{"id":7122,"date":"2018-08-07T14:42:15","date_gmt":"2018-08-07T11:42:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2018\/08\/07\/fasizmin-olusum-ve-gelisiminin-genel-sartlari-angelo-tasca\/"},"modified":"2024-04-27T11:25:22","modified_gmt":"2024-04-27T08:25:22","slug":"fasizmin-olusum-ve-gelisiminin-genel-sartlari-angelo-tasca","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/08\/07\/fasizmin-olusum-ve-gelisiminin-genel-sartlari-angelo-tasca\/","title":{"rendered":"Fa\u015fizmin Olu\u015fum ve Geli\u015fiminin Genel \u015eartlar\u0131 | Angelo Tasca"},"content":{"rendered":"![\"\"](\"http:\/\/narteks.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/Angelo_Tasca-1-150x150.jpg\")
Fa\u015fizm bir diktad\u0131r. Bu olguya her fa\u015fizm tan\u0131m\u0131nda rastla\u00adyabiliriz. Gelgelelim, bu dikta olgusu d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ara\u00ads\u0131nda bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f birli\u011fi sa\u011flanabilmi\u015f de\u011fildir. Kimi sermayenin \u201c\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki dikta\u2019s\u0131\u201d, kimiyse \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin\u201d ya da \u201cfinans kapitalin diktas\u0131\u201d diye tan\u0131ml\u0131yor fa\u015fizmi. Bir ba\u015f\u00adkas\u0131, \u201cfinans kapitalin en gerici, en \u015fovenist ve en emperyalist unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n ter\u00f6rist diktas\u0131\u201d derken bir d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc \u201c\u00eekiy\u00fcz ai\u00adlenin diktas\u0131\u201d diyor fa\u015fizme. Hatta kimi zaman, fa\u015fizmin, Mussolini’nin veya Hitler\u2019in ki\u015fisel diktas\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 da g\u00f6zleniyor ve s\u00f6zgelimi “Italyan fa\u015fizmi Mussolini’dir\u201d gibi.<\/p>\n
Bu tan\u0131mlar\u0131n herbirinde az veya \u00e7ok ger\u00e7eklik pay\u0131 var. Ama hi\u00e7biri de, oldu\u011fu gibi, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle benimsenemez. Biz de, en do\u011frusu oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131yla yeni bir tan\u0131m\u0131, her duruma uyan kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 bir form\u00fcl\u00fc ortaya atmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131naca\u011f\u0131z. Fa\u015fizmi ta\u00adn\u0131mlamak demek, bizim i\u00e7in, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce onun tarihini yazmak demektir. Ger\u00e7ek bir fa\u015fizm teorisi, ancak fa\u015fizmin b\u00fc\u00adt\u00fcn \u015fekillerinin \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc ya da a\u00e7\u0131k olan\u0131n\u0131n, ba\u015far\u0131ya veya ba\u015fa\u00adr\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011frayan\u0131n\u0131n ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 suretiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizmin birden fazla t\u00fcr\u00fc vard\u0131r ve herbiri \u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fik hatta \u00e7eli\u015fik e\u011filimler g\u00f6sterir. Fa\u015fizmi tan\u0131mlamak demek, onu bu daima geli\u015fen e\u011filimler i\u00e7erisinde saptamak, onun belir\u00adli bir \u00fclkedeki ve belirli bir zamandaki ay\u0131rdedici \u00f6zelliklerini yakalamak demektir. Yoksa fa\u015fizmin niteliklerini aray\u0131p bul\u00admak bir ba\u015f\u0131na yetmez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizm, toplu bir durumun sonu\u00adcudur ve bu toplu durumdan ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez. Mesela, i\u015f\u00e7i partilerinin hatal\u0131 tutumu da, t\u0131pk\u0131 fa\u015fizm kavram\u0131n\u0131n h\u00e2kim s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u00e7a \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi fa\u015fizmin tan\u0131m\u0131na dahil edilmelidir.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm bir sava\u015f sonras\u0131 olu\u015fumdur ve onu Bonapartizm gibi tarihi paraleller \u00e7izerek tan\u0131mlama \u00e7abalar\u0131 k\u0131s\u0131r kalmaya ve yan\u0131lg\u0131lara s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmeye mahk\u00fbmdur.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin d\u00f6lyata\u011f\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015f olan genel \u015fartlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u00adda ekonomik kriz gelir. Ekonomik kriz olmadan fa\u015fizm olmaz. \u015eu var ki burada s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen ekonomik kriz, genel anlamda bir ekonomik kriz de\u011fil, 1914-1918 sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda d\u00fcnyaya s\u00fc\u00adrekli bi\u00e7imde yerle\u015fen bir ekonomik krizdir.<\/p>\n
Birinci d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131, ard\u0131nda, ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 kat kat a\u015fan bir sa\u00adnayi ayg\u0131t\u0131 ve \u00fcretimin \u00e7e\u015fitli sekt\u00f6rleri aras\u0131nda \u00f6zellikle kitle\u00adlerin sat\u0131nalma g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn gerilemesiyle artan bir dengesizlik b\u0131\u00adrakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u015fte bu sebeple, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, \u00fcretim fazlas\u0131 ile darl\u0131k, enflasyon \u0130le durgunluk bir arada bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu kriz, her \u015feyi silip s\u00fcp\u00fcren ve ekonomiyi daha y\u00fcksek bir \u00fcretim ve t\u00fc\u00adketim seviyesine \u00e7\u0131karan kl\u00e2sik anlamdaki kriz de\u011fildir art\u0131k.<\/p>\n
Periyodik krizler, yerlerini \u201c\u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 gel gitlerle kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k kronik durgunluklara, itibar\u00ee k\u0131sa toparlanmalar ile itibar\u00ee (izafi) uzun bunal\u0131mlar\u0131n k\u00f6\u015fe kapmacas\u0131na\u201d b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Engels’in yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l \u00f6ncesinden kestirdi\u011fi bir olu\u015fumdur bu. i\u00e7 pazar imk\u00e2nlar\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 krizlerin daha sallant\u0131l\u0131 karakter ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131k\u00adlar\u0131 A.B.D.\u2019nde bile, miktar\u0131 bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc azalmayan milyonlarca i\u015fsizin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da yepyeni bir tipte krizin s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. A.B.D. ve B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir i\u00e7 pa\u00adzara sahip bulunmayan \u00fclkelerde, bu krizler, \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu olma\u00adyan krizler \u015feklinde belirmekteler.<\/p>\n
Bu \u00f6zel \u015fartlar alt\u0131nda, ekonomik huzursuzluk, birtak\u0131m a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i istemleri ve \u201cg\u00fcne\u015fte bir yer bulma\u201d efsaneleri\u00adni davet eder. Bir yanda mill\u00ee ekonomiye \u00f6ncelik, a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k veril\u00admesi ve bununla beraber, bu ekonominin yapay ve asalak nite\u00adliklerinin keskinle\u015ftirilmesi istenirken, \u00f6te yanda, bu k\u0131s\u0131r d\u00f6n\u00adg\u00fcy\u00fc k\u0131r\u0131p \u00fclke s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yolu aranmaya ba\u015flan\u0131r. \u0130tici, geli\u015ftirici g\u00fc\u00e7lerini geni\u015f \u00d6l\u00e7\u00fcde yitirmi\u015f olan kapitalist ekonomi, art\u0131k bunal\u0131m ve refah aras\u0131nda de\u011fil de kendi ya\u011f\u0131yla kavrulma (otorsi) zorunlulu\u011fu ile sava\u015f zorunlu\u00adlu\u011fu aras\u0131nda bocalar durur.2<\/p>\n
Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda, bu ekonomik krize ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcl\u00adkelerde sosyal sars\u0131nt\u0131lar meydana geldi. Yaln\u0131z yeni sava\u015f zenginlerinin kat\u0131lmas\u0131yla de\u011fil, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda geleneksel kapitalist \u00e7evrelerin k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fimi \u0130le de yepyeni bir burjuvazi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Hemen hemen b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015fletmeciler, ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc k\u00e2rlara al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flar, ortalama maliyete ili\u015fkin kesin bilgilerini yitirmi\u015fler ve serbest rekabete s\u0131rt \u00e7evirmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n
Hemen hemen her yerde, kapitalistler, devletin do\u011frudan deste\u011fi ve yard\u0131m\u0131 olmad\u0131k\u00e7a i\u015flerini y\u00fcr\u00fctemeyeceklerini kav\u00adram\u0131\u015flard\u0131r art\u0131k. Devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn ara\u00e7lar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kmak, onlar i\u00e7in bir hayat memat sorunu olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
\u00d6te yandan, sava\u015f, halk kitlelerini harekete ge\u00e7irmi\u015f, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nem ise bu hareketi b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015ftir, i\u015f\u00e7i partilerinin ve sendikalar\u0131n kadrolar\u0131 milyonlarca taraftar\u0131n bas\u00adk\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131na girmi\u015ftir. Bu kadrolar de\u011fi\u015fmez, esnemez nitelik ta\u00ad\u015f\u0131mamakta ve her \u201cmaddi\u201d, bir \u201ccezir\u201d izlemektedir. Gelenek\u00adsel kadrolar\u0131n geli\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen, bir s\u00fcr\u00fc kaypak ve karars\u0131z unsur d\u0131\u015fta kalm\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6nlere bir \u00e7\u0131\u011f gibi akma e\u011filimi g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
Bu kitleler i\u00e7in \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u201d deyiminin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 gele\u00adnektendir. Ne var ki s\u00f6zkonusu orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, kapitalizmin kl\u00e2sik d\u00f6nemindeki s\u0131n\u0131flard\u0131r, yoksa, her krizin ard\u0131ndan ya \u00fcretimin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla ya da proletaryan\u0131n yenilenip geni\u015flemesiyle emilen orta s\u0131n\u0131flar de\u011fildir. Sava\u015f sonras\u0131n\u0131n orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131, ar\u00adt\u0131k proleterle\u015fme umudunu bile yitirmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131flard\u0131r. Ekonomik kriz, onlar\u0131n burjuvala\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nledi\u011fi gibi proleterle\u015fmesini de engellemektedir.<\/p>\n
B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yollar\u0131n\u0131n t\u0131kand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn partilerce bir yana itilen bu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuvazi, \u0130talya’da ve de ba\u015fka yerlerde fa\u015fizme \u00f6nemli katk\u0131larda bulunmu\u015ftur. Asl\u0131nda, \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131f\u2019 kavram\u0131, daha geni\u015f bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede, bir i\u015f ve miras\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bekle\u00adyen iyi aile \u00e7ocu\u011fundan ve \u201cdemi soIde\u201ddan L\u00fcmpen proleteri\u00adne, grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131na ve i\u015fsiz, g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz entelekt\u00fcele var\u0131ncaya kadar b\u00fct\u00fcn asalak y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 da kucaklar. Bu orta s\u0131n\u0131f, kendilerini i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7iden \u00e7ok i\u015fsiz ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren ve duygusal y\u00f6nden s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u0131ndan kopup d\u00fc\u015fman saflar\u0131na ge\u00e7en i\u015f\u00e7ileri de kapsar.<\/p>\n
Halk\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli kesimleri, sava\u015ftan sonra, \u00e7ok geni\u015f talepler\u00adle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Oysa sava\u015f ve onun sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, \u00fczerinde tasarruf edebilecek kaynaktan kurutmu\u015ftur. Bu kaynaklar\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131- r\u0131lmas\u0131 e\u011filimi onlar\u0131n daha iyi bir \u015fekilde da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131 e\u011filimine a\u011f\u0131r basar. B\u00f6ylelikle, ortaya iktidar problemi \u00e7\u0131kar. Bu alanda fa\u015fizmin haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7 fakt\u00f6r bir araya gelir. S\u0131n\u0131f kavga\u00ads\u0131n\u0131n keskinle\u015fmesi, bu kavgan\u0131n giderek siyasal karakter ka\u00adzanmas\u0131 ve kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya bulunan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin aras\u0131nda nisbi bir denge mevcut olmas\u0131. \u0130lk iki fakt\u00f6r\u00fc varsayarak, \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli son fakt\u00f6r \u00fczerinde dural\u0131m.<\/p>\n
Kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya duran g\u00fc\u00e7lerin dengesi, birle\u015fimlerinin for\u00adm\u00fcl\u00fc ister \u201cmill\u00ee birlik\u201d, ister \u201csolcular karteli\u201d ister \u201csosyal- demokrat \u00e7o\u011funluk\u201d olsun, h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri felce u\u011frat\u0131r. Bu denge, uzunca bir s\u00fcre varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korudu\u011fu, daha y\u00fcksek bir form\u00fcle d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011fi takdirde, hedefsiz, ba\u015f\u0131bo\u015f de\u011fi\u015fimlere a\u00e7\u0131k olur. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimlerde de tehdit alt\u0131ndaki imtiyazlar\u0131n\u0131 korun\u00admas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ve krizin k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131p harekete ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n umutlar\u0131 sakl\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 legal yollar\u0131 terketmekten vazge\u00ad\u00e7ince, devlet i\u00e7inde devlete kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u201cikinci g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d yaratma e\u011fili\u00admini g\u00f6sterir. Burjuvazi ise, bu s\u0131rada, yerine g\u00f6re, ya devletin reaksiyoner d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcne ya da fa\u015fist iktidara bel ba\u011flar.<\/p>\n
Nihayet, fa\u015fizmin genel \u015fartlar\u0131na belirli bir \u201ciklimin\u201d varl\u0131\u00ad\u011f\u0131 da eklenmek gerekir. Fa\u015fizm, zaferden \u00f6nce de, zaferden sonra da, belirli bir sarho\u015fluk ve heyecan atmosferine muhta\u00e7\u00adt\u0131r. Liderleri ve onun su\u00e7 ortaklan b\u00f6yle bir iklimi, ellerinden gelen b\u00fct\u00fcn olanaklar\u0131 seferber ederek yaratmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Bu atmosferde, reaksiyonlar \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fczle\u015fir. Ruhsal \u201c\u015fok\u201d, belirli nevrotikler i\u00e7in uyu\u015fturucu maddenin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olu\u015fu gibi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olur. Sarho\u015fluk, ola\u011fan durum halini al\u0131r ve deh\u015fet verici bir \u00f6zerklik kazan\u0131r. \u015eimdi, fa\u015fizm basit bir sava\u015f psiko\u00adzuna indirgenemez; fa\u015fizm, bunun \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde sosyal patoloji\u00adnin en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 ve en fazla huzur ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 tezah\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizme en \u00f6nemli katk\u0131y\u0131 sava\u015f sonras\u0131n\u0131n orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledik. Pekiyi ama fa\u015fizmi sadece kar\u015f\u0131 – devrimin kendi ama\u00e7lar\u0131na \u00e2let etti\u011fi bir \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131f ha\u00adreketi\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlamak yerinde olur mu ki? B\u00f6yle bir tan\u0131m \u00f6nemli bir ger\u00e7ek pay\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r, ama yine de tek ba\u015f\u0131na yeterince a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 olamaz ve benimsenemez.<\/p>\n
Bir hareketin sosyal muhtevas\u0131, s\u0131rf bu hareketin sosyal ta\u00adban\u0131 ile belirlenemez. Her ne kadar fa\u015fizm \u00e7okluk orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u00addan beslenmi\u015fse de, onu tarihte as\u0131l belirleyen fakt\u00f6r, i\u015f\u00e7i parti\u00adlerini ve sendikalar\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu andan ba\u015flayarak, fa\u00ad\u015fizm, program\u0131 ve taraftarlar\u0131 nas\u0131l olursa olsun, kapitalizmle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fir. \u00ee\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131, iktidar\u0131n ya\u00adp\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6k\u00fcnden de\u011fi\u015ftirir. Fa\u015fizm, istedi\u011fi kadar \u201csermaye ile emek aras\u0131nda bir hakemlik\u201d yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etsin, asl\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u00adped\u00fcz sermayenin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 korur, emekten yana \u00f6rg\u00fctleri etki\u00adsizle\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin kendi saflar\u0131na \u00e7ekti\u011fi orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, \u00f6zellikle \u015fehir n\u00fcfusunun orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131d\u0131r. 1919 Temmuzunda Mussolini, sa\u00addece \u201cfa\u015fizmin bir az\u0131nl\u0131k hareketi\u201d olarak kalmaya mahk\u00fbm bulundu\u011funu itiraf etmekle yetinmemi\u015f, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda fa\u00ad\u015fizmin \u015fehir d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda taraftar kazanam\u00e2yaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da kabul et\u00admi\u015fti. \u0130talyan fa\u015fizminin kendisini ancak 1921\u2019den sonra \u201cRu- rali\u201dnin kendi saflar\u0131na kat\u0131lmas\u0131 ile kabul ettirdi\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ek\u00adtir. \u015eu var ki fa\u015fist \u201csquadre\u201dnin \u00d6nderleri en ba\u015fta \u015fehir orta bu\u0131juvazisinin unsurlar\u0131 veya \u015fehirde ya\u015fay\u0131p sava\u015ftan d\u00f6n\u00add\u00fckten sonra basit bir \u201cCincinnatus\u201d rol\u00fc oynamay\u0131 istemeyen subaylarla \u00f6\u011frencilerden olu\u015fmaktayd\u0131. \u0130ktidara g\u00f6t\u00fcren yolda\u00adki ilk ad\u0131m olarak, k\u00f6ylerinde \u00f6nder olmaktansa \u015fehirleri fet\u00adhetmeyi tercih ediyorlard\u0131. Nitekim, fa\u015fizmin zaferi Po ovas\u0131n\u00adda ve k\u00f6yl\u00fck alanlarda kotar\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f, Milano\u2019da ve Roma\u2019da kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015fehir, her zaman oldu\u011fu gibi, belirleyici g\u00f6revini korumu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizme kat\u0131lan orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, genellikle hi\u00e7bir ekonomik te\u00admele ba\u011fl\u0131 olmayan ki\u015filerden olu\u015fur. Buysa, onlann fa\u015fizm taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kadrolar i\u00e7erisinde eriyip fa\u015fizmle b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00adle\u015fmelerini kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Fransa\u2019da k\u00f6yl\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 tav\u0131r al\u0131\u015f\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. Ekonomik temeli, yani sahip bulundu\u011fu ve i\u015fledi\u011fi bir par\u00e7ac\u0131k topra\u011f\u0131 tehdit edilmedik\u00e7e de bu direni\u015fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecektir. Balkanlarda da b\u00fct\u00fcn otoriter re\u00adjimler, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu muhalefet partilerini ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 amans\u0131z bir sava\u015f vermek zorunda kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.3 B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00fclkelerde sava\u015f sonras\u0131 toprak reformlar\u0131, ortaya bir s\u00fcr\u00fc toprak sahibi \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f, bunlarsa, yenik d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fckten sonra bile fa\u00ad\u015fizme d\u00fc\u015fman kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, b\u00f6yle bir reformun hi\u00e7 yay\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da ge\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fi \u0130talya, Almanya ve Ispanya’da, bu olgu, fa\u015fizmin ba\u015far\u0131 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca ne\u00addenlerinden biri olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
\u015eunu da ekleyelim ki, fa\u015fizmi, sahneye \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda devrimci bir hareket olarak ortaya koyup, onun sonradan, h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n etkileri, bask\u0131lar\u0131 alt\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131 – devrimci bir hareke\u00adte d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc sanmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece ilk ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 – devrimci g\u00fc\u00e7ler taraf\u0131ndan desteklenmesinden ve etkilenmesin\u00adden \u00d6t\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda m\u00fcdahalesinin siyasal ve sosyal g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesini bozmas\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden de kar\u015f\u0131 – devrimci bir harekettir fa\u015fizm.4<\/p>\n
Bunun \u00f6tesinde, fa\u015fist geli\u015fim ile h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n siyas\u00ee ve ekonomik h\u00fccumu genel bir olu\u015fumdur. \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi, belir\u00adleyici rol\u00fcn\u00fc, ancak 1921\u2019de, yani k\u00f6leli\u011fin Po ovas\u0131nda, Toska- na’da ve Apulya\u2019da harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011fi ve sanayicilerin i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccret\u00adleriyle toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerine kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7ti\u011fi tarihte oynama\u011fa ba\u015flar. Bunun gibi, 1923 y\u0131l\u0131nda daha bir embriyon durumunda olan nasyonal sosyalizm de, 1928\/29 y\u0131llar\u0131nda yani sanayinin \u00fccretlere kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetin deflasyon politikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda geli\u015fmeye ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n
Siyas\u00ee alanda, Mussolini\u2019nin 1922 sonras\u0131 hareketi de, sosyalistlerin iktidara kat\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Corrjere de la Sera liberalleri, Giomale d’Italia muhafazak\u00e2rlar\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahipleri ve Vatikan ile yak\u0131ndan ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Sonradan Hitler de, 1930’da b\u00fcy\u00fck koalisyonun da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve sosyalistlerin Prusya h\u00fck\u00fcmetinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131 talebedecekti.<\/p>\n
Orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, \u0130talya\u2019da, 1919\/20 y\u0131llar\u0131n\u0131n halk hareketine belirli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcler i\u00e7erisinde kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Ne var ki, sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu bulmadaki g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, onlar\u0131 bu ha\u00adreketten b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn uzakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Bu gerisin geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fte, \u201cProleterya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir dozda kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ol\u00admas\u0131n\u0131n da rol\u00fc vard\u0131r. Sosyalist hareket y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, \u00f6n yarg\u0131lar\u0131 ve hayalleri tehdit edilen orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, y\u00fczlerini fa\u015fiz\u00adme d\u00f6nd\u00fcrd\u00fcler, onlar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 nefreti yeniden k\u00f6r\u00fck\u00adlendi ve bir yandan i\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015filen vah\u015fi sald\u0131r\u0131larda, \u00f6te yandan da \u00d6zerklik taleplerinde ve hatta kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc- bir idealizmde tezah\u00fcr etti. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva idealizmi, hakim s\u0131n\u0131fla\u00adr\u0131n m\u00fccadelesine az katk\u0131da bulunmu\u015f de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu idea\u00adlizm ve kullan\u0131lan yeni dil sayesindedir ki, h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar kitle\u00adlerle kopmu\u015f olan ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 ve kitleler \u00fczerinde zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f kontrollerini yeniden sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rabildiler.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde son derece etkili kitle metodlar\u0131ndan yararlanabilmi\u015f bir kar\u015f\u0131-devrim hareketidir.5 M\u00fc\u00adcadelesini has\u0131rc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n etki alanlar\u0131na kayd\u0131rmaya ve bas\u0131mla\u00adr\u0131n\u0131n kitleler \u00fczerindeki etkilerini bertaraf etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. De\u00admagojik form\u00fclleri ve hatta sosyalist terminolojiyi kullanmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni i\u015fte budur. Mussolini\u2019nin gazetesi uzun bir s\u00fcre \u201cSosyalist G\u00fcnl\u00fck Gazete\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015f ve Hitler\u2019in partisi de kendisini \u201cnasyonal sosyalist\u201d diye belletmi\u015ftir. Eski siyas\u00ee \u00e7ev\u00adrelerin ayaklar\u0131n\u0131 kayd\u0131ran yeni durumlar yarat\u0131r bu taktik.<\/p>\n
Ama, fa\u015fizmin as\u0131l \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, kitle takti\u011finden veya dema\u00adgojik program\u0131ndan ziyade, onun belirli y\u00f6nleriyle \u00f6zerkle\u015fen fonksiyonunda yatar.6 \u201cBir devletin kendisini bir devrimin program\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil de onun takti\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 savunmak zo\u00adrunda bulunu\u015funu Mussolini sayesinde \u00f6\u011frendim\u201d diyordu Giolitti.7<\/p>\n
Ger\u00e7ekten de, fa\u015fizm, ilkeler u\u011frunda de\u011fil de mevkiler u\u011f\u00adrunda bir sava\u015f y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcr. En g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ara\u00e7lar\u0131 da, iktidar devir ve teslim al\u0131nmadan bir \u201cvak\u0131a\u201d say\u0131lamayacak olan oldu bitliler\u00addir. Ancak iktidar ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ile, fa\u015fizm, b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7e\u00adli\u015fkileri a\u015fabilir ve bir kere ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 tempoyu koruyabilir. Top\u00adlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ganimetlerle binbir \u00e7e\u015fit istekleri tatmin edebilir. Zaferin prestiji ile taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rabilir, devletin g\u00fcc\u00fc ile has\u0131mlann\u0131 boyunduruk alt\u0131na alabilir. \u201cH\u00fck\u00fcmet darbesinin tekni\u011fi\u201d kitab\u0131nda fa\u015fist yazar Curzio Malaparte, Roma y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u00ad\u015f\u00fcne denk d\u00fc\u015fen \u0130talya’daki krizi \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: \u201cFa\u015fistleri mill\u00ee bloka kat\u0131lmaya te\u015fvikte ve Mussolini’yi anavatan\u0131n kur\u00adtar\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 Pantheon’una yerle\u015ftirmede o kadar acele eden libe\u00adraller, demokratlar ve muhafazak\u00e2rlar, Mussolini’nin amac\u0131n\u0131n \u0130talya’y\u0131 resm\u00ee gelene\u011fe g\u00f6re kurtarmak olmay\u0131p, 1919’un prog\u00adram\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha ciddi bir program \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde do\u011frudan do\u011fruya devlet iktidar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kmak oldu\u011funu kavramaya bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc yana\u015fm\u0131yorlard\u0131.\u201d8<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015fte \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin ve \u00f6zellikle militarist bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn fa\u00ad\u015fizmde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli rol\u00fcn sebebi de bu olguda yatar. Her \u00e7e\u015fit fa\u015fizm, sil\u00e2hl\u0131 bir \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc beraberinde getirir. Sil\u00e2hl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct olmaks\u0131z\u0131n fa\u015fizm de olmaz. Bu, her fa\u015fistin sil\u00e2hland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu ya da fa\u015fist hareketin her zaman do\u011frudan do\u011fruya sil\u00e2h depolar\u0131 veya cephaneler \u00fczerinde tasarruf etti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Fa\u015fist \u00f6rg\u00fct, kadrolar\u0131nda ve disiplininde, toplant\u0131lar\u0131nda ve e\u011fitiminde militaristtir. B\u00fct\u00fcn fa\u015fistler de, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme\u00adnin bu bi\u00e7iminin iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmenin zorunlu ve elveri\u015fli ge\u00adreci oldu\u011funa inan\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm, \u00f6nce kendini bir antiparti olarak tan\u0131tmakla i\u015fe ba\u015flar, arkadan da bir siyasal parti olu\u015fturmaya koyulur. Bu ge\u00adli\u015fime ra\u011fmen, asker\u00ee \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fclkelerde, fa\u00ad\u015fizmin en \u00f6nemli niteliklerinden biri olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. Mussolini 1921 aral\u0131\u011f\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn partiyi \u201csquadre d’azione\u201dye kaydettirebiliyor; de la Rocque da 1936 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u201cSquadre d’azi- one\u201dyi bir siyasal partiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrebiliyordu. De\u011fi\u015fmeyen ama\u00e7, askeri \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc, onu maskelemek suretiyle alakoymakt\u0131. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fct fa\u015fizmin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc belirler.<\/p>\n
Peki ama o halde fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele her \u015feyden \u00f6nce bir asker\u00ee m\u00fccadele olmayacak m\u0131d\u0131r? Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz, bu m\u00fcca\u00addele bir iktidar sorunudur. Ama e\u011fer ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir politika, daya\u00adnaca\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flam ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir iktidara muhta\u00e7sa, bu iktidar ancak iyi bir politika sayesinde yarat\u0131labilir. Asker\u00ee \u00d6rg\u00fctlenmeyi iste\u00addi\u011finiz kadar geli\u015ftiriniz, e\u011fer siyasal-asker\u00ee iktidar, \u00f6rg\u00fct d\u0131\u00ad\u015f\u0131nda kalan kitlelerden tecrit olursa, onun gelece\u011fi umutsuzla\u015f\u0131r, karar\u0131r. Bu ger\u00e7ek, 1921 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda \u0130talya\u2019daki fa\u00ad\u015fist squadre i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011fu gibi, 1934 \u015fubat\u0131nda Avustur\u00adya’daki sosyalist Himaye Birli\u011fi i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Ger\u00e7ekten de, Mussolini ve Hitler\u2019in ba\u015far\u0131lan her \u015feyden \u00f6nce siyas\u00ee planda kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. (1922 Ekimindeki Facta krizi, 1933\u2019deki Schleicher krizi.)<\/p>\n
\u015eimdi, antifa\u015fist hareket, en ba\u015fta geni\u015f halk kitleleriyle, \u00fcl\u00adkenin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ile s\u00fcrekli ve etkili bir ba\u011flant\u0131 kurma ve devletle olan ili\u015fkisini d\u00fczenleme problemiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131r. Olabilir ki belirli bir durumda, h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131\u00adn\u0131n fa\u015fizmle tamamen i\u00e7i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mesi sonucunda, do\u011frudan do\u011f\u00adruya devrimci sava\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6rmekten ya da fa\u015fist diktaya katlan\u00admaktan ba\u015fka yol kalmaz. Ama b\u00f6yle bir durumda bile Bol\u015fevizm veya fa\u015fizm \u201cyanl\u0131\u015f ikilemi\u201dne d\u00fc\u015fmenin bir gere\u011fi yok\u00adtur. B\u00f6yle bir ikilem i\u00e7inde antifa\u015fist hareket, alabildi\u011fine ge\u00adni\u015fletilmeye en fazla muhta\u00e7 oldu\u011fu bir anda daralt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olur.<\/p>\n
\u015eimdiye kadar ge\u00e7irilmi\u015f tecr\u00fcbeler (\u0130talya, Bulgaristan, Al\u00admanya, Avusturya) \u015fu hususu ispatlamaktad\u0131r ki, devlet ile fa\u00ad\u015fizmin birle\u015fti\u011fi durum, ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilecek en k\u00f6t\u00fc durumdur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kendisine b\u00f6yle bir durumun empoze edilmesini, fa\u00ad\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7inde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan her \u00e7areye ba\u015f vurarak engellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, halk kitleleriyle birlikte, fa\u015fizmi devletten tecrit etmede, devleti fa\u015fizmin hizmetine sokabilecek etkilere ve ent\u00adrikalara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmede yo\u011fun \u00e7aba g\u00f6stermelidir. Fa\u00ad\u015fizm, devlet olmadan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapamaz. Hele devlete kar\u015f\u0131 hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapamaz. \u00d6te yandan, antifa\u015fizm, m\u00fccadelesini ayn\u0131 anda hem devlete hem de fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmek zorunda ka\u00adl\u0131rsa, hedefine \u00e7ok zor ula\u015f\u0131r. 1921’de \u201csava\u015f proleter dikta ile fa\u015fist dikta aras\u0131nda cereyan eder\u201d diyen \u0130talyan kom\u00fcnistleri ve 1932’de m\u00fccadeleyi Weimar’a ve Potsdam\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 iki cephe\u00adde birden a\u00e7an Alman Kom\u00fcnistleri, sonu\u00e7ta ne fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 ne de devlete kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele edememi\u015f ve h\u00fcsrana u\u011fram\u0131\u015f\u00adlard\u0131r. Antifa\u015fist m\u00fccadele \u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir m\u00fccadeledir: Alabildi\u011fine geni\u015f tutulmas\u0131 gerekli bir antifa\u015fist cephe, elden geldi\u011fince et\u00adkisiz k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekli fa\u015fist blok ve nihayet t\u00fcm ara\u00e7lar\u0131 de\u00admokrasinin korunmas\u0131 i\u00e7in seferber edilmesi gerekli devlet.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin yenilip \u00e7\u00f6kertilmesi ancak bu \u00fc\u00e7 unsura de\u011fer ve\u00adren ve bu unsurlar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7lerin demokrasiden yana a\u011f\u0131r bas\u00admas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak bi\u00e7imde d\u00fczene koymay\u0131, s\u0131raya koymay\u0131 ba\u015faran bir politik streteji ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olur.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin mahiyetine ili\u015fkin tahlili geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in, onun mill\u00ee ve milletleraras\u0131 alandaki birbirleriyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131\u00adna dikkat etmelidir. Fa\u015fizmin yerle\u015fti\u011fi yerde, b\u00fct\u00fcn sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 beraberinde getiren en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7, halk\u0131n siyas\u00ee eyleme kat\u0131l\u00admaktan uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r. Anayasa reformlar, parlamentonun bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131, rejimin totaliter karakteri, bir ba\u015flar\u0131na de\u011fil, fakat ancak ama\u00e7lar\u0131 ve sonu\u00e7lan ile olan ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde de\u011ferlendirilebilir. Fa\u015fizm, herhangi bir siyas\u00ee reji\u00admin yerini alan bir siyas\u00ee rejim de\u011fildir. Fa\u015fizmde siyas\u00ee hayat devletin tekeline giren bir fonksiyon olur ve b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn ortadan kalkar.<\/p>\n
Form\u00fcller y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte kal\u0131r, eskidik\u00e7e yenilenir. Ama halk b\u00fct\u00fcn olup bitenlerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda pasif seyircidir. E\u011fer mevcutsa, sendikalar ve partiler bile \u201cher \u015feye muktedir\u201d devlete tabi ara\u00e7lar olmaktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7emezler. Onlar, devletin \u00e2leti olurlar ve gere\u00e7le\u015ftirilirler; ikinci dereceden araca, arac\u0131n arac\u0131na d\u00f6\u00adn\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrler. Kuramlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00f6zerkli\u011fi kay\u00adboldu\u011fu i\u00e7in, halk istenen kal\u0131ba sokulabilecek bir madde olur; direnci ve hareketlili\u011fi tepeden denetlenip yola sokulur. Ger\u00e7i halk birtak\u0131m g\u00f6sterilere kat\u0131l\u0131r ve hatta s\u00fcrekli bir alarm ve ge\u00adrilim havas\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde tutulur. Ama bu, asl\u0131nda halk\u0131 duyars\u0131z\u00adla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n, pasifle\u015ftirmenin bir tekni\u011fi olmaktan ba\u015fkaca bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Halka bilin\u00e7li bir siyasal ya\u015fam asla ya\u015fat\u0131lmaz.<\/p>\n
B\u00f6yle bir sistemde art\u0131k Italyan kom\u00fcnistlerince y\u0131llar y\u0131l\u0131 beslenmi\u015f o inanca, fa\u015fizmin demokratik hayalleri imha etmek suretiyle, son tahlilde bir ilerlemeye yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayaline yer ola\u00admaz. \u0130talya kom\u00fcnistleri May\u0131s 1922’de \u015f\u00f6yle diyorlard\u0131: \u201cGer\u00ad\u00e7i beyaz kar\u015f\u0131-devrimin haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131z hasm\u0131 \u00fczerinde y\u00fczeysel zaferler kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011frudur. Ama ayn\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131-devrim demokra\u00adtik ve liberal hayalleri de \u00e7\u00f6kerterek sosyal demokrasinin kitle\u00adler \u00fczerindeki etkisini de silmektedir. \u201cOcak 1934’de kom\u00fcnist enternasyonalin Almanya meselesine ili\u015fkin bir ba\u015fkanl\u0131k kara\u00adr\u0131nda da \u015f\u00f6yle denmekteydi. \u201cA\u00e7\u0131k fa\u015fist diktan\u0131n kurulmas\u0131, kitlelerin demokratik hayallerini bertaraf ve kitleleri sosyal de\u00admokrasinin etkisinden kurtard\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Almanya’n\u0131n proleterya devrimine giden yolunu da k\u0131salt\u0131r.\u201d<\/p>\n
Buras\u0131, Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonalin bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc vazge\u00e7medi\u011fi bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n esasl\u0131 bir ele\u015ftirisini yapman\u0131n yeri de\u011fildir. Ancak \u015fu kadar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyebiliriz ki, fa\u015fizm, sadece demokratik hayal\u00adleri bertaraf etmekle kalmaz. Ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7epe\u00e7evre ku\u015fatt\u0131\u00ad\u011f\u0131 as\u0131l devrim \u00e7ekirde\u011fini de, yani sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini de bertaraf eder. Fa\u015fizm i\u00e7in, \u201cbitirilmi\u015f ama \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc engelleyeme\u00admi\u015f bir ameliyat\u201d i\u00e7in s\u00f6ylenen s\u00f6zlerin e\u015fi s\u00f6ylenebilir: Hasta ameliyat\u0131n sonunu ya\u015fayamam\u0131\u015f ve bu sayede b\u00fct\u00fcn hayalle\u00adrinden kurtulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm, halk\u0131 basit bir \u201calet\u201d derekesine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrerek milleti bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131r. Rejimin bu y\u00f6n\u00fc, fa\u015fizmin \u201cdozu ka\u00e7m\u0131\u015f mil\u00adliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d perdesi arkas\u0131nda gizli kal\u0131r, kolayca g\u00f6zden uzakla\u00ad\u015f\u0131r. Uluslar\u0131n peygamberi Mazzini taraf\u0131ndan 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda \u201cserbest, \u00f6zg\u00fcr bir halk olmaks\u0131z\u0131n millet olamaz form\u00fcl\u00fcnde y\u00fccele\u015ftirilen mill\u00ee bilincin yerini, fa\u015fizmde \u201cdevlet\u201d fikri al\u0131r. Mazzini’ye g\u00f6re, siyas\u00ee h\u00fcrriyetin ve mill\u00ee ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kaza\u00adn\u0131lmas\u0131 halk\u0131 bir millet haline getirir. Mill\u00ee bilincin yeniden uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 Avrupa bilincinin olu\u015fumunda zorunlu bir basamakt\u0131r. \u201cGen\u00e7 \u0130talya\u201d ise ancak \u201cGen\u00e7 Avrupa\u201d i\u00e7inde m\u00fckemmelle\u015fe\u00adbilir.<\/p>\n
Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, bizi fa\u015fizmden \u00e7ok uzaklara g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr. Ama ayn\u0131 zamanda bize, fa\u015fizmin sosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini ni\u00e7in yok et\u00admek istedi\u011fini anlat\u0131r.<\/p>\n
19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n bitiminden beri, hemen hemen her yerde sosya\u00adlizm, kitleleri mill\u00ee hayata katma fonksiyonunu demokrasiden devralm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Kitleler millete ve devlete sosyal alanda fiilen da\u00adhil olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te kimi zaman birtak\u0131m s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131larla hatta bunal\u0131mlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ama b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tarih\u00ee olgu olarak, kitlelerin, kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ve umutlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile mill\u00ee hayata kat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 da bir ger\u00e7ektir. Bu andan itibaren de hayat\u0131n ancak bilincin, h\u00fcrriyetin ve rejimin daha y\u00fcksek bir a\u015famas\u0131nda ele al\u0131n\u0131p organize edilebilece\u011fi de a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, fa\u015fizme g\u00f6re ise, halk, sadece sosyalist talepleri kendisine rehber alan bir iktidar h\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131n basit bir \u00e2letidir.<\/p>\n
S\u0131n\u0131flararas\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sloganlar\u0131, gen\u00e7 halklar\u0131n ya\u015f\u00adlanm\u0131\u015f halklara kar\u015f\u0131, yoksul milletlerin varl\u0131kl\u0131 milletlere kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131, proleter milletlerin pl\u00fctokrat milletlere kar\u015f\u0131 sil\u00e2hl\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131\u00adn\u0131n sloganlar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. B\u00f6ylelikle de, her \u201cmilliyet\u00e7i\u201d (Nasyonal) Sosyalizmde, milliyet\u00e7ilik, sosyalizmi ve her fa\u015fist \u201csil\u00e2hlanm\u0131\u015f millet\u201dte ordu, milleti ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde yutar. Fa\u015fizmin otar\u015fiye ve sava\u015fa ayn\u0131 zamanda e\u011filim g\u00f6stermesi\u00adnin sebebi de budur. \u00dcstelik fa\u015fist rejimin s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 ve ekono\u00admik \u00e7eli\u015fkileri bu e\u011filimi daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lendirir. Fa\u015fizm, sadece bir sava\u015f e\u011filimi de\u011fildir. Bu rejim sava\u015f e\u011filiminde ayn\u0131 za\u00admanda do\u011frudan do\u011fruya varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme imk\u00e2nlar\u0131n\u0131 da bulur. \u00c7e\u015fitli \u201czorunluluklar\u201d aras\u0131nda kendisine sava\u015f\u0131 se\u00e7er; zaten se\u00e7mek zorundad\u0131r da. Belirli bir andan sonra, sava\u015f ha\u00adz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131 bir ara\u00e7 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p bir ama\u00e7 halini al\u0131r, \u00fclkenin ekonomik, sosyal ve siyas\u00ee yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve s\u00fcrekli bir \u015fekilde de\u011fi\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm i\u00e7in sava\u015fa haz\u0131rl\u0131k, sadece istenmedi\u011fi halde patlak verebilecek bir sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 birden fazla \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolunu a\u00e7\u0131k tut\u00admak de\u011fildir. Fa\u015fizm i\u00e7in sava\u015fa haz\u0131rl\u0131k, sadece tek bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolunu, sava\u015f yolunu a\u00e7\u0131k tutup \u00f6teki yollar\u0131 b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn t\u0131ka\u00admakt\u0131r. Sava\u015f, fa\u015fizm indinde devletin hesaba katmak zorunda bulundu\u011fu bir ihtimal, ve imk\u00e2n de\u011fil, her \u015feyi kendisine ba\u00ad\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lan bir kesinlik ve zorunluluktur.<\/p>\n
Mussolini 23 Mart 1936’da koprorasyoniar toplant\u0131s\u0131ndaki konu\u015fmas\u0131nda politikas\u0131n\u0131 ve niyetlerini \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle belirtiyor\u00addu:<\/p>\n
\u201c\u0130talya, ban\u015f ve her \u015feyden \u00f6nce sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi i\u00e7in ekono\u00admik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n en y\u00fcksek derecesine ula\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130talyan toplumu bu en \u00f6nemli zorunlulu\u011fa ayak uydurmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130talyan halk\u0131n\u0131n kaderi buna ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u015eimdi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir noktaya parmak basaca\u011f\u0131m: \u0130\u015fte bu zorunlulu\u011fu, fa\u015fizmin gele* ce\u011fi u\u011fruna, \u0130talyan ekonomisinin h\u00fck\u00fcmet pl\u00e2n\u0131 olarak il\u00e2n edece\u011fim. Bu pl\u00e2n tek bir partinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, ulusun sava\u015f deneyinden ge\u00e7mesi \u015fart\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hareket edecektir. Ne zaman? Nas\u0131l? Bunu kimse s\u00f6yleyemez. Ama kaderin \u00e7ark\u0131 h\u0131zl\u0131 d\u00f6ner.\u201d<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fist ekonomi, sava\u015fa y\u00f6nelik pl\u00e2nlanm\u0131\u015f ve kapal\u0131 bir ekonomidir. Maliyetler, rekabet hatta k\u00e2r, art\u0131k bu ekonominin belirleyici fonksiyonu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sava\u015fa haz\u0131rlanma\u00adn\u0131n siyas\u00ee amac\u0131, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ekonomik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceden \u00f6nce gelir. Bundan do\u011fan ekonomik organizasyon da sadece bu siyasal amaca hizmet edebilir. 24 May\u0131s 1934’teki bir s\u00f6ylevinde \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu Mussolini:<\/p>\n
\u201cE\u011fer \u0130talya’da devlet kapitalizmini veya devlet sosyalizmini yerle\u015ftirmek isteseydim, bug\u00fcn bu i\u015fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilmek i\u00e7in zorunlu ve yeterli objektif \u015fartlara sahip bulunurdum.\u201d<\/p>\n
Acaba fa\u015fist ekonominin bir devlet kapitalizmi oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir mi? Teknik belirtilerin ve unsurlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011f\u00admen buna inanm\u0131yorum. Fa\u015fizmde devlet salt ekonominin d\u00fc\u00adzenleyicisi olarak \u00f6zel kapitalistlerin yerini tutamaz; sadece on\u00adlara siyas\u00ee pl\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131 empoze eder.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin zembere\u011fi \u201ck\u00e2r\u201d de\u011fil \u201ciktidar\u201dd\u0131r. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz, g\u00fcn\u00fcn birinde \u201ck\u00e2r\u201d \u201ciktidar\u201dla yeniden birle\u015fecektir. Ama bu iki ama\u00e7 aras\u0131nda tabi\u00ee bir fark ve bir zaman fark\u0131 vard\u0131r. Kapi\u00adtalist s\u0131n\u0131f, bu fark\u0131, ancak zorland\u0131\u011f\u0131 takdirde oldu\u011fu gibi ka\u00adbullenebilir ve a\u015fabilir.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmin ekonomik geli\u015fimi taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen ve ayn\u0131 za\u00admanda bu ekonomik geli\u015fimi doruk noktas\u0131na \u00e7\u0131karmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u00ad\u015fan yeni siyasal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00f6revi i\u015fte budur. Proletarya, bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak, bu yeni sosyal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n tamamen d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sava\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131, i\u015fsizli\u011fi belirli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclerde azaltabilir ve bu arada belirli i\u015f\u00e7i kesimlerine ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar sa\u011flayabilir. Ne var ki, otar\u015fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fama standart\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle feda edilmesi pahas\u0131na olmaktad\u0131r. \u00dcstelik bu haz\u0131rl\u0131k, end\u00fcstrinin, ticaretin ve kredi kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n yo\u011fun bir bi\u00e7imde tekelle\u015fmesini ve de k\u0131rlarda tah\u0131l \u00fcretimi ile s\u0131na\u00ee yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektir\u00addi\u011finden9, \u015fehir orta s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ve k\u0131rsal alanlardaki b\u00fct\u00fcn orta s\u0131n\u0131flar mahvolurlar.<\/p>\n
Artan tekelle\u015fme s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde, narh sistemi ve ba\u015fkaca dev\u00adlet m\u00fcdahaleleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta sanayiciler, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ta\u00adcirler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler giderek silinirler. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u015fehir orta s\u0131\u00adn\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretimde do\u011frudan do\u011fruya bir rol oynamayan kesi\u00admi, rejimden geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yararlan\u0131r ve parsay\u0131 toplamaya kat\u0131\u00adl\u0131r.10 Bu kesim, b\u00fct\u00fcn h\u00fccrelerinden rejime s\u0131z\u0131p girer, parti y\u00f6\u00adnetiminde, orduda, sendikalarda, eski ve yeni devlet kesimlerin\u00adde \u00e7ok say\u0131da mevki i\u015fgal eder ve \u00fclkenin h\u00e2kim siyas\u00ee s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olan muazzam fa\u015fist b\u00fcrokrasinin olu\u015fmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunur. Basite indirgenerek denebilir ki, bu yeni hakim s\u0131n\u0131f, kapitalist lerle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta \u015fehir burjuvazisinin uzla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonu\u00adcudur. Herhalde bile\u015fimi \u00e7ok kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r; i\u00e7inde subaylar ve aristokrasinin mensuplar\u0131 da yer al\u0131r. Ama \u201chomines novi\u201d \u00e7o\u00ad\u011funluktad\u0131r. Onlar, ideolojilerine ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun yolda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ve devletin alabildi\u011fine y\u00fcceltilmesi i\u015fini ger\u00ad\u00e7ekle\u015ftirirler.11 bu yeni h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131f, rejimden hayat bulur, ha\u00adyas\u0131z bir mevki av\u0131na kat\u0131l\u0131r, yeni zenginliklerin istif\u00e7ili\u011fini ya\u00adpar, ya\u011fma eder, vergi al\u0131r, ama ekonomik hayatta fiilen yer al\u00admaz.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fist klik, toprak ve sermaye sahibi olsa bile, en esasl\u0131 geli\u00adrini yine de kendisi i\u00e7in temin etti\u011fi siyasal tekelden ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n kendisi taraf\u0131ndan pompalanan \u015fi\u015fkinli\u011finden dev\u015fi\u00adrir.12<\/p>\n
Otar\u015fi ve sava\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131 bu geli\u015fmenin en elveri\u015fli \u015fart\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131 yarat\u0131r, \u00f6te yandan, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi de otar\u015fiyi ve sava\u015f\u0131 davet eder. \u00dclkenin i\u00e7inde hi\u00e7 kimse de bu \u015feytan\u00ee d\u00f6ng\u00fcy\u00fc k\u0131ramaz.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm, azar azar i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini, halk\u0131, ulusu bertaraf eder. B\u00fct\u00fcn dizginler kopar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r art\u0131k. 1921\/22 y\u0131llar\u0131ndaki fa\u015fist sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n \u0130talyan s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan ac\u0131kl\u0131 bil\u00e2n\u00e7osu budur i\u015fte.<\/p>\n
Halkevlerinin (Case del Popolo) s\u00f6nd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri me\u015faleler, Avrupa’y\u0131 ate\u015fe bo\u011facak bir yang\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Sendikalar\u0131n, kooperatiflerin ve sosyalist gruplar\u0131n lokallerini tahrip eden darbeler, ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni Avrupa’n\u0131n, fa\u015fizm ta\u00adraf\u0131ndan ne pahas\u0131na olursa olsun tahamm\u00fcl edilemez temelleri\u00adni de sarsm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizmde, program, asl\u0131nda siyas\u00ee manevralar\u0131n vas\u0131tas\u0131z ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u015fekillendirilen bir acil \u00e7aredir, bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r. Roma’ya b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f arefesinde ve Schleicher’in istifas\u0131 an\u0131n\u00adda, \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi ile Alman Nasyonal Sosyalizmi, iktidara es\u00adki ve yeni programlan ad\u0131na de\u011fil, fakat d\u00fcped\u00fcz fiilen ele ge\u00ad\u00e7irilmi\u015f iktidar ad\u0131na talip olurlar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilere ve sosyalistlere kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6netilmi\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerini de tutucu \u00e7evreler kendilerine devlet ka\u00adp\u0131lan a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda istismar etmek \u0130sterler.<\/p>\n
\u201cBizim doktrinimiz olgulard\u0131r\u201d diye hayk\u0131r\u0131yordu 1919 Eki\u00adminin fa\u015fist kongresinde Mussolini. Bu form\u00fcl, sadece bir tak\u00adtik fikri a\u00e7\u0131klamaktan ibaret kalmay\u0131p, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya, her \u015feyin \u201c\u0130ktidar h\u0131rs\u0131\u201dna ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn yans\u0131\u00ads\u0131d\u0131r. Ve her \u015feyden \u00f6nce bu noktada, fa\u015fizm ile sosyalizm uz\u00adla\u015fmaz bi\u00e7imde \u00e7eli\u015firler. \u0130nsanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kaderi, bu \u00e7eli\u015fmenin \u00e7\u00f6\u00adz\u00fcm\u00fcne s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00eeki felsefenin uyu\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir bu; ama asl\u0131nda felsefe ile felsefenin ink\u00e2r\u0131 aras\u0131n\u00addaki \u00e7eli\u015fki s\u00f6z konusudur burada.<\/p>\n
Tren kendisini Roma’ya getirdi\u011fi ve burada Kral\u0131n kendine yeni h\u00fck\u00fcmetin kurulmas\u0131 g\u00f6revini vermeyi tasarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131rada Mussolini \u015f\u00f6yle sesleniyordu: \u201cEylem, felsefeyi mezara g\u00f6m\u00adm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr!\u201d Fa\u015fizm taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrgit talep edilen bu ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilik, onun, doktrini taraf\u0131ndan asla a\u015f\u0131lamayacak seviyesini de belir\u00adler. Bir kere iktidara geldikten sonra, fa\u015fizm, t\u0131pk\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn sonra\u00addan g\u00f6rmelerin asalet armas\u0131 toplay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 gibi, kendisine tarih\u00adten emsaller, selefler arar. Ataerkil gelene\u011fe, mistikli\u011fe ve ro\u00admantikli\u011fe sar\u0131l\u0131r. Her \u015fey bu ate\u015fli selef aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda seferber edilir. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, fa\u015fizm, zaferden \u00f6nce de sonra da kaba bir pragmatizmin yan \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine, iktidar\u0131n abar\u00adt\u0131lmas\u0131na, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin ve devlet hayranl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u015fi\u015firilmesine inhisar eder.<\/p>\n
Her \u015feyin alt\u0131nda da hayata ililen itikats\u0131z bir tasavvuf yatar. Hayat, amac\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131yan bir m\u00fccadele ve \u00e7abalama\u00addan ibarettir. Sava\u015f\u0131n alabildi\u011fine abart\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n sebebi de budur i\u015fte.<\/p>\n
\u201cSadece sava\u015f, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u0130nsan\u00ee enerjilerin en y\u00fcksek gerilimini sa\u011flar ve buna mukavemet edecek halklara soyluluk damgas\u0131n\u0131 basar\u201d diyordu Mussolini \u201cEnciclopedia \u0130taliana\u201dda.<\/p>\n
Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz, fa\u015fistler, g\u00f6rev, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k ve disiplin s\u00f6zleri\u00adni a\u011f\u0131zlar\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmezler, ferd\u00ee bencilli\u011fi de a\u015fa\u011f\u0131larlar. Ama asl\u0131nda fa\u015fizm, s\u0131rf k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir \u0130nsan\u00ee de\u011feri, insan\u0131n evren\u00adsellik ve \u015farta ba\u011flanmazl\u0131k ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 bilin\u00e7lerden kovmak i\u00e7in bireycili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131rf bu ihtiya\u00e7tan kaynaklanabilecek taleplere muhatap olmamak i\u00e7indir ki bu ihtiyac\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn tutuk\u00adluklar\u0131n\u0131 bertaraf eder. Bireysel bilin\u00e7le feda ettikleri \u015fey, bi\u00adreysel pay de\u011fil, fakat d\u00fcped\u00fcz bilin\u00e7li bireyin kendisidir. Ahl\u00e2ki hayat, oldu\u011fu gibi, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle devlete intikal ettirildi\u011fi i\u00e7in, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte her \u015fey \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlenmi\u015ftir. \u201cBir fa\u015fist i\u00e7in her \u015fey devlettedir. \u0130nsan\u00ee ve ruhsal olan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey mevcut de\u011fil\u00addir. Devletin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir de\u011fer s\u00f6z konusu olamaz.\u201d<\/p>\n
\u201cFa\u015fizm i\u00e7in devlet mutlakt\u0131r. Bu mutlak de\u011ferin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131n\u00adda, bireyler ve gruplar da sadece nisb\u00eedirler.\u201d Ve sadece \u201cnisbf\u2019nin bulundu\u011fu yerde ahl\u00e2ki bir buyruk olu\u015fturmak imk\u00e2ns\u0131z oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de fa\u015fizmin devlete yerle\u015ftirildi\u011fi \u201cmut- lak\u201d\u0131n muhtevas\u0131n\u0131n ne oldu\u011fu sorulmak gerekir. Mussolini ce\u00advap veriyor: \u201cFa\u015fist devlet iktidar ve h\u00e2kimiyet h\u0131rs\u0131d\u0131r.\u201d Fa\u00ad\u015fizm \u201ciktidar h\u0131rsf\u2019ndan yola \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, ve bireyler de kendi\u00adsine tabi k\u0131l\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, kendisini ancak devletin i\u00e7inde yeniden bulabilir. D\u00f6ng\u00fc kapan\u0131r ve ahl\u00e2k\u00ee hayatla beraber bu hayat\u0131n her \u00e7e\u015fit varl\u0131k nedenini de d\u0131\u015fta b\u0131rak\u0131r. \u201c\u0130ktidar ve h\u00e2kimiyet h\u0131rs\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ahl\u00e2k\u00ee hayatla ortak hi\u00e7bir noktas\u0131 yoktur. Hatt\u00e2 Hit- ler’i\u0131\u0131 s\u00f6zleriyle, bu h\u0131rs halk\u0131n hayat ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n hizmetine sunulsa bile de\u011fi\u015fmez bu ger\u00e7eklik.<\/p>\n
Yan\u0131lg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ve sapt\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde, sosyalizm, insan bilincinin t\u00fcm isterlerine ters d\u00fc\u015fen, onlara yabanc\u0131 ve has\u0131m olan her \u015feyi insan bilincinin ger\u00e7ek isterlerine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lma yolunda en b\u00fcy\u00fck deneydir. Sosyalizm, \u201c\u0130nsan\u00ee\u201d olan\u0131n \u201cekonomi\u201d olana \u00f6nceli\u011fini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak, do\u011fay\u0131 in\u00adsanc\u0131lla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve ahlhakile\u015ftirmek ve do\u011fan\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve yenilmez bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak geli\u015fmesini \u00f6nlemek ister. Do\u011fan\u0131n ve toplumun yasalar\u0131n\u0131 bu yasalara tutsak olmay\u0131p onlar\u0131 kendisi\u00adne ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in ara\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Madde ile yak\u0131ndan ilgilen\u00admekle, insan bilincini d\u0131\u015f zincirlerden kurtarmak ve b\u00fct\u00fcn nes\u00adneleri bu bilince ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak ister. B\u00f6ylece de bilincin kendi i\u00e7 yasalar\u0131n\u0131n buyruklar\u0131na uyabilmesini, onlar\u0131 tam anlam\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirebilmesini sa\u011flar. Sosyalizm, sadece s\u0131na\u00ee mekaniz\u00admay\u0131 ve onun dev \u00fcretim g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kendisine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak is\u00adte\u011fi ile de yetinmez, ayn\u0131 zamanda, devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 ve onun mu\u00adazzam zor g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc, \u00f6zellikle bu iki g\u00fc\u00e7, bu iki makine her za\u00admankinden fazla birbirleriyle kayna\u015fmak e\u011filimi g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi i\u00e7in, kendisine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lmak ister Sosyalizm materyalist bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc oldu\u011fu halde, fa\u015fizm gere\u00e7sel (enstr\u00fcmantal) bir d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Fa\u015fizm bir denge fiilidir, bir rejimdir, bir enerjidir; kendisini kabul ettirdi\u011fi zaman bile hi\u00e7bir ahl\u00e2k\u0131 ika\u00adme edemez, hatta kuramaz.<\/p>\n
\u00ee\u015fte bu sebeple de fa\u015fizm, felsefenin ink\u00e2r\u0131d\u0131r, siyasetin ink\u00e2r\u0131d\u0131r ve de dinin ink\u00e2r\u0131d\u0131r. \u201cDemokrasi, hayat\u0131 esas itibariy\u00adle siyasal olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrken, fa\u015fizm hayat\u0131 esas itibariyle sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 olarak kar\u015f\u0131lar.\u201d diye yaz\u0131yordu Mussolini Eyl\u00fcl 1922’de, Fa\u00ad\u015fizm, dine, ancak kendisine bireysel vicdan\u0131 terketti\u011fi takdirde katlanabilir. Kilise, bireylerin ve gruplar\u0131n, fa\u015fist devlet taraf\u0131n\u00addan yutulmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6sterdikleri direnci k\u0131rmada yard\u0131mc\u0131 olduktan sonrad\u0131r ki, i\u00e7inde ne bireysel vicdana ne de dine ba\u00ad\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hayat hakk\u0131 tan\u0131mayan bu devletin mutlak h\u00e2kimiyetini kabullenmi\u015f, onu desteklemi\u015ftir. B\u00fct\u00fcn resm\u00ee onurlan sakl\u0131 kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 takdirdedir ki kilise, fa\u015fizmde, ancak bir ara\u00e7 rol\u00fcne in\u00adhisar etme \u015fart\u0131yla ya\u015fayabilir. B\u00f6yle bir durumda, din de, ay\u00adnen fa\u015fizm gibi yoksullan avutmak ve hizaya getirmek i\u00e7in ya\u00adrarl\u0131 bir sistem olur, \u00f6yle bir ara\u00e7.ki, Voltaire\u2019den Mussolini\u2019ye var\u0131ncaya dek nice nice dinsiz sar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r buna. \u201cYoksullar i\u00e7in din\u201d, b\u00f6ylelikle, fa\u015fist devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n zengin cephanesinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 emperyalizmle birle\u015fip b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fir.13<\/p>\n
Fa\u015fizm ve Kapitalizm | Fa\u015fizmin Olu\u015fum ve Geli\u015fiminin Genel \u015eartlar\u0131 – Angelo Tasca<\/strong><\/p>\n\u00c7eviri: Rona Serozan<\/p>\n
Kaynaklar<\/strong><\/p>\n(1)Bu yaz\u0131, Angelo Tasca’n\u0131n 1936 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u00f6nce A. Rossi takma ad\u0131 al\u0131mda Frans\u0131zca yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f \u201cNascita e Avvento del Fascisn\u0131o\u201d adl\u0131 kitab\u0131n\u0131n son b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn k\u0131salt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00e7evi\u00adrisidir. \u00c7eviri, 1950 tarihli \u0130talyanca bask\u0131ya sad\u0131k kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en kitap, \u0130talyan fa\u015fizminin tarihini Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan ba\u015flayarak, ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde yans\u0131t\u0131r. Buraya al\u0131nan par\u00e7ada, Tas\u00e7a, bu ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 tarihi ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131 Alman fa\u015fizminin deneyleri ile genel bir teoride birle\u015f\u00adtirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.
\n(2)Bu anlamda, fa\u015fizmin batan kapitalizmin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ve geri bir ekonominin tezah\u00fcr\u00fc oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. B\u00f6ylelikle, \u201cfa\u015fizmi yenebilmek i\u00e7in krizi yenebilmek gerekir\u201d form\u00fcl\u00fcnde neyin ger\u00e7ek, neyin yetersiz oldu\u011fu da belirlenebilir. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fkusuz, her ekonomik iyile\u015fme fa\u015fizmi dizginler ve olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 erte\u00adler. Ama bir ba\u015f\u0131na fa\u015fizm tehlikesini ortadan kald\u0131rmaya da yetmez. Sosyalist Bakan Spaak 1937 Mart\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cBen, ekonomik krizle sava\u015fmay\u0131 ve giderek a\u015fmay\u0131, bu \u00e7\u0131l\u00adg\u0131n ve tehlikeli propaganday\u0131 etkisiz k\u0131labilmek i\u00e7in yeterli sa\u00adn\u0131yordum. Ama \u015fimdi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a itiraf ediyorum ki bu san\u0131mda yan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f\u0131m. B\u00f6yle bir \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131n hareket, sadece ekonomik duru\u00admun d\u00fczeltilmesi ile etkisiz k\u0131l\u0131namaz. Mutlaka politika ve duygu alan\u0131nda da m\u00fccadele etmek \u015fartt\u0131r.\u201d
\nBu s\u00f6zlere eklenmesi gerekli nokta \u015fudur: Krize kar\u015f\u0131 mill\u00ee alanda m\u00fccadele belirli bir noktada a\u015f\u0131lmaz setlere \u00e7atar, t\u015fte bu nedenle de fa\u015fizm \u00fczerinde kesin b\u00eer zafer, ancak otar\u015finin b\u00fcy\u00fcl\u00fc, ve \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131ran ve i\u015fbirli\u011fi ile dayan\u0131\u015f\u00adman\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7acak yeni bir Avrupa’n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 \u0130le elde edilebilir.
\n(3)Bu, ayn\u0131 zamanda, k\u0131rsal alandaki kitlelerin, g\u00fcvenilir yanda\u015f\u00adlan bulunmad\u0131k\u00e7a, kentlerden kaynaklanan sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 kendilerini ne kadar zor savunabileceklerini de g\u00f6sterir. \u015eimdi, k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerinin \u015fehir proletaryas\u0131 \u0130le birle\u015fmesi, bir zorunlu\u00adluk ve ayn\u0131 zamanda herbiri i\u00e7in bir teminatt\u0131r.
\n(4)Bu m\u00fcdahalenin anlam\u0131 ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u00adl\u0131klar i\u00e7inde \u00e7eli\u015fen g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda s\u00f6z konusu olan ve yan g\u00fc\u00e7lerle ara g\u00fc\u00e7ler taraf\u0131ndan bozulabilecek olan denge duru\u00admuna ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 salt istatistik verilere dayanarak de\u011ferlendirmedeki yan\u0131l\u011f\u0131 da \u0130\u015fte buradan do\u011far,
\n(5)Vatikan bile, bu s\u0131rada, hemen hemen her yerde Katolik kitle partilerini (\u0130talya’da Partilo Populare\u2019yi, Ispanya\u2019da Azione Cat- tolica\u2019y\u0131, Almanya’da Merkezi) desteklemeyi, hatta kurmay\u0131 ta\u00adsarl\u0131yordu.
\n(6)Fa\u015fist \u201cF\u00fchrer\u201d misti\u011fi de ayn\u0131 sonucu do\u011furur ve b\u00fct\u00fcn ikti\u00addar\u0131 sahiplenme istemini b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131r.
\n(7)Curzio Malaparte, Der Staatsstreich, Wien \/ Le\u0130pzig 1932, s. 216. i.s.
\n(8)Ayn\u0131 yerde, s. 109.
\n(9)Topra\u011fa geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u201d yolundaki ac\u0131kl\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na ra\u011fmen, fa\u00ad\u015fizm, baz\u0131 ki\u015filerin sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bir \u201ctar\u0131mla\u015fma” olay\u0131na yol a\u00e7maz, fakat sanayi \u00fcretimine ve bu y\u00fczden de \u015fehirle\u015fmeye \u00d6ncelik verir. Fa\u015fist ekonomide tar\u0131m sekt\u00f6r\u00fc ile sanayi sekt\u00f6\u00adr\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin \u0130kincisi yarar\u0131na de\u011fi\u015fmesi, sava\u015f ha\u00adz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hem \u015fart\u0131 hem de sonucudur.
\n(10)Fa\u015fist kadronun olu\u015fmas\u0131na en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc katk\u0131y\u0131 sa\u011flayan da i\u015fte bu kesimdir.
\n(11)\u00d6zellikle sendika y\u00f6neticileri aras\u0131nda yer alan \u201csolcular\u0131n fa\u00ad\u015fistleri\u201d, en radikal tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015f politikada tak\u0131n\u0131rlar ve devletin i\u00e7 politikaya ve ekonomiye her an m\u00fcdahalesini talep ederler.
\n(12)\u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi, bir \u00fc\u00e7 ba\u015fl\u0131 iktidar (triyar\u015fi) olarak tan\u0131mlana\u00adbilir. Bu iktidar \u00fc\u00e7genini, b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye, fa\u015fist b\u00fcrokrasi ve Mussolini olu\u015fturur.
\n{13) 6 \u015eubat 1937*de, Adis Ababa katliam\u0131ndan bir hafta sonra, Mi\u00adlano Ba\u015fpiskoposu Schus\u0131er’in Mussolini’yi en g\u00f6rkemli Roma \u0130mparatorlar\u0131na benzeterek, Habe\u015f halk\u0131na emperyal k\u00fcit\u00fc\u0131\u00fc vc Katolik inanc\u0131 kazand\u0131rma \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fc u\u011fruna Habe\u015fistan’\u0131 i\u015fgal eden \u0130talyan birliklerine \u00f6zel sel\u00e2mlar\u0131n\u0131 iletmesi bunun en ti\u00adpik \u00f6rne\u011fidir.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Fa\u015fizm bir diktad\u0131r. Bu olguya her fa\u015fizm tan\u0131m\u0131nda rastla\u00adyabiliriz. Gelgelelim, bu dikta olgusu d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler ara\u00ads\u0131nda bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f birli\u011fi sa\u011flanabilmi\u015f de\u011fildir. Kimi sermayenin \u201c\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki dikta\u2019s\u0131\u201d, kimiyse \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin\u201d ya da \u201cfinans kapitalin diktas\u0131\u201d diye tan\u0131ml\u0131yor fa\u015fizmi. Bir ba\u015f\u00adkas\u0131, \u201cfinans kapitalin en gerici, en \u015fovenist ve en emperyalist unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n ter\u00f6rist diktas\u0131\u201d derken bir d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc \u201c\u00eekiy\u00fcz […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-7122","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-milliyetcilik"},"yoast_head":"\n
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