{"id":7127,"date":"2018-08-09T12:10:49","date_gmt":"2018-08-09T09:10:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2018\/08\/09\/devletin-elegecirilmesi-antonio-gramsci\/"},"modified":"2024-04-27T11:19:54","modified_gmt":"2024-04-27T08:19:54","slug":"devletin-elegecirilmesi-antonio-gramsci","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/08\/09\/devletin-elegecirilmesi-antonio-gramsci\/","title":{"rendered":"Devletin Elege\u00e7irilmesi | Antonio Gramsci"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"\u00dcretim tarz\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen kapitalist yo\u00ad\u011funla\u015fma, emek\u00e7i insan kitlelerinin de buna denk d\u00fc\u00ad\u015fen bir yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na neden olur. Marksizmin t\u00fcm devrimci tezlerinin kayna\u011f\u0131, yeni proleter ya\u015fam tar\u00adz\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve rekabetin do\u011fur\u00addu\u011fu kapitalist kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, burjuva ya\u015fam tarz\u0131n\u0131n yerini alacak olan yeni kom\u00fcnist d\u00fczenin ko\u015fullan, i\u015fte bu olguda aranmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Genel kapitalist etkinlik alan\u0131nda, emek\u00e7i, etkinli\u00ad\u011fini serbest rekabet alan\u0131nda ortaya koyar, o, bir birey-yurtta\u015ft\u0131r. Ne var ki, m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 ko\u00ad\u015fullar\u0131 ayn\u0131 anda herkes i\u00e7in e\u015fit de\u011fildir. \u00d6zel m\u00fclki\u00adyetin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, toplumdaki belli bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 ko\u015fullar sa\u011flar ve m\u00fccadeleyi e\u015fitsiz hale getirir. Emek\u00e7i, s\u00fcrekli olarak en \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl tehlikelerle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r. En temel d\u00fczeydeki varolu\u015fu bile, k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc, ailesinin ya\u015fam\u0131 ve gelece\u011fi, emek pazar\u0131n\u0131n beklen\u00admedik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece emek\u00e7i, rekabet ve bireycilik alan\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 dener. Birlik ve dayan\u0131\u015fma ilkesi, emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi \u00f6z\u00fc halini al\u0131r, i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin psikolojisini ve davran\u0131\u015f\u0131\u00adn\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirir. Bu ilkenin cisimle\u015fti\u011fi organlar ve ku\u00adrumlar yarat\u0131l\u0131r; bunlar, \u00fcretim ve de\u011fi\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131\u00adn\u0131n ortakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na giden tarihsel geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci\u00adnin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131na temel olurlar.<\/p>\n

Birle\u015fme ilkesi, proleter devrimin temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi olarak kabul edilebilir ve edilmelidir. Bu tarihsel e\u011fi\u00adlimin, \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemde (1. ve 2. Enternasyonal d\u00f6nemi ya da yanda\u015f toplama d\u00f6nemi diyebilece\u011fimiz d\u00f6nem) yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7, sendikalar\u0131n ve sosyalist partilerin do\u011fu\u015fu ve geli\u015fmesi olmu\u015ftu.<\/p>\n

Ne varki, proleter kurumlar\u0131n ve genel olarak proleter hareketin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn geli\u015fimi, \u00f6zerk bi\u00e7imde olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131nda ve deneyinde ayr\u0131lmazcas\u0131na yeralan, kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc yasa\u00adlara g\u00f6re olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tarihin yasalar\u0131, devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f m\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f taraf\u0131ndan konulmu\u015ftur. Devlet her zaman tarihin ba\u015foyuncusu olmu\u015ftu, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc m\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc devletin di\u015flilerinde toplan\u0131r; m\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f, devletin b\u00fcnyesinde rekabetin do\u00ad\u011furdu\u011fu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ve ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, kendini disipline sokar ve bir birlik bi\u00e7iminde kendini \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00adler; bunu yapmas\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, rekabetin en y\u00fcksek a\u015famas\u0131na var\u0131ncaya kadar, yani toplumun d\u00fczenlen\u00admesi ve y\u00f6netilmesinde en ba\u015fta gelen rol\u00fc, iktidar\u0131 elde etmek i\u00e7in verilecek, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine kadar, kendi ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 durumunun oldu\u011fu gibi kalmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nem i\u00e7inde, proleter hareket, ancak kapita\u00adlist serbest rekabete ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak varoldu. Proleter kurumlar\u0131n, bir i\u00e7 yasa de\u011fil de d\u0131\u015f yasa sonucu, yani kapitalist rekabetten t\u00fcreyen olaylar\u0131n ve d\u00fcrt\u00fclerin m\u00fcthi\u015f bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fik bi\u00e7imler almalar\u0131 ge\u00adrekti. Proleter hareketin, doru\u011funa 2. Enternasyonal in iflas\u0131yla ula\u015fan b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nceki d\u00f6neminin \u00f6zelli\u011fi olan i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n, sapmalar\u0131n, aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n, uzla\u015fma\u00adlar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 budur.<\/p>\n

Sosyalist ve proleter hareketin kimi ak\u0131mlar\u0131, i\u015f\u00ad\u00e7ilerin mesleki \u00f6rg\u00fctleni\u015fini devrimin temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi olarak a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a kabul etmi\u015fler ve bunu kendi propagan\u00adda ve eylemlerinin temeli k\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Belirli bir za\u00adman i\u00e7in, sendikal\u0131st hareket marksizmin ger\u00e7ek s\u00f6z\u00adc\u00fcs\u00fc, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin ger\u00e7ek s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Sendikalizmin yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u015fudur: Bug\u00fcn sahip oldu\u011fu se\u00e7ilmi\u015f de\u011fil de zorla kabul ettirilmi\u015f olan, dolay\u0131s\u0131y\u00adla \u00f6nceden g\u00f6r\u00fclebilen (kestirilebilen) ve de\u011fi\u015fmeyen bir geli\u015fim \u00e7izgisi izleyemeyen rol\u00fc ve i\u00e7inde bulun\u00addu\u011fu bi\u00e7imi ile sendikay\u0131, kal\u0131c\u0131 bir olgu, birle\u015fme il\u00adkesinin de\u011fi\u015fmez bir bi\u00e7imi olarak kabul etmek. \u00abKendili\u011findenci\u00bb liberal bir gelene\u011fin ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 gibi ken\u00addini ortaya koymu\u015f olan sendikalizm, ger\u00e7ekte, jakoben ve soyut ruhun say\u0131s\u0131z \u00f6rt\u00fclerinden biriydi yal\u00adn\u0131zca.<\/p>\n

Burdan da, Sosyalist Partiyi emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devrim amac\u0131yla e\u011fitme g\u00f6revine ba\u011flayamam\u0131\u015f olan sendikalist ak\u0131m\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar. M\u00fclksahibi s\u0131n\u0131f ile demokratik-parlamenter devletin, tarihin yasalar\u0131n\u0131 be\u00adlirledikleri t\u00fcm d\u00f6nem boyunca, i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, bu yasalar\u0131n \u00e7er\u00e7evesinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kma yolundaki t\u00fcm giri\u015fimlerin g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7 ve bo\u015funa oldu\u011funu hissediyorlar\u00add\u0131. S\u0131nai \u00fcretimin topluma kazand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 genel bi\u00e7im\u00adlenme i\u00e7inde, her insan\u0131n, ancak birey-yurtta\u015f olarak, parlamenter demokratik devletin \u00fcyesi olarak davran\u00add\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ya\u015fama etkin olarak kat\u0131labilece\u011fi ve bu\u00adlundu\u011fu ortam\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirebilece\u011fi kesindir. Liberal de\u00adney bo\u015funa de\u011fildir, ve ancak, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildikten sonra a\u015f\u0131labilir. Siyasetin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olanlar\u0131n siyaset-d\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasetin bozulmas\u0131d\u0131r yaln\u0131zca. T\u0131pk\u0131 devletin pop\u00fcler kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n (yani Parlamento ve belediye\u00adler) kapsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 o genel tarihsel harekete kat\u0131lmak gibi Devleti yads\u0131mak ve devletle sava\u015fmak da siyasal bir olayd\u0131r. Siyasal eylemin niteli\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fir. Sendikalistler ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, si\u00adyasetleri de temelde yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131; parlamenter sosyalistler, olaylar\u0131n y\u00fcre\u011finde \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlard\u0131, yan\u0131labilirlerdi (hatta \u00e7ok say\u0131da ve a\u011f\u0131r yanl\u0131\u015flara da, d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler), ama eylemlerine verdikleri anlamda yan\u0131lmad\u0131lar, ve i\u015fte bunun i\u00e7indir ki \u00abrekabet\u00bb te ba\u015far\u0131 kazand\u0131lar; geni\u015f kitleler, yani m\u00fcdahale ettiklerinde toplumsal ili\u015fkile\u00adri nesnel olarak de\u011fi\u015ftiren kitleler, sosyalist parti \u00e7ev\u00adresinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiler. T\u00fcm yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131na ve zay\u0131fl\u0131kla\u00adr\u0131na ra\u011fmen, parti, son \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemede, g\u00f6revini ba\u015far\u00add\u0131: \u00f6nceleri hi\u00e7bir \u015fey olmayan proletaryay\u0131 bir\u015fey ha\u00adline sokmak, ona bir bilin\u00e7 vermek, kurtulu\u015f hareke\u00adtine, genel \u00e7izgileriyle, insan toplumunun tarihsel ge\u00adli\u015fim s\u00fcrecine uygun d\u00fc\u015fen sa\u011flam ve temel bir y\u00f6ne\u00adli\u015f kazand\u0131rmak.<\/p>\n

Sosyalist hareketin en b\u00fcy\u00fck yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131 da sendikalistlerin yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131s\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130nsan toplumunun genel etkinli\u011fine devlet i\u00e7inde kat\u0131lan sosyalistler temelde ele\u015ftirel, antitez \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yan bir konumda bulun\u00admalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fini unuttular. Ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe egemen ol\u00admak yerine, onun kendilerine egemen, olmas\u0131na izini verdiler.<\/p>\n

Marksist kom\u00fcnistler, \u00abdo\u011furtma\u00bb(Do\u011furtma Cesk.t. istilat, fr. maieutiaue) Sokrates’in kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndakine sorular sorarak onun ruhunda sakl\u0131 bulunan tinsel g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve bilgileri \u00e7ekip \u00e7\u0131karma y\u00f6ntemine -bunu annesinin ebelik sanat\u0131na benzeterek- verdi\u011fi ad.)\u00a0 diyebilece\u011fi\u00admiz bir anlay\u0131\u015fla (zihniyetle) nitelenmelidirler; eylem\u00adleri, burjuva rekabet yasalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenmi\u015f olaylar\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na kendilerini b\u0131rakmaktan ibaret de\u011fil\u00addir, ama ele\u015ftirel bir bekleyi\u015ftir. Tarih s\u00fcrekli bir olu\u015ftur, \u00f6yleyse \u00f6z\u00fcnde \u00f6nceden g\u00f6r\u00fclemez. Ama bu, tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131nda her\u015feyin \u00f6nceden g\u00f6r\u00fclemez oldu\u011fu, yani tarihin ayn\u0131 zamanda hem \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck hem de ge\u00adreklilik oldu\u011fu demek de\u011fildir. Kendi geli\u015fimleri ve etkinlikleri i\u00e7inde tarihi cisimle\u015ftiren kurumlar, bir \u00f6dev ve ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeleri gereken bir g\u00f6revleri oldu\u00ad\u011fu i\u00e7in do\u011fmu\u015f ve varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektedir.<\/p>\n

Maddi e\u015fyalar\u0131n \u00fcretiminde ve insanlar\u0131n zihinsel kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u00adda belirli nesnel ko\u015fullar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve geli\u015fti. Meka\u00adnik do\u011falar\u0131 nedeniyle neredeyse matematiksel olarak \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclebilir k\u0131l\u0131nan bu nesnel ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015fti\u011finde, in\u00adsan toplumunu y\u00f6neten ve bi\u00e7imlendiren ili\u015fkilerin t\u00fc\u00adm\u00fc de, insanlar\u0131n bilin\u00e7 derecesi de de\u011fi\u015fir; toplumsal bi\u00e7imleni\u015f d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011frar, geleneksel kurumlar yok\u00adsulla\u015f\u0131rlar, ama\u00e7lar\u0131na uygun olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karlar, en\u00adgelleyici ve zararl\u0131 olurlar. E\u011fer insan zekas\u0131 tarihin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir ritm, bir evrim bulamasayd\u0131, uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ya\u015fam\u0131 imkans\u0131z olurdu. Siyasal deha, bir geli\u015fim s\u00fc\u00adreci saptamaya yeterli ve gerekli, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu ka\u00addar \u00e7ok say\u0131da somut \u00f6\u011feyi kavrayabilme, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yak\u0131n ya da uzak gelecek \u00fczerinde \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcde buluna\u00adbilme, bir devletin etkinli\u011fini \u00f6rg\u00fctleyebilme, b\u00f6yle bir kuruma dayanarak bir halk\u0131n kaderini tehlikeye atabilme yetisi ile tan\u0131n\u0131r. Bu anlamda, Kari Marx hi\u00e7 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal dehas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sosyalistler, kapitalist insiyatifin bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi, \u00e7o\u011fu kez k\u00f6lece, kabul ettiler. Li\u00adberal iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fckleri psikolojik yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n ayn\u0131\u00ads\u0131na d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler: Demokratik devletin kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n kal\u0131\u00adc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na, (bu kurumlar\u0131n) temelde yetkin oldu\u011funa inanmak. Onlara g\u00f6re, demokratik kurumlar\u0131n bi\u00e7imi d\u00fczeltilebilir, bir tak\u0131m ufak de\u011fi\u015fiklikler getirilebilir, ama temelde (bu kurumlar) de\u011fi\u015ftirilmemelidir. Filippo Turati’nin Minos tarz\u0131 form\u00fcl\u00fc (bu form\u00fcle g\u00f6re, Parlamento ile Sovyet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki, Site ile bar\u00adbar s\u00fcr\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin ayn\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r) bu darkafal\u0131 kibirli anlay\u0131\u015fa \u00f6rnektir.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki \u00abdevletin elege\u00e7irilmesi\u00bb form\u00fcl\u00fc, i\u015fte bu yanl\u0131\u015f tarihsel olu\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan, \u00abbudalaca\u00bb parlamentarist bir taktikten ve eskimi\u015f bir uzla\u015fma prati\u011finden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Rusya, Macaristan ve Almanya\u2019n\u0131n devrimci de\u00adneyimlerinden sonra, sosyalist devletin kapitalist dev\u00adletin kurumlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde cisimle\u015femiyece\u011fine, ama prole\u00adtaryan\u0131n tarihine oranla de\u011filse bile, kapitalist devle\u00adtin kuramlar\u0131na oranla temelde yeni bir yarat\u0131m oldu\u00ad\u011funa kesinlikle inanm\u0131\u015f durumday\u0131z. Kapitalist devle\u00adtin kurumlar\u0131 serbest rekabete hizmet etmek amac\u0131y\u00adla \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015flerdir, \u00f6yleyse (bu kurumlar\u0131n) etkin\u00adliklerini ba\u015fka bir y\u00f6ne \u00e7evirmek i\u00e7in personellerini de\u011fi\u015ftirmek yetersizdir. Sosyalist devlet hen\u00fcz kom\u00fc\u00adnizm, yani dayan\u0131\u015fma temelindeki bir ekonomik g\u00f6\u00adrenek ve bir prati\u011fin yerle\u015ftirilmesi de\u011fildir. Sosyalist devlet, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131, ulusal ekonomileri ortadan kald\u0131rarak rekabeti de ortadan kald\u0131rma g\u00f6re\u00advine sahip olan ge\u00e7i\u015f devletidir; bu g\u00f6rev parlarftenter demokrasi ile yerine getirilemez. \u00abDevletin ele ge\u00e7irili\u00ad\u015fi\u00bb form\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc i\u015fte \u015f\u00f6yle anlamak gerekir; Proleter s\u0131\u00adn\u0131f\u0131n birle\u015fmeden edindi\u011fi deneyden do\u011fan yeni tip bir devletin yarat\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve parlamenter-demokratik dev\u00adletin yerinin bu yeni devlet taraf\u0131ndan al\u0131nmas\u0131.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktam\u0131za geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f oluyo\u00adruz. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczden \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin proleter ve sosya\u00adlist hareketinin kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zerk bir bi\u00e7imde de\u011fil de, kapitalizmin egemen yasalar\u0131na ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olan in\u00adsan toplumunun genel bi\u00e7imleni\u015finin sonu\u00e7lan olarak geli\u015ftiklerini s\u00f6yledik. Sava\u015f, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin stra\u00adtejik ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 alt\u00fcst etti. Kapitalistler g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc konum\u00adlar\u0131n\u0131 yitirdiler, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri k\u0131s\u0131tland\u0131, iktidarlar\u0131 or\u00adtadan kalkt\u0131. Kapitalist yo\u011funla\u015fma, d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda \u00fcretim ve m\u00fcbadele tekeli yaratarak, geli\u015fmesinin hi\u00e7\u00adbir zaman ula\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en y\u00fcksek noktas\u0131na eri\u015fti. Proleter kitlelerin buna denk d\u00fc\u015fen yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 dev\u00adrimci proleter s\u0131n\u0131fa g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik bir g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Hareketin geleneksel kurumlar\u0131, devrimci ya\u015fa\u00adm\u0131n b\u00f6ylesine geli\u015fmesini kucaklayamaz oldular. (Ha\u00adreketin) bu (geleneksel) kurumlar\u0131, bi\u00e7imleri de, bilin\u00e7li tarihsel s\u00fcrece kat\u0131lan g\u00fc\u00e7leri disipline sok\u00admak gere\u011fine uygun olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u00d6lmediler; ser\u00adbest rekabete ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak do\u011fduklar\u0131 i\u00e7in, rekabetin her t\u00fcrl\u00fc izi ortadan kalk\u0131ncaya kadar, partiler ve s\u0131\u00adn\u0131flar t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ortadan kalk\u0131ncaya kadar, ulus \u00e7ap\u0131n\u00addaki proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckleri Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyo\u00adnal ba\u011fr\u0131nda kayna\u015f\u0131ncaya kadar varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00admelidirler. Ama, bu kurumlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda, yeni tip ku\u00adrumlar da ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p geli\u015fmelidir; bu devlet kurum\u00adlar\u0131, parlamenter demokratik devletin \u00f6zel ve kamusal kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yerini alacakt\u0131r. Bu kurumlar, y\u00f6netim i\u015flevlerinde ve s\u0131nai iktidar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131nda kapita\u00adlistin yerini alacak ve fabrika i\u00e7inde \u00fcreticinin \u00f6zerk\u00adli\u011fini yaratacakt\u0131r; bunlar, bir fabrika i\u00e7indeki \u00e7e\u015fitli sekt\u00f6rleri birbirine ba\u011flay\u0131p, temel ekonomik birimi olu\u015fturan, tanm sanayinin \u00e7e\u015fitli etkinliklerini birbir\u00adlerine ba\u011flayan karma\u015f\u0131k m\u00fcbadele ve \u00fcretim ili\u015fkile\u00adri sistemine i\u00e7kin t\u00fcm i\u015flevlerin y\u00f6netimini \u00fcstlenebi\u00adlecek kurumlard\u0131r; bunlar, hem yatay hem de dikey d\u00fczlemlerde kendilerini olu\u015fturarak, \u00f6zel m\u00fclksahiplerinin engelleyici ve asalak zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan kurtulan ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 ekonominin uyumlu (ahenkli) yap\u0131s\u0131 halini alacak olan kurumlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131 Avrupa proletaryas\u0131 i\u00e7indeki devrimci itki ve co\u015fku hi\u00e7bir zaman bu kadar ate\u015fli olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ne var ki bizce, ula\u015f\u0131lacak hedefe ili\u015fkin kesin ve a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00adlince, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde b\u00f6yle bir hedefe ula\u015fmaya uyarl\u0131 ara\u00e7lara ili\u015fkin ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kesin ve a\u00e7\u0131k bir bilin\u00e7 e\u015f\u00adlik etmiyor. Proleter devletin bir i\u015f\u00e7i, k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve asker konseyleri b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc ile cisimlendi\u011fi inanc\u0131 kitleler i\u00e7in- de k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r art\u0131k. (Ama) bu devletin yarat\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 nesnel olarak sa\u011flayabilecek bir taktik anlay\u0131\u015f hen\u00fcz olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu nedenle, geni\u015f kitlele\u00adrin bilincine k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f, geni\u015f kitlelerin disiplinini ve s\u00fcrekli ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 elde etmi\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe \u00e7ok zengin geli\u015fme imkanlar\u0131 ve dina\u00admizm kazand\u0131racak bir proleter kurumlar a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha \u015fimdiden yaratmak gerekir. Elbette, proleter \u00f6rg\u00fctle\u00adrin bu g\u00fcnk\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, devrimci nitelikte bir kitle hareketi geli\u015firse, bunun yaln\u0131zca, demokratik devle\u00adtin t\u00fcm\u00fcyle bi\u00e7imsel bir d\u00fczenlenmesini getirece\u011fi Millet Meclisinin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 (bir kurucu meclis arac\u0131l\u0131\u00ad\u011f\u0131yla) g\u00fc\u00e7lendirece\u011fi ve anti-kom\u00fcnist sosyalistlerin iktidara gelmesi sonucunu verece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Alman ve Avusturya deneyi bize bir\u015feyler \u00f6\u011fret\u00admelidir. Demokratik devletin ve kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7\u00adleri h\u00e2l\u00e2 son derece b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr; kapitalizmin \u00f6zellikle u\u015faklar\u0131 ve hizmet\u00e7ileri sayesinde, h\u00e2l\u00e2 varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00add\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve b\u00f6yle bir t\u00fcr\u00fcn tohumunun ku\u015fkusuz ortadan kalkmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kendimizden saklamamal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, proleter devletin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 bir b\u00fcy\u00fcc\u00fc\u00adn\u00fcn \u0130\u015fi de\u011fildir: Bir olu\u015ftur, bir geli\u015fim s\u00fcrecidir. \u00d6r\u00adg\u00fctlenme ve propaganda alanlar\u0131nda bir haz\u0131rl\u0131k \u00e7a\u00adl\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir. Fabrikalarda varolan proleter kurumlara daha \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7 ve daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir geli\u015fme kazand\u0131rmak gerekir; bu kurumlar\u0131n benzerlerini k\u00f6y\u00adlerde de olu\u015fturmak gerekir; bu kurumlar\u0131 olu\u015fturan ki\u015filerin, kurumlara y\u00fcklenilen devrimci g\u00f6revin bi\u00adlincine sahip kom\u00fcnistler olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak gerekir. Yoksa, t\u00fcm co\u015fkumuz, emek\u00e7i kitlelerin t\u00fcm inanc\u0131, devrimin, yeni bir kendini be\u011fenmi\u015fler, d\u00fczenbazlar ve sorumsuzlar Parlamentosu ile sonu\u00e7lanmas\u0131n\u0131, pro\u00adleter devletin do\u011fu\u015fu i\u00e7in, daha b\u00fcy\u00fck, yeni fedakarl\u0131klar\u0131n gerekli hale gelmesini engellemeye yetmeye\u00adcektir.<\/p>\n

\u0130mzas\u0131z yay\u0131mland\u0131, L’Ordine Nuovo cilt I, say\u0131 9, 12 Temmuz 1919.
\nDevletin Elege\u00e7irilmesi\u00a0 | Antonio Gramsci
\n\u0130talya’da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Konseyleri Deneyimi
\n\u00c7eviri: Yusuf Alp<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00dcretim tarz\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen kapitalist yo\u00ad\u011funla\u015fma, emek\u00e7i insan kitlelerinin de buna denk d\u00fc\u00ad\u015fen bir yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na neden olur. Marksizmin t\u00fcm devrimci tezlerinin kayna\u011f\u0131, yeni proleter ya\u015fam tar\u00adz\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve rekabetin do\u011fur\u00addu\u011fu kapitalist kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, burjuva ya\u015fam tarz\u0131n\u0131n yerini alacak olan yeni kom\u00fcnist d\u00fczenin ko\u015fullan, i\u015fte bu olguda aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. Genel kapitalist etkinlik alan\u0131nda, emek\u00e7i, etkinli\u00ad\u011fini serbest […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[162],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-7127","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-antonio-gramsci"},"yoast_head":"\nDevletin Elege\u00e7irilmesi | Antonio Gramsci - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/08\/09\/devletin-elegecirilmesi-antonio-gramsci\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Devletin Elege\u00e7irilmesi | Antonio Gramsci\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00dcretim tarz\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen kapitalist yo\u00ad\u011funla\u015fma, emek\u00e7i insan kitlelerinin de buna denk d\u00fc\u00ad\u015fen bir yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na neden olur. Marksizmin t\u00fcm devrimci tezlerinin kayna\u011f\u0131, yeni proleter ya\u015fam tar\u00adz\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve rekabetin do\u011fur\u00addu\u011fu kapitalist kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, burjuva ya\u015fam tarz\u0131n\u0131n yerini alacak olan yeni kom\u00fcnist d\u00fczenin ko\u015fullan, i\u015fte bu olguda aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. 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