar\u0131 gereklidir. Ama bu aldat\u0131c\u0131 varl\u0131\u011fa fiil\u00ee kat\u0131l\u0131m bizzat ger\u00e7e\u011fe uygun bir kat\u0131l\u0131m olarak tan\u0131nmay\u0131 ge\u00adrektirir. \u0130ktidar hakk\u0131m bireysel olarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilecek b\u00fcrokrat yoktur, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyalist bir proleter oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlamak bir b\u00fcrokrat gibi davranmamay\u0131 gerektirir; ve bir b\u00fcrokrat oldu\u011funu ka\u00adn\u0131tlamak da olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00fcrokrasinin resm\u00ee hakikati var olmamas\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece her b\u00fcrokrat, yok etmedi\u011fi b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fc\u00adrokratlar\u0131n \u201csosyalist iktidan\u201dna kolektif bir \u015fekilde kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ta\u00adn\u0131yan ideolojinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 temel bir g\u00fcvenceye mutlak olarak ba\u011f\u00adl\u0131d\u0131r. Her ne kadar b\u00fcrokratlar birlikte olduklar\u0131 zaman her \u015feye karar veriyorlarsa da, kendi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011fi ancak ter\u00f6rist ik\u00adtidarlar\u0131n\u0131n tek bir ki\u015fide toplanmas\u0131yla sa\u011flanabilir. \u0130ktidardaki yalan\u0131n tek pratik hakikati bu ki\u015fide toplan\u0131r: s\u00fcrekli d\u00fczeltilen s\u0131\u00adn\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z s\u00fcreklili\u011fi. Kimin neticede m\u00fclk sahibi b\u00fc\u00adrokrat oldu\u011funa; yani kimin \u201ciktidardaki proleter\u201d ya da \u201cMikado veya Wall Street’in emrindeki hain\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ge\u00adrekti\u011fine kesin karar\u0131 Stalin verir. B\u00fcrokratik atomlar sahip ol\u00adduklar\u0131 haklar\u0131n ortak ruhunu ancak Stalin’in ki\u015fili\u011finde bulurlar. Stalin, bu \u015fekilde kendisini, daha y\u00fcce bir ruhun var olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bilincinde olan mutlak ki\u015fi olarak g\u00f6ren bir d\u00fcnya egemenidir. \u201cD\u00fcnya egemeni, ona ters d\u00fc\u015fen kullar\u0131n\u0131n Ben’inc kar\u015f\u0131 uy\u00adgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yok edici \u015fiddette kendinin ne oldu\u011funun -evrensel n\u00fcfuz g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn- somut bir \u015fekilde bilincindedir.\u201d Bir yandan tahakk\u00fcm alan\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen bir g\u00fc\u00e7 iken di\u011fer yandan da \u201cbu alan\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011fratan g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fc.
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Mutlak iktidara sahip olarak mutlakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ideoloji k\u0131smi bir bil\u00adgiden totaliter bir yalana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, tarih d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi \u00f6ylesine m\u00fckemmel bir \u015fekilde yok edilir ki tarihin kendisi en ampirik bilgi d\u00fczeyinde bile art\u0131k var olamaz. Totaliter b\u00fcrokratik toplum s\u00fcrekli bir \u015fimdiki zamanda ya\u015far; olupbiten her \u015fey bu toplum i\u00e7in sadece polisinin ula\u015fabilece\u011fi bir alan olarak var olur. Na- polyon’un daha \u00f6nce form\u00fcle etmi\u015f oldu\u011fu \u201can\u0131lar\u0131n enerjisini monar\u015fiyle y\u00f6netme\u201d projesi tam anlam\u0131yla somutla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131, ge\u00e7\u00admi\u015fin sadece anlamlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, olaylar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da s\u00fc\u00adrekli manip\u00fcle edilmesinde bulmu\u015ftur. Ama her t\u00fcrl\u00fc tarihsel ger\u00ad\u00e7eklikten s\u0131yr\u0131lman\u0131n bedeli kapitalizmin tarihsel toplumu i\u00e7in ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olan rasyonel referans\u0131n yitirilmesi olmu\u015ftur. \u00c7\u0131l\u00add\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ideolojinin bilimsel uygulamas\u0131n\u0131n Rus ekonomisinde ne\u00adlere mal olabildi\u011fi sadece Lysenko’nun yalanlar\u0131yle bile g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Sanayile\u015fmi\u015f bir toplumu y\u00f6neten totaliter b\u00fcrokrasinin bu \u00e7e\u00adli\u015fkisi, yani rasyonel olana duydu\u011fu ihtiya\u00e7 ile rasyonel olan\u0131 red\u00addetmesi, ayn\u0131 zamanda normal kapitalist geli\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da onun temel zay\u0131fl\u0131klar\u0131ndan birini olu\u015fturur. B\u00fcrokrasi nas\u0131l tar\u0131m sorununu kapitalizm gibi halledemezse, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde ger\u00e7ekd\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ve genelle\u015fmi\u015f yalanc\u0131l\u0131k temelinde otoriter olarak planlanm\u0131\u015f olan sanayi \u00fcretiminde de sonu\u00e7ta kapitalizmden geri kal\u0131r.
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\u0130ki d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi, \u00f6r\u00adg\u00fctlenme modelini Rusya’da denenmi\u015f totaliter partiden alan fa\u00ad\u015fist totalitarizm ile Stalinist b\u00fcrokrasinin ortak marifeti sonucu yok edilmi\u015ftir. Fa\u015fizm, bunal\u0131m\u0131n ve proletaryan\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131\u00adk\u0131m\u0131n tehdit etti\u011fi burjuva ekonomisinin kendini a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir \u015fekilde sav\u0131\u0131nmas\u0131yd\u0131; sayesinde kapitalist toplumun kendini kurtard\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve devleti, y\u00f6netimine yo\u011fun bir \u015fekilde m\u00fcdahale ettirerek acil bir rasyonalizasyon sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim di. Ama b\u00f6yle bir ras- yonalizasyon, y\u00f6ntemlerinin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 irrasyonelli\u011fi alt\u0131nda ezilmi\u015ftir. Fler ne kadar fa\u015fizm, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziyi ve bunal\u0131m sonucunda sa\u00adp\u0131tm\u0131\u015f ya da sosyalist devrimin yetersizli\u011fiyle hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na u\u011fram\u0131\u015f i\u015fsizleri birle\u015ftirerek tutucu hale gelen burjuva ide\u00adolojisinin temel prensiplerinin (aile, m\u00fclkiyet, ahl\u00e2ki d\u00fczen, ulus) savunmas\u0131n\u0131 yapmaya kendini adam\u0131\u015f olsa da, bizzat kendisi ide\u00adolojik bir k\u00f6kene sahip de\u011fildir. Kendisini oldu\u011fu gibi g\u00f6sterir: Arkaik sahte-de\u011ferlerle (\u0131rk, kan, lider) tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f bir cemaate mensup olmay\u0131 gerektiren mit’in \u015fiddetli bir dirili\u015fidir. Fa\u015fizm tek\u00adnik a\u00e7\u0131dan donan\u0131ml\u0131 arkaizmdir. Onun mitinin par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f er- satz’\u0131* en modern \u015fartland\u0131rma ve yan\u0131ltma y\u00f6ntemlerinin g\u00f6steri ba\u011flam\u0131nda yeniden canland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece fa\u015fizm modern g\u00f6sterinin olu\u015fumundaki etkenlerden biri olur ve eski i\u015f\u00e7i ha\u00adreketinin yok edilmesindeki rol\u00fc onu mevcut toplumun kurucu g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden biri haline getirir; ama fa\u015fizm kapitalist d\u00fczeni ko\u00adruman\u0131n en pahal\u0131 yolu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in sahneyi, genellikle kapitalist devletlerin oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015frollere terk etmek zorunda kal\u0131r ve bu d\u00fc\u00adzenin daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve daha rasyonel bi\u00e7imleri taraf\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flan\u0131r.
*\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 (Alm.) ikame, (\u00e7.n.)
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Rus b\u00fcrokrasisi, ekonomi \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fini engelleyen burjuva m\u00fclkiyetinin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131ndan nihayet kendini kurtarmay\u0131, ekonomiyi kendi kullan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirmeyi ve \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda tan\u0131nmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sakin bir \u015fekilde kendi d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n tad\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmak ve kendi \u00fcst\u00fcnde etki g\u00f6steren keyfi unsurlar\u0131 bast\u0131rmak ister: K\u00f6kenindeki Slalinizmi ihbar eder. Ama b\u00f6yle bir ihbar da Stalinisttir, keyfi ve anla\u015f\u0131lmazd\u0131r, s\u00fcrekli olarak d\u00fczeltilir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00f6kenindeki ideolojik yalan asla ortaya konamaz. B\u00f6ylece b\u00fcrokrasi ne k\u00fclt\u00fcrel anlamda ne de po\u00adlitik anlamda \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015febilir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak varolu\u015fu b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla onun tek m\u00fclkiyet unvan\u0131 olan ideolojik lekeline ba\u011f\u00adl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130deoloji hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz olumlu olarak onaylanma ihtiras\u0131n\u0131 yi\u00adtirmi\u015ftir, ancak ondaki ayr\u0131m g\u00f6zetmeyen baya\u011f\u0131l\u0131k h\u00e2l\u00e2 en ufak rekabeti bile yasaklayan, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin tamam\u0131n\u0131 tutsak eden bas\u00adk\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flevi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. B\u00f6ylece b\u00fcrokrasi arl\u0131k hi\u00e7 kimsenin inan\u00admad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ideolojiye ba\u011fl\u0131 olur. Daha \u00f6nce ter\u00f6rist olan \u015fey g\u00fc\u00adl\u00fcn\u00e7 hale gelmi\u015ftir, ama bu g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7l\u00fck bile ancak kurtulmak isledi\u011fi ter\u00f6rizmi arka planda korumak suretiyle s\u00fcrebilir. B\u00f6y\u00adlece b\u00fcrokrasi, tam kapitalizmin alan\u0131 \u00fczerindeki \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6stermek istedi\u011fi s\u0131rada kapitalizmin fakir bir akrabas\u0131 oldu\u011funu itiraf eder. Nas\u0131l ki b\u00fcrokrasinin fiil\u00ee tarihi hukukuyla \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7in\u00addeyse ve kabaca s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc cahillik bilimsel iddialar\u0131yla \u00e7eli\u015fi\u00adyorsa, meta \u00fcretiminin bollu\u011fu alan\u0131nda burjuvazinin rakibi olma tasar\u0131s\u0131 da bu bolluk i\u00e7kin ideolojisini kendi i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ve genellikle g\u00f6sterisel yanl\u0131\u015f tercihler konusunda s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir \u00f6z\u00adg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, b\u00fcrokratik ideoloji ile uyu\u015fmayan bir sahte-\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan engellenir.
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Geli\u015fmenin bu evresinde, b\u00fcrokrasinin ideolojik m\u00fclkiyet unvan\u0131 uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde zaten \u00e7\u00f6kmektedir. Tamam\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 bir model olarak ulusal d\u00fczeyde kurulmu\u015f olan iktidar, aldat\u0131c\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc art\u0131k her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusal s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n \u00f6tesinde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme id\u00addias\u0131nda bulunamayaca\u011f\u0131m kabul etmek zorundad\u0131r. \u201cSosyalizm\u201dlerine tek bir \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ula\u015fmay\u0131 ba\u015faran ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fan b\u00fcrokrasilerin e\u015fitsiz iktisadi geli\u015fmesi, Rus yalan\u0131 ile \u00c7in yalan\u0131 aras\u0131nda alen\u00ee ve toplu bir y\u00fczle\u015fmeye yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu noktadan itibaren, iktidardaki her b\u00fcrokrasi ya da baz\u0131 ulusal i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na Stalinist d\u00f6nemden kalan iktidar aday\u0131 her totaliter parti kendi yo\u00adlunu izlemek zorunda kal\u0131r. B\u00fcrokratik aldatmaca iktidar\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fc\u00adresel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn, \u201c\u00e7elik i\u015f\u00e7ilerinden olu\u015fan bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet\u201d ta\u00adlebiyle b\u00fcrokratlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan Do\u011fu Berlin i\u015f\u00e7i ayaklanmas\u0131 ile d\u00fcnya \u00f6n\u00fcnde kendini g\u00f6stermeye ba\u015flayan ve bir defas\u0131nda Ma\u00adcaristan i\u015f\u00e7i konseyleri iktidar\u0131na kadar yol alm\u0131\u015f olan i\u00e7 yads\u0131ma g\u00f6sterileriyle daha da \u015fiddetlenmesi son tahlilde kapitalist top\u00adlumun giincel geli\u015fmesi i\u00e7in en elveri\u015fsiz etkendir. Burjuvazi, var olan d\u00fczenle ilgili t\u00fcm yads\u0131malar\u0131 yamlsamal\u0131 bir \u015fekilde bir\u00adle\u015ftirerek kendisini nesnel olarak destekleyen has\u0131n\u0131m yitirmek \u00fczeredir. Bu g\u00f6sterisel i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, neticede sahte-devrimci rol de kendi i\u00e7inde b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc zaman sona erer. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin \u00e7\u00f6\u00adz\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fcndeki g\u00f6steri unsuru da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclecektir.
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Leninist yan\u0131lsaman\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7e\u015fitli Tro\u00e7kist e\u011filimler d\u0131\u00ad\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir temeli yoktur; bu e\u011filimlerde, proleter tasar\u0131n\u0131n ide\u00adolojinin hiyerar\u015fik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi b\u00fct\u00fcn sonu\u00e7\u00adlar\u0131ndan elde edilen deneyime ra\u011fmen sars\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde var\u00adl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. Tro\u00e7kizmi, mevcut toplumun devrimci ele\u015ftirisin\u00adden ay\u0131ran mesafe, onun ger\u00e7ek bir m\u00fccadelede kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ol\u00adduklar\u0131 s\u0131rada da zaten yanl\u0131\u015f olan konumlara y\u00f6nelik sayg\u0131l\u0131 tu\u00adtumunu korumas\u0131na izin verir. Tro\u00e7ki, 1927 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar y\u00fcksek b\u00fcrokrasiyle tamamen dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7inde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; bu b\u00fcrokrasiyi \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekten bol\u015fevik bir etkinlik yapar hale getirmek \u00fczere ele ge\u00e7irmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (o d\u00f6nemde, Lenin’in me\u015fhur \u201cva\u00adsiyetini\u201d saklamak i\u00e7in, bu belgeyi ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan yanda\u015f\u0131 Max Eastman’\u0131 iftira yoluyla ele\u015ftirecek kadar ileri gitti\u011fi bilinir). Tro\u00e7ki temel bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 nedeniyle mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015fti, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00fc\u00adrokrasi sonu\u00e7 itibariyle \u00fclke i\u00e7inde kendini kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kabul etti\u011fi anda, i\u00e7erde oldu\u011fu gibi \u00fclke d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda da, dev\u00adrim ad\u0131na fiilen kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci olmay\u0131 se\u00e7mek zorundad\u0131r. Tro\u00e7ki’nin daha sonralar\u0131 IV. Enternasyonal i\u00e7in verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele de ayn\u0131 tutars\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Tro\u00e7ki t\u00fcm ya\u015fam\u0131 boyunca, b\u00fcrokrasiyi ayr\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131 olarak tan\u0131may\u0131 reddetti, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ikinci Rus devrimi s\u0131ras\u0131nda bizzat kendisi bol\u015fevik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z savunucusu haline gelmi\u015fti. Luk\u00e2cs, 1923 y\u0131l\u0131nda, proleterlerin kendi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde geli\u015fen olaylara art\u0131k \u201cseyirci\u201d kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, tam tersine onlar\u0131 bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde se\u00e7ti\u011fi ve ya\u00ad\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin, teori ve pratik aras\u0131nda nihayet bulunan dolay\u0131m oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi\u011finde Bol\u015fevik Partisi\u2019nin sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 her \u015feyi, onun ger\u00e7ek faziletleri olarak ta\u00adn\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Luk\u00e2cs, kapsaml\u0131 teorik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, h\u00e2l\u00e2, proleter hareketin en baya\u011f\u0131 \u015fekilde d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olan iktidar ad\u0131na ko\u00adnu\u015fan, b\u00fct\u00fcn ki\u015fili\u011fiyle, adeta kendi iktidar\u0131ym\u0131\u015f gibi bu iktidarda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanan ve insanlar\u0131 buna inand\u0131ran bir ideologdu. Olaylar\u0131n geli\u015fmesi bu iktidar\u0131n kendi u\u015faklar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l ink\u00e2r et\u00adti\u011fini ve ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterirken, kendini durmadan yad\u00ads\u0131yan Luk\u00e2cs, \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fti\u011fi \u015feyi karikat\u00fcrvari bir a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla g\u00f6s\u00adtermi\u015fti: Tarih ve S\u0131n\u0131f Bilinci’ nde savundu\u011fu \u015feylerin ve kendinin aksiyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmi\u015fti. Luk\u00e2cs, bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn entelekt\u00fcellerini yarg\u0131layan temel kural\u0131 en iyi do\u011frulayan ki\u015fidir: Onlar\u0131n sayg\u0131 duyduklar\u0131 \u015fey, kendi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131k ger\u00e7ekliklerinin tam \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu\u00adnunla birlikte, \u201cbir siyasi partinin, \u00fcyelerinin felsefeleriyle parti program\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u00e7eli\u015fkiler olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek amac\u0131yla in\u00adceleme yapamayaca\u011f\u0131m\u201d varsayan Lenin, kendi etkinli\u011fiyle ilgili bu t\u00fcr yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131 hemen hemen hi\u00e7 te\u015fvik etmemi\u015fti. Luk\u00e2cs’\u0131n, d\u00fc\u015fsel portresini zamans\u0131z bir \u015fekilde sunmu\u015f oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7ek parti, sadece belirli ve k\u0131smi bir g\u00f6rev i\u00e7in uygundu: Dev\u00adlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek.
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Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Tro\u00e7kizmin i\u00e7ine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc neo-leninist yan\u0131lsama, b\u00fc\u00adrokratik oldu\u011fu kadar burjuva da olan modern kapitalist toplumun ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrekli yalanland\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, devlet\u00e7i ve b\u00fc\u00adrokratik sosyalizmin herhangi bir de\u011fi\u015fkeninin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yan\u0131l\u00adsaman\u0131n yerel y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131flar taraf\u0131ndan, iktisadi geli\u015fmenin basit ideolojisi olarak bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde y\u00f6nlendirildi\u011fi bi\u00e7imsel olarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u201cazgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde\u201d ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir uygulama ala\u00adn\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fal olarak bulur. Bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n karma yap\u0131s\u0131 burjuva-b\u00fcrok- rat tayf \u00fczerindeki yerlerine az veya \u00e7ok net bir \u015fekilde ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Mevcut kapitalist iktidar\u0131n bu iki kutbu aras\u0131nda uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fc\u00adzeyde s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri oyunlar\u0131 ve de ideolojik uzla\u015fmalar\u0131 (\u00f6zel\u00adlikle \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla) toplumsal temellerinin karma ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini ifade ederek ideolojik sosyalizmin bu son yan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcnden polis d\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u00addaki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ciddi \u015feyi \u00e7ekip al\u0131r. Ulusal m\u00fccadelenin ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc isyan\u0131n\u0131n kadrosu olu\u015fturularak bir b\u00fcrokrasi kurulur: Bu nok\u00adtadan itibaren b\u00fcrokrasi t\u0131pk\u0131 \u00c7in’de oldu\u011fu gibi 1917 Rusya’s\u0131n\u00addan daha az geli\u015fmi\u015f bir toplumda Stalinist sanayile\u015fme modelini uygulamaya y\u00f6nelir. Ulusal sanayile\u015fmeye muktedir bir b\u00fcrokrasi, M\u0131s\u0131r \u00f6rne\u011finde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, iktidar\u0131 elinde tutan ordu kad\u00adrolar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziden yola \u00e7\u0131karak olu\u015fturabilir. Cezayir ba\u00ad\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sonucunda oldu\u011fu gibi, m\u00fccadele s\u0131ras\u0131nda devletten yana bir liderlik olarak olu\u015fmu\u015f b\u00fcrokrasi baz\u0131 du\u00adrumlarda zay\u0131f bir ulusal burjuvaziyle kayna\u015fmak i\u00e7in dengeli bir uzla\u015fma noktas\u0131 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girer. Son olarak, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a Bat\u0131l\u0131 olan Amerika ve Avrupa burjuvazilerine ba\u011fl\u0131 kalan Siyah Afrika’n\u0131n eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerinde burjuvazi (genellikle geleneksel kabile \u015fef\u00adlerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanmak suretiyle) devleti ele ge\u00e7irerek olu\u015fur: Ekonominin- ger\u00e7ek efendisinin yabanc\u0131 emperyalizm oldu\u011fu bu \u00fclkelerde, kompradorlar\u0131n, yerli \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin sat\u0131\u015flar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k ola\u00adrak yerel kitleler \u0131\u0131ezdinde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ama emperyalizm nezdinde ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olan yerli devletin m\u00fclkiyetini elde ettikleri bir a\u015fama gelir. Bu durumda, birikim yapmaya muktedir olmayan yapay bir burjuvazi s\u00f6zkonusudur. Bu burjuvazinin tek yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendisini koruyan devletlerden ya da tekellerden gelen yabanc\u0131 para yar\u00add\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ve yerel eme\u011fin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 art\u0131-de\u011ferden pay\u0131na d\u00fc\u015feni israf etmektir. Bu burjuva s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n burjuvazinin normal iktisadi i\u015flevini yerine getirmede g\u00f6sterdikleri alen\u00ee yetersizlik nedeniyle bu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n her biri, burjuvazinin miras\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmek isteyen ve yerel \u00f6zelliklere az \u00e7ok uyum sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f b\u00fcrokratik modele da\u00adyanan bir y\u0131k\u0131ma maruz kal\u0131r. Fakat bir b\u00fcrokrasinin temel sa\u00adnayile\u015fme projesinde kaydetti\u011fi ba\u015far\u0131 bile gelecekteki tarihsel yenilgisini zorunlu olarak i\u00e7erir: B\u00fcrokrasi sermaye biriktirirken proletaryay\u0131 da biriktirir ve hen\u00fcz var olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclkede kendi yads\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r.<\/p>\n

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S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yeni ko\u015fullara ula\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olan bu kar\u00adma\u015f\u0131k ve korkun\u00e7 geli\u015fmede, sanayile\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerin proletaryas\u0131 \u00f6zerk perspektifinin onaylanmas\u0131n\u0131 ve son tahlilde yan\u0131lsama\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131 tamamen yitirmi\u015f ama varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumu\u015ftur; yok edil\u00admemi\u015ftir. Modern kapitalizmin yo\u011funla\u015fm\u0131\u015f yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenemeyecek bir \u015fekilde varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr: Bu proletarya, ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerindeki b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmi\u015f ve bunu anlad\u0131klar\u0131 andan itibaren kendilerini proletarya olarak, yani bu toplumda faaliyette bulunan yads\u0131ma olarak yeniden ta\u00adn\u0131mlayan emek\u00e7ilerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fudur. Bu proletarya k\u00f6y\u00adl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn giderek ortadan kalkmas\u0131 ve \u201chizmet\u201d sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne ve en\u00adtelekt\u00fcel mesleklerin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funa uygulanan fabrikada \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 ile nesnel olarak g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015ftir. \u00d6znel olarak ise bu proletarya sadece beyaz yakal\u0131lar aras\u0131nda de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda eski politikan\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve aldatma\u00adcas\u0131n\u0131 hen\u00fcz ke\u015ffetmi\u015f olan i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda da pratik s\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00adcinden h\u00e2l\u00e2 uzakt\u0131r. Bununla birlikte, proletarya d\u0131\u015fsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00adc\u00fcn\u00fcn sadece emek bi\u00e7iminde de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda sendika, parti ya da kendi kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in kurdu\u011fu devlet g\u00fcc\u00fc bi\u00e7iminde de ka\u00adpitalist toplumun s\u00fcrekli g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde oldu\u011funu ke\u015ffetti\u011finde, b\u00fct\u00fcn donmu\u015f d\u0131\u015favurumlara ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc iktidar uz\u00admanla\u015fmas\u0131na t\u00fcm\u00fcyle d\u00fc\u015fman bir s\u0131n\u0131f oldu\u011funu da somut ta\u00adrihsel deneyim sayesinde ke\u015ffeder. Hi\u00e7bir \u015feyin kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kal\u00admas\u0131na izm veremeyen devrimi, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ge\u00e7mi\u015f \u00fczerindeki s\u00fcrek\u00adli h\u00e2kimiyet talebini ve ayr\u0131m\u0131n topyek\u00fcn ele\u015ftirisini ta\u015f\u0131r; ve ey\u00adlemde uygun bi\u00e7imini bulmas\u0131 gereken \u015fey de budur. Sefaletiy-le ilgili hi\u00e7bir nicel iyile\u015fme, hi\u00e7bir hiyerar\u015fik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme ya\u00adn\u0131lsamas\u0131 onun tatminsizli\u011fine iyi gelecek uzun s\u00fcreli bir tedavi olamaz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc proletarya, maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zel bir haks\u0131zl\u0131kta, \u00f6zel bir haks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ya da bu haks\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun d\u00fc\u00adzeltilmesinde de\u011fil sadece onu ya\u015fam\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na atan mutlak hak- s\u0131zl\u0131k’ta kendisini ger\u00e7ek anlamda tan\u0131yabilir.<\/p>\n

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\u0130ktisadi a\u00e7\u0131dan daha ileri olan \u00fclkelerde \u00e7o\u011falan ve g\u00f6steri d\u00fc\u00adzenlemeleri sayesinde yanl\u0131\u015f anla\u015f\u0131lan ve tahrif edilen yeni olum\u00adsuzluk i\u015faretlerinden, zaten yeni bir \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair \u015fu sonu\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131labilir: \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin ilk y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 giri\u015fiminin yenilgisinin ar\u00add\u0131ndan \u015fimdi de yenilgiye u\u011frayan kapitalist bolluktur. Bat\u0131l\u0131 i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7ilerin sendika-kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 m\u00fccadeleleri \u00f6ncelikle sendikalar ta\u00adraf\u0131ndan bast\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ve isyank\u00e2r gen\u00e7lik ak\u0131mlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ortaya at\u0131lan ilk amorf protesto bi\u00e7imleri, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, uz\u00admanla\u015fm\u0131\u015f eski politikalar\u0131n, sanat\u0131n ve g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131n reddini ifade etti\u011finde, cezai bir kisveye b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek ba\u015flayan yeni bir m\u00fc\u00adcadelenin iki y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Bunlar, proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 top\u00adluma kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikinci sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n habercileridir. H\u00e2l\u00e2 ha\u00adreketsiz duran1 bu ordunun yitik \u00e7ocuklar\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fen ve ayn\u0131 kalan bu m\u00fccadele alan\u0131nda yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131nda, bu defa, onlar\u0131 izin verilmi\u015f t\u00fcketimin makinalar\u0131n\u0131 imha etmeye te\u015fvik eden yeni bir \u201cGeneral Ludd\u201dun pe\u015finden giderler.
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\u201cNihayet ke\u015ffedilen ve eme\u011fin iktisadi kurtulu\u015funu ger\u00e7ekle\u015f\u00adtirebilecek olan siyasi bi\u00e7im\u201d, bu y\u00fczy\u0131lda, b\u00fct\u00fcn karar ve y\u00fc\u00adr\u00fctme i\u015flevlerini kendilerinde toplayan ve taban kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda so\u00adrumlu olan ve her an azledilebilen delegeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla fe\u00adderasyonlar halinde birle\u015fen devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i konseylerinde net bir bi\u00e7im alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu konseylerin fiil\u00ee varolu\u015flar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumu sa\u00advunan \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00fc\u00e7lerin -ki genellikle i\u015f\u00e7i konseylerinin kendi yan\u00adl\u0131\u015f bilin\u00e7lerini de bu g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131na katmak gerekir- m\u00fccadele et\u00adtikleri ve yenilgiye u\u011fratt\u0131klar\u0131 hen\u00fcz k\u0131sa \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan ibaretti. Pannekoek, i\u015f\u00e7i konseyleri iktidar\u0131 tercihinin bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm getirmekten ziyade \u201csorunlar\u0131 ortaya koyaca\u011f\u0131\u201d konusunda hakl\u0131 olarak \u0131srar ediyordu. Ama bu iktidar \u00f6zellikle proleter dev- riminin sorunlar\u0131na do\u011fru \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler bulunacak yerdir. Buras\u0131, ta\u00adrihsel bilincin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n bir araya geldi\u011fi; aktif do\u011frudan ileti\u015fimin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fi; uzmanla\u015fma, hiyerar\u015fi ve ayr\u0131m\u0131n sona erdi\u011fi ve mevcut ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u201cbirlik ko\u015fullar\u0131\u201dna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00add\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yerdir. Proleter \u00f6zne seyre kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadeleden bu ik\u00adtidarda do\u011fabilir: Bilinci, kendisini adad\u0131\u011f\u0131 pratik \u00f6rg\u00fcte e\u015fittir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu bilin\u00e7 tarihe b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc m\u00fcdahaleden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez.
117
Uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidarlar\u0131n aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kayd\u0131rmas\u0131 gereken Konseyler iktidar\u0131nda, proleter hareket proletaryan\u0131n kendi \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr ve bu \u00fcr\u00fcn \u00fcreticinin kendisidir. O, kendisini amac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Burada yads\u0131nan tek \u015fey, ya\u015fam\u0131n g\u00f6sterisel yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r.
118
Konseylerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 proleter hareketin bu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7ey\u00adre\u011findeki en y\u00fcce ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir, d\u00f6nemin b\u00fct\u00fcn tarihsel de\u00adneyiminin yalanlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hareketin geri kalan\u0131yla bir\u00adlikte yok oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in fark edilmemi\u015f ya da k\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f bir ger\u00e7ekliktir. Proleter ele\u015ftirinin yeni d\u00f6neminde bu sonu\u00e7, ye\u00adnilgiye u\u011fram\u0131\u015f hareketin yenilgiye u\u011framam\u0131\u015f yeg\u00e2ne noktas\u0131 olarak yeniden g\u00fcndeme gelir. Kendisinin var olabilece\u011fi tek or\u00adtam\u0131n buras\u0131 oldu\u011funu bilen tarihsel bilin\u00e7, art\u0131k geri \u00e7ekilenin et\u00adraf\u0131nda de\u011fil, y\u00fckselenin merkezinde yer alan bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi \u015fimdi tan\u0131yabilir.
119
Konseyler iktidar\u0131ndan \u00f6nce var olan ve as\u0131l \u015feklini m\u00fccadele s\u0131\u00adras\u0131nda alacak olan devrimci bir \u00f6rg\u00fct b\u00fct\u00fcn bu tarihsel ne\u00addenlerden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 temsil etmedi\u011fini zaten bilir. Kendisini sa\u00addece aynl\u0131k d\u00fcnyas\u0131’nAzn radikal bir ayr\u0131lma olarak tan\u0131mak zorundad\u0131r.
120
Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct, pratik teori haline gelme s\u00fcrecinde, pratikteki m\u00fccadelelerle tek yanl\u0131 olmayan bir ileti\u015fim kuran praksis te\u00adorisinin ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 ifadesidir. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn prati\u011fi, bu m\u00fc\u00adcadelelerdeki ileti\u015fimin ve ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n genelle\u015fmesidir. Toplumsal ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yok oldu\u011fu devrimci d\u00f6nemde bu \u00f6rg\u00fct, ayr\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct olarak kendisinin de yok olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmelidir.
121
Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct, birle\u015ftirici bir toplum ele\u015ftirisinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olamaz; yani d\u00fcnyan\u0131n hi\u00e7bir yerinde hi\u00e7bir ayr\u0131 iktidar bi\u00e7imiyle uyu\u015fmayan ve yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n t\u00fcm y\u00f6nlerine global olarak y\u00f6neltilen bir ele\u015ftiridir. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 topluma kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesindeki silahlar m\u00fccadeleyi y\u00fcr\u00fctenlerin \u00f6z\u00ab\u2019nden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct, h\u00e2kim topluma ait olan ayr\u0131l\u0131k ve hiyerar\u015fi ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 kendi i\u00e7inde \u00fcretemez. Egemen g\u00f6steride deformasyona u\u011framamak i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli m\u00fc\u00adcadele etmek zorundad\u0131r. Devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn tam demokrasisine kat\u0131lman\u0131n tek s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131, kendi ele\u015ftirisinin ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, tam an\u00adlam\u0131yla ele\u015ftirel teoride ve teoriyle pratik etkinlik aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015f\u00adkide kan\u0131tlanmak zorunda olan ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcye\u00adleri taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nmas\u0131 ve benimsenmesidir.
122
B\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fczeylerde giderek artan kapitalist yabanc\u0131la\u015fma, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sefaletlerini tan\u0131malar\u0131n\u0131 ve adland\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131 giderek zorla\u015ft\u0131rarak onlar\u0131 ya sefaletlerini tamamen reddetme ya da hi\u00e7bir \u015feyi red\u00addetmeme alternatifiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, devrimci \u00f6rg\u00fct art\u0131k yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda yabanc\u0131la\u015fmayla m\u00fccadele edemeyece\u011fini \u00f6\u011frenmek zorundad\u0131r.
123
Proletarya devrimi tamamen \u015fu zorunlulu\u011fa dayan\u0131r: \u0130nsan pra\u00adti\u011finin zek\u00e2s\u0131 olan teori, ilk defa kitleler taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nmak ve ya\u015fanmak zorundad\u0131r. Proletarya devrimi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin diyalektik uz\u00adman\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerini prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irmelerini gerektirir; b\u00f6ylece, burjuva devriminin, kendi g\u00f6revlerini yerine getirme yetkisini verdi\u011fi nitelikli insanlardan talep etti\u011finden daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 niteliksiz insa\u0131\u0131lar’dan talep eder: \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir b\u00f6\u00adl\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn olu\u015fturdu\u011fu k\u0131smi ideolojik bilin\u00e7 temelde ekonomiye, yani bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n zaten iktidarda oldu\u011fu toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n bu \u00f6nemli atam’na dayanmaktayd\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumun, ya\u015fam-d\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 bile g\u00f6steri halinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye kadar varan geli\u015fmesi devrimci tasar\u0131n\u0131n zaten temeldeki halinin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelmesini sa\u011f\u00adlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
124
Devrimci teori art\u0131k her t\u00fcrl\u00fc devrimci ideolojinin d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131d\u0131r ve b\u00f6yle oldu\u011funu bilmektedir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zne ve Temsil Olarak Proletarya | G\u00f6steri Toplumu – Guy Debord<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Herkesin bu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n nimetlerinden ve zevklerinden e\u015fit olarak yararlanma hakk\u0131, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc otoritenin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn ahl\u00e2ki k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n yads\u0131nmas\u0131; i\u015fte meselenin k\u00f6k\u00fcne inildi\u011finde 18 Mart ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n ve bu ayaklanmaya bir ordu sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f olan korkun\u00e7 ortakl\u0131k belgesinin varl\u0131k nedeni budur.18 Mart ayaklanmas\u0131 ile ilgili meclis ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u013173Mevcut ko\u015fullan ortadan kald\u0131ran ger\u00e7ek hareket, burjuvazinin ekonomideki zaferinden itibaren ve g\u00f6zle […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[103],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-6947","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-felsefe-genel"},"yoast_head":"\n\u00d6zne ve Temsil Olarak Proletarya | G\u00f6steri Toplumu - 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