{"id":7142,"date":"2018-08-15T22:49:35","date_gmt":"2018-08-15T19:49:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/localhost\/wordpress\/2018\/08\/15\/sinif-irkciligi-etienne-balibar\/"},"modified":"2024-04-27T07:01:30","modified_gmt":"2024-04-27T04:01:30","slug":"sinif-irkciligi-etienne-balibar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/08\/15\/sinif-irkciligi-etienne-balibar\/","title":{"rendered":"S\u0131n\u0131f Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 | Etienne Balibar"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"\u00dcst d\u00fczey \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeleri \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 kuramlar\u0131n incelenmesine \u00f6ncelik verdiklerinde, “sosyolojik” \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir kitle g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011funu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rlar. B\u00f6ylelikle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fmesi (ki bu kom\u00fcnist ve sosyalist militanlara do\u011faya ayk\u0131r\u0131 gelir) kitlelerde varolan bir e\u011filimin sonucu halini al\u0131r. Kurumsal \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, bu psikososyolojik “kitle” kategorisinin yap\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na bile yans\u0131r. \u00d6yleyse s\u0131n\u0131flardan kitlelere ge\u00e7erek kitleleri, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n hem ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 nesnesi, hem de \u00f6znesi olarak g\u00f6steren bu yer de\u011fi\u015ftirme s\u00fcrecini \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n

Bir toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, (kimli\u011fi terimini kullanmamak i\u00e7in) ideolojisi, konumu nedeniyle \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 tutumlara ve davran\u0131\u015flara e\u011filimli oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir mi? Bu soru daha \u00e7ok, Nazizm’in y\u00fckseli\u015fi konusunda \u00f6nce spek\u00fclasyonlar d\u00fczeyinde daha sonra \u00e7e\u015fitli ampirik g\u00f6stergeler yoluyla tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. “K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi” konusunda daha a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 bir tercih bulunmakla birlikte, \u015f\u00fcphelerin \u00fczerinde yo\u011funla\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 neredeyse hi\u00e7bir toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, sonu\u00e7 t\u00fcm\u00fcyle paradoksal olmu\u015ftur. “K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva” kavram\u0131 da, daha \u00e7ok, toplumun birbirinden ayn\u0131 n\u00fcfus dilimlerine b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesine dayal\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemenin \u00e7\u0131kmazlar\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, ikircil bir kavramd\u0131r. K\u00f6keninde siyasal su\u00e7lama ta\u015f\u0131yan t\u00fcm sorularda oldu\u011fu gibi burada da soruyu tersine \u00e7evirmeliyiz:<\/p>\n

G\u00fcnl\u00fck hayat\u0131 ku\u015fatan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n (ya da ona neden olan hareketin) temellerini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin do\u011fas\u0131nda aramak yerine, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fiminin nas\u0131l olup da farkl\u0131 maddi ko\u015fullardan bir “k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva” kitlesi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131y\u0131z. B\u00f6ylece \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal temelleri gibi k\u00f6t\u00fc sorulmu\u015f bir sorunun yerine, bu sorunun k\u0131smen perdeledi\u011fi daha karma\u015f\u0131k ve kesin bir soru koyabiliriz. Bu, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe ek olarak \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ile toplumda s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n indirgenemezli\u011fi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilere dair bir sorudur. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fiminin s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yerini nas\u0131l ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ya da daha ziyade bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n “\u0131rkla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131” bir toplumsal ili\u015fki taraf\u0131ndan nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011funu; ve ayn\u0131 zamanda, tam tersine, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine getirilen milliyet\u00e7i alternatifin \u00f6zellikle \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bi\u00e7imini almas\u0131 olgusunun hangi nedenle bu m\u00fccadelenin uzla\u015fmaz \u00f6zelli\u011finin bir g\u00f6stergesi say\u0131labilece\u011fini sormam\u0131z gerekecek. Ku\u015fkusuz bu, (maddi varolu\u015f ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131yla, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda ideolojik gelenekler ve pratik siyasal ili\u015fkilerle belirlenen) s\u0131n\u0131fsal durumun verili bir konjonkt\u00fcrde, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n toplumdaki etkilerini \u2014 yani “eyleme ge\u00e7i\u015f” bi\u00e7imlerini ve s\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, onu ifade eden s\u00f6ylemi, militan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n benimsenmesini\u2014 nas\u0131l belirledi\u011fini incelemenin \u00f6nemli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez.<\/p>\n

Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesince s\u00fcrekli olarak “\u00fcst-belirlenmesinin” izleri, tarihine bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda t\u00fcmel olarak milliyet\u00e7i belirleme kadar saptanabilir durumdad\u0131r ve her yerde fantazmalar\u0131n\u0131n ve pratiklerinin anlam\u0131ndaki \u00f6ze ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu da bizim, “modernlik” sosyologlar\u0131n\u0131n o \u00e7ok \u00f6nem verdikleri genellemelerden daha somut ve kesin bir belirlemeyle u\u011fra\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 g\u00f6stermeye yeter. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kta ya da \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k-milliyet\u00e7ilik \u0130kilisinde, (eski, “kapal\u0131”, “hiyerar\u015fik” toplumlar ve “a\u00e7\u0131k” “hareketli” toplumlar \u015feklindeki ikili b\u00f6l\u00fcmlemenin sonucu olarak) modern toplumlar\u0131n \u00f6zelli\u011fi say\u0131lan bireycilik ya da e\u015fitlik\u00e7ili\u011fin paradoksal ifadelerinden birini ya da bu bireycili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 “cemaat” bi\u00e7imindeki bir toplumsal d\u00fczenin nostaljisini yans\u0131tan bir savunma tepkisini g\u00f6rmek yeterli de\u011fildir. Bireycilik yaln\u0131zca (emek g\u00fcc\u00fc i\u00e7indeki rekabet de dahil) s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda bireylerin bir araya gelmesiyle istikrars\u0131z bir denge tutturan somut ticari rekabet bi\u00e7imlerinde mevcuttur. E\u015fitlik\u00e7ilik yaln\u0131zca, (varsa) siyasal demokrasinin, (varsa) “koruyucu-devletin”, varolu\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n kutupla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, reformist ya da devrimci \u00fctopyan\u0131n \u00e7eli\u015fen bi\u00e7imlerinde mevcuttur. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa “iktisadi” bir boyut veren \u015fey, basit antropolojik fig\u00fcrler de\u011fil bu belirlemelerdir.<\/p>\n

Ama yine de \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin tarihsel bi\u00e7imlerinin heterojenli\u011fi sorun yaratmaktad\u0131r. Bu heterojenlik, antisemitizmin “Yahudi paras\u0131” temas\u0131 etraf\u0131nda ucuz “anti- kapitalizm” halini al\u0131\u015f \u015feklinden, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde g\u00f6\u00e7 kategorisinin \u0131rksal izi ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal kini birle\u015ftirme \u015fekline kadar uzanmaktad\u0131r. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015flerin hi\u00e7biri (kendilerine tekab\u00fcl eden konjonkt\u00fcrler gibi), indirgenemez; bu da, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi aras\u0131nda herhangi bir basit “d\u0131\u015favurum” (ya da ik\u00e2me) ili\u015fkisi tan\u0131mlamay\u0131 engeller.<\/p>\n

Esas olarak 1870 ve 1945 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde (yani Avrupa’n\u0131n burjuva devletleriyle, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc proletarya enternasyonalizmi aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fman\u0131n stratejik d\u00f6neminde) antisemitizmin anti- kapitalist bir aldatmaca olarak kullan\u0131lmas\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz, yaln\u0131zca, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in bir g\u00fcnah ke\u00e7isi bulunmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerin istismar edilmesi ya da yaln\u0131zca soyut bir toplumsal sistemin k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fcklerinin bundan “sorumlu olanlar”\u0131n hayali ki\u015file\u015ftirilmelerine yans\u0131t\u0131larak temsil edilmesi (her ne kadar bu mekanizma \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fi i\u00e7in temel olu\u015ftursa da) de\u011fildir. Burada birbirlerini e\u011fretilemeye elveri\u015fli iki tarihsel anlat\u0131n\u0131n “kayna\u015f\u0131m\u0131”n\u0131 da g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz: bir yanda kay\u0131p “H\u0131ristiyan Avrupa” birli\u011fi pahas\u0131na uluslar\u0131n olu\u015fumu anlat\u0131s\u0131; di\u011fer yanda ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131kla, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131na tekab\u00fcl etme riskini ta\u015f\u0131yan, kapitalist iktisadi ili\u015fkilerin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n anlat\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131r. T\u00fcm uluslar\u0131n ortak “i\u00e7erideki d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f\u0131” olan, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda olumsuz olarak, nesnesi oldu\u011fu teolojik kin nedeniyle, “H\u0131ristiyan halklar\u0131” birle\u015ftirdi\u011fi varsay\u0131lan sevginin kan\u0131t\u0131 olan Yahudi, i\u015fte bu nedenle, hem kay\u0131p birli\u011fin izini yemden canland\u0131rabilir hem de her ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehdit eden “sermaye kozmopolit\u00e7ili\u011fi”yle imgesel olarak \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilebilir.<\/p>\n

G\u00f6\u00e7men kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, s\u0131n\u0131f konumuyla etnik k\u00f6keni en \u00fcst d\u00fczeyde \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirdi\u011finde, ortaya bamba\u015fka bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc \u00e7\u0131kar (bu \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmenin ger\u00e7ek temelleri her zaman i\u00e7in, kimi kez yo\u011fun kimi kez seyrek olsa da hi\u00e7bir zaman ortadan kalkmayan, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n durumunun \u00f6zellikle proleter niteliklerinden birini olu\u015fturan b\u00f6lgeleraras\u0131, uluslararas\u0131 ya da k\u0131talararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketlili\u011finde mevcuttur). Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bu \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmeyi uzla\u015fmaz toplumsal i\u015flevler karmas\u0131yla birle\u015ftirir: B\u00f6ylece Frans\u0131z toplumunun Magripliler taraf\u0131ndan “istilas\u0131”, i\u015fsizli\u011fe neden olan g\u00f6\u00e7 temalar\u0131, “bizim” i\u015fletmelerimizi, “bizim” gayri menkullerimizi, “bizim” yazl\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 sat\u0131n alan petrol \u015feyhlerinin paras\u0131 temas\u0131yla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 hale gelir. Bu, Cezayirliler’in, Tunuslular’\u0131n ya da Fasl\u0131lar’\u0131n soy olarak neden “Arap” diye adland\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fim k\u0131smen a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r (tabii bu “g\u00f6steren”in \u2014ki s\u00f6ylemin ger\u00e7ek merkezidir\u2014 bu temalarla ter\u00f6rizm, \u0130slam vb. temalar\u0131 birbirine ba\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m da unutmamak gerekir). Fakat, terimlerin de\u011ferlerinin tersy\u00fcz olu\u015fundan ileri gelenler de dahil olmak \u00fczere, di\u011fer g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmler unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tersy\u00fcz olu\u015fun bir \u00f6rne\u011fi, belki de yirmili y\u0131llarda Japon milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lan; herhal\u00fck\u00e2rda, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki hortlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sessizce ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilemeyecek Nazizm’in belirginle\u015fmesinde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir rol oynamas\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen “proleter ulus” temas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerin karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda, “\u0131rk” ve “s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n”, tarihin modem temsillerinin merkezinde olan s\u00fcrekli bir diyalekti\u011fin \u00e7eli\u015fen kutuplar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturdu\u011funu eme\u011fe ili\u015fkin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir varsay\u0131m olarak kabul etti\u011fimiz halde, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n “s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci”ne kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini (s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k taraf\u0131ndan engellenmedi\u011fi, cayd\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bozulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece s\u0131n\u0131f ko\u015fullar\u0131nda do\u011fal olarak \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekirmi\u015f\u00e7esine) kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z sahiplenmenin neden m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bundan ba\u015fka i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde ya da onun kuramc\u0131lar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ara\u00e7c\u0131, entrikac\u0131 yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n da (ki bunlann bedelinin ne denli pahal\u0131 bir \u015fekilde \u00f6dendi\u011fini biliyoruz: W. Reich bunu ilk g\u00f6renlerden oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in \u00e7ok de\u011ferlidir), \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kta \u015fu ya da bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal durumun “yans\u0131mas\u0131n\u0131” g\u00f6ren mekanik\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler gibi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda ve onun \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 kitlesel m\u00fccadelenin (kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci m\u00fccadele gibi) ba\u011fl\u0131 oldu\u011fu, s\u0131n\u0131f ideolojisi ve milliyet\u00e7ilik aras\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ink\u00e2r etme i\u015flevini g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinden ku\u015fkulanmaktay\u0131z. Burada “s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131”n\u0131n baz\u0131 tarihsel g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015flerini tart\u0131\u015farak g\u00f6stermek istedi\u011fim \u015fey bu i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n evrimidir.<\/p>\n

Modem \u0131rk kavram\u0131n\u0131n, bir ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k ve hor g\u00f6rme s\u00f6yleminde yer al\u0131\u015f\u0131, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 “\u00fcst-insanl\u0131k” ve “alt-insanl\u0131k” olarak b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta ulusal (ya da etnik) bir g\u00f6sterime de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir g\u00f6sterime, daha do\u011frusu (toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f e\u015fitsizli\u011fini yarat\u0131l\u0131\u015ftan gelen bir e\u015fitsizlik olarak sunmak s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in) bir kast g\u00f6sterimine sahip oldu\u011funu bir\u00e7ok \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k tarih\u00e7isi vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r (bunlar aras\u0131nda Poliakov, Michele Duchet ve Madeleine Reberioux, Colette Guillaumin ve modem k\u00f6lelik konusundaki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla E. Williams vard\u0131r). Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, \u0131rk kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ifte k\u00f6keni vard\u0131r: Bir yanda aileden soylu olanlar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcn bir “\u0131rk” olarak aristokratik temsili (yani ger\u00e7ekte, egemenli\u011fi art\u0131k tehdit alt\u0131nda olan bir aristokrasinin siyasal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini g\u00fcvenceye almas\u0131n\u0131 ve soya\u011fac\u0131n\u0131n ku\u015fkulu s\u00fcreklili\u011fini idealle\u015ftirmesini sa\u011flayan mitsel bir anlat\u0131); di\u011fer yanda ise zaten her zaman tutsakl\u0131\u011fa mahk\u00fbm olan ve \u00f6zerk bir uygarl\u0131k kurmaktan aciz, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 “\u0131rk” muamelesine maruz kalan topluluklar\u0131n k\u00f6lelik yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir \u015fekilde temsil edilmeleri vard\u0131r. Kan, derinin rengi, melezlik s\u00f6ylemleri buradan kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Irk kavram\u0131n\u0131n, art arda gelen metamorfozlar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 olan milliyet\u00e7i karma\u015f\u0131kla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmek \u00fczere “etnikle\u015fmesi” \u00e7ok daha sonra ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. \u015eu halde tarihin \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 temsillerinin ba\u015ftan beri, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleriyle ili\u015fkili olduklar\u0131m g\u00f6stermi\u015f oluruz. Fakat \u0131rk kavram\u0131n\u0131n evrili\u015f bi\u00e7imini ve milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin “s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n” ilk \u015fekillerinden beri etkisini, di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle siyasal belirlemesini incelemezsek bu olguya gereken \u00f6nemi veremeyiz.<\/p>\n

Aristokrasi kendini daha ba\u015ftan “\u0131rk” kategorisiyle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp sunmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Burada s\u00f6z konusu olan gecikmi\u015f bir s\u00f6ylemdir; \u00f6rne\u011fin Fransa’da (“mavi kan” ve soylular\u0131n “Frank” ya da “Cermen” k\u00f6kenleri mitiyle) a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bir savunma i\u015flevine sahip olan bu s\u00f6ylem, mutlak monar\u015fi feodal seny\u00f6rlerin zarar\u0131na devleti merkezile\u015ftirdi\u011finde ve b\u00fcnyesinde burjuva k\u00f6kenli, idari ve mali bir yeni aristokrasiyi “yaratmaya” ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, b\u00f6ylece ulus-devletin kurulu\u015funun \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir a\u015famay\u0131 ge\u00e7mesini sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda geli\u015fmi\u015ftir. Klasik \u0130spanya \u00f6rne\u011fi daha da ilgin\u00e7tir. Poliakov’un bu konudaki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi \u015f\u00f6yledir: Yeniden fetihten sonra gelen ve Katolikli\u011fin devlet dini olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli yol olan Yahudi k\u0131y\u0131m\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u0130spanyolla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n (daha do\u011frusu Kastilyal\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n) kar\u015f\u0131 koydu\u011fu “\u00e7ok-uluslu” k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn de izidir. Bu nedenle Avrupa milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi prototipinin olu\u015fumuyla s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ilintilidir. Fakat, daha sonra t\u00fcm Avrupa ve Amerikan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6yleminin devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 “safkanl\u0131k stat\u00fclerinin” (limpieza de sangre) kurulmas\u0131yla sonu\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, daha da \u00e7ift anlaml\u0131 bir g\u00f6sterime b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcr. Magripliler ve Yahudilerle ilk melezle\u015fmenin ink\u00e2r\u0131ndan kaynaklanan bu g\u00f6sterim, raza’n\u0131n kal\u0131t\u0131msal tan\u0131m\u0131 (ve nitelikleriyle ilgili soru\u015fturma) ger\u00e7ekte, hem bir i\u00e7 aristokrasiyi tecrit etmeye ve t\u00fcm “\u0130spanyol halk\u0131”na kurgusal bir asalet vermeye, hem de soyk\u0131r\u0131m, k\u00f6lele\u015ftirme, zorla H\u0131ristiyanla\u015ft\u0131rma, zorbal\u0131k yoluyla d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u00f6m\u00fcrge imparatorluklar\u0131ndan birine h\u00fckmetti\u011fi s\u0131rada bu halktan bir “efendiler halk\u0131” yaratmaya yarar. \u0130\u015fte bu y\u00f6r\u00fcngede s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaten milliyet\u00e7i \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr, ancak yine de kaybolmaz.<\/p>\n

Fakat bizim sorumuz i\u00e7in en \u00f6nemli olan nokta, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren tan\u0131k olunan, de\u011ferlerin tersy\u00fcz olu\u015fudur. Aristokratik \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k (ki bu, bizzat s\u00f6ylemin sahibini \u0131rk haline getiren, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemecilerinin “kendine at\u0131fta bulunan” \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k diye adland\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 \u015feyin prototipidir; onun emperyalist torunlar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ko\u015fullar\u0131ndaki \u00f6nemi de buradan kaynaklan\u0131r: Hindistan’daki \u0130ngilizler, Afrika’daki Frans\u0131zlar, soylar\u0131, \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, tav\u0131rlar\u0131 ne denli avam olursa olsun, kendilerini modem soylular olarak g\u00f6receklerdir) zaten ilkel sermaye birikimine dolayl\u0131 olarak ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r; bu da ancak s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci uluslardaki i\u015fleviyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Sanayi Devrimi tam anlam\u0131yla kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerini yarat\u0131rken, burjuva \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yeni-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da (bu tarihsel anlamda ilk “yeni-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k”t\u0131r) ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen (ve hatta, sosyal devletin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan \u00f6nce a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen) topluluk ve siyasal olarak tehlikeli topluluk gibi \u00e7ifte bir stat\u00fcye sahip olan proletaryay\u0131 hedefleyen bir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zellikle Louis Chevalier bunun anlat\u0131mlar a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re \u0131rk kavram\u0131, “i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u0131rk\u0131” konusunda, tarihsel-teolojik yan anlamlar\u0131ndan uzakla\u015farak hayali bir biyoloji, sosyoloji, psikoloji ve “toplumsal b\u00fcnye” patolojisi denkliklerinin alan\u0131na girmi\u015ftir. Burada polisiye, t\u0131bbi, insansever edebiyat\u0131n, k\u0131saca edebiyat\u0131n (ki toplumsal “ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ili\u011fin” siyasal anahtarlar\u0131ndan ve temel dramatik i\u00e7g\u00fc\u00e7lerinden biridir) tak\u0131nt\u0131 halini alm\u0131\u015f temalar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek bir toplumsal grubun \u0131rkla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerinin hepsinin tipik g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri ilk kez tek bir s\u00f6ylemde toplanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunlar, maddi ve manevi sefalet, su\u00e7 oran\u0131, soydan gelen k\u00f6t\u00fc al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar (alkolizm, uyu\u015fturucu), bedensel ve ahlaki kusurlar, bedensel kirlilik ve cinsel kontrols\u00fczl\u00fck, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 “soysuzla\u015fma”yla tehdit eden \u00f6zel hastal\u0131klard\u0131r. Burada ay\u0131rt edici bir karars\u0131zl\u0131k vard\u0131r: Ya i\u015f\u00e7iler soysuzla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir \u0131rkt\u0131r ya da yurtta\u015flar\u0131n, ulusun \u00fcyelerinin “\u0131rk\u0131” i\u00e7in bir soysuzluk tohumu olan \u015fey i\u015f\u00e7ilik durumudur, onlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve onlarla temast\u0131r. Darwinci evrimcilikten, kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 anatomi ve kitle psikolojisinden sahte-bilimsel g\u00fcvenceler alarak, en \u00e7ok da polis ve toplumsal kontrol kuramlar\u0131yla \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc bir a\u011fla sarmalanarak sosyobiyolojik (ve de psikiyatrik) determinizmin t\u00fcm varyantlar\u0131na dayanak olu\u015fturan hayali “emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar” ve “tehlikeli s\u0131n\u0131flar” denklemi, toplumsal-iktisadi bir kategoriyle antropolojik ve ahlaki bir kategorinin kayna\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, bu temalar yoluyla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir.<\/p>\n

Oysa bu s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek e\u015fitsiz bir evrim ge\u00e7iren temel tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerden ayr\u0131lamaz. Burada yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, onlar\u0131 hat\u0131rlatmaktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. S\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ncelikle, ulus-devletin kurulmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli olan siyasal bir soruna ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. “Burjuva devrimleri”, \u00f6zellikle de radikal hukuki e\u015fitlik\u00e7ili\u011fiyle Frans\u0131z Devrimi, kitlenin siyasal haklar\u0131 sorununu geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fclemez bir \u015fekilde ortaya koymu\u015ftur. Bir bu\u00e7uk y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerden kazan\u0131lmas\u0131 umulan \u015fey buydu. Bireyler aras\u0131nda do\u011fu\u015ftan farkl\u0131l\u0131k oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi ak\u0131l almaz de\u011filse bile hukuksal ve ahlaki a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00e7eli\u015fik hale gelmi\u015ftir. Fakat kurulu toplumsal d\u00fczen, m\u00fclkiyet ve “se\u00e7kinler” iktidar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan “tehlikeli s\u0131n\u0131flar”\u0131n siyasal “ehliyet’ten zorla ve hukuk yoluyla d\u0131\u015flanmalar\u0131 ve kent-devletinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda tutulmalar\u0131 \u015fart oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, sonu\u00e7ta onlann tam insanl\u0131k ya da normal insanl\u0131k niteliklerinden anayasal olarak “yoksun olduklar\u0131n\u0131” g\u00f6stererek (ve buna ikna olarak) yurtta\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ink\u00e2r etmek \u00f6nemli oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce siyasal olarak ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131. \u00d6yleyse burada iki antropoloji (benim deyimimle iki “h\u00fcmanizm”) \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r: do\u011fu\u015ftan e\u015fitlik antropolojisi ile kal\u0131t\u0131msal e\u015fitsizlik antropolojisi. Bu da toplumsal uzla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131n yeniden benimsetilmesine izin verir.<\/p>\n

Oysa bu i\u015flem ba\u015ftan beri ulusal ideoloji taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcstbelirlenmi\u015ftir. Disraeli (Anglosakson “\u00fcst\u00fcn \u0131rk\u0131”na kar\u015f\u0131 “Yahudiler’in \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc”n\u00fcn \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 emperyalist kuramc\u0131s\u0131), \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f devletlerin sorununun tek bir toplumsal olu\u015fumda ya\u015fanan gizli, “iki ulus”a b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015fl\u00fck oldu\u011funu anlatarak bunu hayranl\u0131k verici bir \u015fekilde \u00f6zetlemi\u015fti. Buradan hareketle, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin ilerici \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesiyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalan egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n izleyebilece\u011fi yollan da g\u00f6steriyordu: \u00d6nce, “sefiller” kitlesini b\u00f6lmek (\u00f6zellikle de k\u00f6yl\u00fclere ve “geleneksel” zanaatkarlara ulusal sahicilik, sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131k, ahlakl\u0131l\u0131k, \u0131rksal b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck gibi sanayinin patoloji-siyle taban tabana z\u0131t nitelikler bah\u015federek); daha sonra “emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n” tehlikelili\u011finin ve soya\u00e7ekiminin i\u015faretlerim yava\u015f yava\u015f yabanc\u0131lara, \u00f6zellikle de g\u00f6\u00e7menlere ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerdekilere kayd\u0131rmak; bu s\u0131rada da oy hakk\u0131 kurumunun, “yurtta\u015flar” ile “tebaa” aras\u0131ndaki kopuklu\u011fu milliyetin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131. Fakat bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te daima \u2014imparatorluk mek\u00e2n\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc hesaba ka\u00fclsada, ulusal toplulu\u011fun kuramsal bir ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, ba\u015ftan varolan bir apartheid’\u00a0 b\u00fcnyesinde bar\u0131nd\u0131rmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Fransa gibi \u00fclkelerde bile\u2014 fiili durumun belirgin bir \u015fekilde hukukun gerisinde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 “s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131”n\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6zlenir (ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde bu s\u0131n\u0131flarda \u0131rksal damgalamaya \u00f6zel bir elveri\u015flilik, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutumlar\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir \u00e7eli\u015fiklik g\u00f6zlenir). Bu da bizi s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcreklilik g\u00f6steren bir di\u011fer y\u00f6n\u00fcne getirmektedir.<\/p>\n

Bundan kast\u0131m kol eme\u011finin kurumsal \u0131rkla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken \u015feydir. Bunun s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlar kadar eski olan k\u00f6kenlerim bulmak zor olmayacakt\u0131r. Kol eme\u011fi ve emek\u00e7isine duyulan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemenin k\u00f6leci Yunan’\u0131n felsefi elitleri taraf\u0131ndan ifade edilme \u015fekliyle, Taylor’un 1909’da baz\u0131 bireylerin zek\u00e2, ak\u0131l, karar alma yetene\u011fi de\u011fil, bedensel g\u00fc\u00e7 gerektiren tekrara dayal\u0131 pis ve yorucu g\u00f6revlere do\u011fal yatk\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlama \u015fekli aras\u0131nda bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli fark yoktur (Taylor bu in\u015fam Principles ofScientif\u0131c Management’ta “\u00f6k\u00fcz gibi adam” diye adland\u0131r\u0131r; bu ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir bi\u00e7imde, k\u00f6kle\u015fmi\u015f bir “sistematik aylakl\u0131k” e\u011filiminin etkisinde olan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla do\u011fas\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in bir efendiye\/ustaya ihtiyac\u0131 olan insanla ayn\u0131 ki\u015fidir). Ancak Sanayi Devrimi ve kapitalist \u00fccretlilik tarz\u0131 burada bir yer de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye neden olur. Art\u0131k hor g\u00f6r\u00fc nesnesi olan ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k olarak korkuyu besleyen \u015fey, kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z kol eme\u011fi de\u011fildir (tersine, patemalist, eskiye ba\u011fl\u0131 ideolojiler ba\u011flam\u0131nda, bu eme\u011fin “zanaat” t\u00fcr\u00fcnde olanlar\u0131n\u0131n kuramsal olarak idealle\u015ftirilmesine tan\u0131k oluruz), “makinenin uzant\u0131s\u0131” haline gelmi\u015f, yani do\u011frudan bir \u00f6rne\u011fi olmadan hem simgesel hem de bedensel bir \u015fiddete maruz kalan bedensel emek ya da daha do\u011frusu mekanikle\u015fmi\u015f bedensel emektir (iyi bilinir ki, bu emek Sanayi Devrimi’nin yeni a\u015famalar\u0131yla ortadan kalkmam\u0131\u015f, bir\u00e7ok \u00fcretim sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde, hem “modernle\u015fmi\u015f”, “zihinselle\u015fmi\u015f” bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda hem de “arkaik” bi\u00e7imler alt\u0131nda varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye devam etmi\u015ftir).<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 insan bedeninin stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc (bedenin insani stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc) de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fe u\u011frat\u0131r: Bedeni, par\u00e7alara ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, yal\u0131t\u0131labilir bir hareket ya da i\u015flev i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, hem b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7inde bozulmu\u015f hem feti\u015fle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, hem “i\u015fe yarar” organlar\u0131 a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 geli\u015fmi\u015f hem g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczle\u015fmi\u015f bir makine-beden olan insan- bedenler yarat\u0131r. Oysa ki her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u015fiddet gibi bu da bir direni\u015ften ve ayn\u0131 zamanda bir su\u00e7luluktan ayr\u0131 tutulamaz. “Normal” emek miktar\u0131n\u0131n kabul edilmesi ve i\u015f\u00e7inin bedeninden elde edilmesi ancak m\u00fccadelenin bu eme\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131m saptamas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Kural a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr; b\u00fcnyenin alttan alta y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r (ki bu da “soysuzla\u015fma” olarak e\u011fretilenecektir); ve her ne olursa olsun eme\u011fin zihinsel i\u015flevlerinin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndaki a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i i\u00e7in dayan\u0131lmaz olan bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, efendileri taraf\u0131ndan ideolojik ve d\u00fc\u015fsel y\u00f6nden haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n “kabul edilebilir” de\u011fildir: \u0130nsan-bedenlerin varolmas\u0131 bedensiz insanlar’\u0131n varolmas\u0131 demektir; insan-bedenlerin par\u00e7alara ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve sakat (bu bedenin zihinden “ayr\u0131lmas\u0131”n\u0131n sonucudur) bedenli insanlar olmas\u0131, insan \u0131rk\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerindeki tehditi kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in bireyleri ba\u015fka bir beden- \u00fcstuyle donatmak, sporu, g\u00f6steri\u015f\u00e7i erkekli\u011fi yaymak gerekti\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelir.<\/p>\n

Kimi zaman \u0131rksal a\u015fa\u011f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n “fiziksel \u00f6zelliklerinin” k\u0131nanmas\u0131na, kimi zaman da \u00fcst\u00fcn \u0131rk\u0131n “insan tipi”nin idealle\u015ftirilmesine yol a\u00e7arak modem \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n t\u00fcm varyantlar\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen bedenin estetize edilmesi (ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla feti\u015fist tarzda cinselle\u015ftirilmesi) s\u00fcrecini tam olarak anlamam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayan sadece bu tarihsel durumdur, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcl toplumsal ili\u015fkilerdir. Irk\u00e7\u0131 kuramlar\u0131n tarihinde biyolojiye ba\u015fvurulmas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131n\u0131 bunlar ayd\u0131nlat\u0131rlar: Bu ba\u015fvurman\u0131n bilimsel bulu\u015flar\u0131n etkisiyle hi\u00e7bir ilgisi yoktur; bedensel fantazman\u0131n idealle\u015ftirilmesinden ve bir e\u011fretilemeden ibarettir. \u00dcst d\u00fczey biyoloji ve ayn\u0131 zamanda di\u011fer kuramsal s\u00f6ylemler bedenin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, olu\u015f bi\u00e7imlerine, davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131na, simgesel organlar\u0131na ve uzuvlar\u0131na eklemlendikleri takdirde bu i\u015flevi yerine getirebilir. Burada, daha \u00f6nce yeni-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k konusunda ve onun zihinsel eme\u011fin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck par\u00e7alara b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinin en son bi\u00e7imiyle olan ba\u011f\u0131 konusunda bi\u00e7imlendirilen varsay\u0131mlara uygun olarak, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde IQ d\u00fczenlemesinden tutun da karar al\u0131c\u0131, entelekt\u00fcel ve sportif “kadro”nun estetize edilmesine kadar tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz, zihinsel yeterliliklerin “bedenselle\u015ftirilmesi”ni, yani \u0131rksalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayarak devam etmek yerinde olur.<\/p>\n

Fakat s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131nda belirleyici bir yan daha vard\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, tan\u0131m\u0131 gere\u011fi belirsiz “s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131” olan \u2014\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu s\u0131n\u0131rlar emek s\u00fcrecindeki ve sermaye hareketindeki durmak bilmez d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131rlar\u2014 hem heterojen hem de oynak bir topluluktur. Aristokratik kastlardan ve hatta burjuvazinin y\u00f6netici kesimlerinden farkl\u0131 olarak, bir toplumsal kast de\u011fildir. Ancak s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (ve \u00f6zellikle de g\u00f6\u00e7menler durumunda oldu\u011fu gibi, milliyet\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131) i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en az\u0131ndan bir k\u0131sm\u0131 i\u00e7in bir kast\u0131n kapal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na e\u015fde\u011fer bir \u015fey \u00fcretme e\u011filimindedir. Daha do\u011frusu (ya da en k\u00f6t\u00fcs\u00fc): “toplumsal hareketlilik”te tam kapal\u0131l\u0131k, proleterle\u015fme dalgalar\u0131na olabildi\u011fince tam a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131kla birle\u015fir.<\/p>\n

\u015eimdi meseleyi ba\u015fka bir \u015fekilde ele alal\u0131m. Kapitalist birikimin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu konuda iki \u00e7eli\u015fkili g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f ta\u015f\u0131r: Bir yandan, emek ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131m emek pazar\u0131ndaki rekabeti sa\u011flayacak, “yedek sanayi ordusu”na s\u00fcrekli olarak yeni g\u00fc\u00e7ler katacak, g\u00f6reli bir n\u00fcfus-fazlas\u0131n\u0131 besleyecek \u015fekilde s\u00fcrekli olarak harekete ge\u00e7irmek, s\u00fcreksizle\u015ftirmek; di\u011fer yandan i\u015f\u00e7i topluluklar\u0131n\u0131, onlar\u0131 i\u015f i\u00e7in “e\u011fitmek” ve i\u015fletmeye “ba\u011flamak” \u00fczere (ve ayn\u0131\u00a0 zamanda “patemalist” siyasal hegemonya ile i\u015f\u00e7i “ailecili\u011fi” aras\u0131ndaki tekab\u00fcliyet mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fletmek \u00fczere) uzun s\u00fcreli olarak (bir\u00e7ok ku\u015fak boyu) s\u00fcreklile\u015ftirmek s\u00f6z konusudur. Bir yandan, sadece \u00fccret ili\u015fkisine ba\u011fl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal durumun atalar ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ve torunlar ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131yla hi\u00e7bir ilgisi yoktur; son noktada “s\u0131n\u0131fsal aidiyet” kavram\u0131n\u0131n kendisi pratik g\u00f6sterimden yoksundur; hesaba kat\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken \u015fey sadece s\u0131n\u0131fsal durumdur. Di\u011fer yandan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en az\u0131ndan bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i o\u011fullar\u0131 olmas\u0131, bir toplumsal kal\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 gerekmektedir. Fakat, pratikte, direni\u015f ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme g\u00fc\u00e7leri de bununla birlikte \u00e7o\u011fal\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Demografik politikalar, g\u00f6\u00e7 ve kentsel ayr\u0131m politikalar\u0131 \u2014 daha genelde, D. Bertaux’nun antroponomik diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 pratikler\u2014 bu \u00e7eli\u015fkili gereklerden do\u011fmu\u015f ve 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l ortalar\u0131ndan itibaren hem i\u015fveren hem devlet taraf\u0131ndan, onlar\u0131n paternalist (ki bu milliyet\u00e7i propagandayla s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r) ve disiplinci \u00e7ifte g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleriyle uygulamaya konulmu\u015ftur: bir yanda vah\u015fi kitlelere kar\u015f\u0131 “toplumsal sava\u015f” a\u00e7mak, di\u011fer yanda ayn\u0131 kitleleri her anlamda “uygarla\u015ft\u0131rmak”; g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bunun m\u00fckemmel bir \u00f6rne\u011fi “banliy\u00f6” ve “getto”lara yap\u0131lan toplumsal-polisiye muamelede g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Irk\u00e7\u0131 karma\u015f\u0131k, gelip “n\u00fcfus sorununa” (buna bir dizi yananlar\u0131 dahildir: do\u011fum oran\u0131, n\u00fcfus kayb\u0131 ve n\u00fcfus fazlas\u0131, “melezle\u015ftirme”, kentle\u015fme, sosyal konut, halk sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u015fsizlik) ekleniyorsa ve tercihen, yanl\u0131\u015f bir ifadeyle “g\u00f6\u00e7men” olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ikinci ku\u015fak sorununda yo\u011funla\u015f\u0131yorsa, bu bir tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir; bilinmesi gereken \u015fey bu ikinci ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n \u2014s\u0131n\u0131fsal hak davas\u0131yla k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hak davalar\u0131n\u0131 birle\u015ftirip, daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir toplumsal kavgac\u0131l\u0131k geli\u015ftirme tehlikesini g\u00f6ze alarak<\/p>\n

\u2014 \u00f6nceki ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n (tam deyimiyle “g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7iler”in) yolunu mu izleyece\u011fi yoksa proleterli\u011fin alt\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmek ile i\u015f\u00e7ilik durumundan \u00e7\u0131kmak aras\u0131nda istikrars\u0131z bir konumda bulunan “s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f” bireyler k\u00fcmesim mi b\u00fcy\u00fctece\u011fidir. Hem egemen s\u0131n\u0131f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hem de halk s\u0131n\u0131flan a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ortaya s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u015fudur: toplu olarak kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye tahsis edilmi\u015f olan topluluklar\u0131 ya da iktisadi s\u00fcre\u00e7 onlar\u0131 sistemin do\u011frudan kontrol\u00fcnden \u00e7ekip ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 (ya da \u00f6nceki kontrolleri, yo\u011fun i\u015fsizlikle, etkisiz hale getirdi\u011fi) anda bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7in yedekte tutulmas\u0131 gerekenleri tan\u0131mlay\u0131c\u0131 i\u015faretlerle belirlemek. Sabit yerleri olmayanlar\u0131, ku\u015faklar boyu “yerlerinde tutmak”: B\u00f6ylece o andan itibaren bir soya\u011fa\u00e7lan olmas\u0131 gerekecektir. G\u00f6\u00e7ebeli\u011fin ve toplumsal kal\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n \u00e7eli\u015fen buyruklar\u0131n\u0131, ku\u015faklar\u0131n evcille\u015ftirilmesini ve direni\u015flerin bertaraf edilmesini tasavvurda birle\u015ftirmek.<\/p>\n

E\u011fer bu g\u00f6zlemler do\u011fruysa, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n “kendi kendini \u0131rkla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131” diye adland\u0131rmakta teredd\u00fct etmeyece\u011fini \u015feyin birbirleriyle \u00e7eli\u015fen g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerine \u0131\u015f\u0131k tutabilir. Burada, emek\u00e7i topluluklar\u0131n\u0131n etnik ya da ulusal k\u00f6ken sembolleri etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinden tutun da s\u0131n\u0131fsal k\u00f6ken \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc (dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i ailesi kurumunu, “birey” ile “s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131” aras\u0131nda sadece ailenin kurdu\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131) ve eme\u011fe fazla de\u011fer verilmesi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc (dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sadece onun sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 erkeksi niteli\u011fi) merkez alan belli bir uvriyerizmin “i\u015f\u00e7iler \u0131rk\u0131” temsillerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131m, “s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci” a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeniden \u00fcreti\u015f bi\u00e7imine var\u0131ncaya dek, hat\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gereken bir toplumsal deneyimler ve ideolojik bi\u00e7imler yelpazesi vard\u0131r. Uvriyerizmin radikal bi\u00e7imlerinin, en az\u0131ndan Fransa’da, bizzat i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndan de\u011fil, daha \u00e7ok i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 “temsil etmek” isteyen (Proudhon’dan kom\u00fcnist partiye dek) entelekt\u00fcellerin ve siyasal ayg\u0131tlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 do\u011frudur. Ne var ki bu bi\u00e7imler kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f konumlan, m\u00fccadele geleneklerini korumak, ve s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n “g\u00f6sterenlerini burjuva toplumuna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7evirmek i\u00e7in, d\u0131\u015fa kapal\u0131 “birlik” olu\u015fturma e\u011filimine tekab\u00fcl ederler. Uvriyerizmi belirleyen kar\u015f\u0131t anlaml\u0131l\u0131k bu tepkisel k\u00f6kenden ileri gelir: s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc durumundan kurtulma arzusu ve nesnesi olunan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemenin reddi. Bu kar\u015f\u0131t anlaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n en bariz oldu\u011fu yer tam da milliyet\u00e7ilikle, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla olan ili\u015fkisidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler resmi milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi fiilen kabul etmedikleri \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde (kabul etmedikleri zaman) s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin bozulmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 siyasal bir alternatifin tasla\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015ftururlar. Fakat korkular\u0131n\u0131 ve h\u0131n\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, umutsuzluklar\u0131n\u0131 ve meydan okuyu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 yabanc\u0131lara yans\u0131tt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, sava\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fey s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi gibi sadece rekabet de\u011fil, \u00e7ok daha derinde, kurtulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 kendi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclme ko\u015fullar\u0131d\u0131r. Nefret ettikleri, proleter olarak ya da proleterle\u015fme \u00e7ark\u0131na yeniden yakalanma tehlikesi ta\u015f\u0131yanlar olarak, kendileridir.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, nas\u0131l ki milliyet\u00e7ilik ile \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u00fcrekli kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 belirlenimi varsa, “s\u0131n\u0131f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131” ile “etnik \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n” da kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 belirlenimi vard\u0131r ve bu iki belirlenim ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir. Her biri kendi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, bir \u015fekilde, di\u011ferinin alan\u0131nda ve onun zorlamas\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00fcst-belirlenimi kaba hatlar\u0131yla anlat\u0131rken (ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n somut tezah\u00fcrleri ile onun kuramsal s\u00f6yleminin yap\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r hale getirdi\u011fini g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken) ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 sorulan\u0131n\u0131za bir cevap getirebildik mi? Daha ziyade onlar\u0131 yeniden bi\u00e7imlendirdik. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe oranla \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n, onu olu\u015fturucu fazlal\u0131\u011f\u0131 diye adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015fey, ayn\u0131 zamanda, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir eksikli\u011fin belirtisi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Fakat bu fazlan\u0131n, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin (onun dinami\u011fini kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde) s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine kar\u015f\u0131 olu\u015ftu\u011fu olgusuna ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131na ve bu eksikli\u011fin de s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin kendini milliyet\u00e7ilik taraf\u0131ndan bast\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r bulmas\u0131 olgusuna ba\u011fl\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, ikisi birbirini g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez: daha \u00e7ok birbirine eklenme e\u011filimindedir. Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin \u00f6ncelikle toplumun ve devletin \u2014daha sonra s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerine \u00e7arpacak\u2014 birli\u011fini tahayy\u00fcl etme ve hedeflemenin bir yolu mu, yoksa \u00f6ncelikle s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ulusal birli\u011fin \u00f6n\u00fcne koydu\u011fu engellere bir tepki mi oldu\u011fu esas olarak \u00f6nemli de\u011fildir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, hem ulusla devlet aras\u0131nda kapanmaz bir mesafenin hem de durmak bilmeden yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan s\u0131n\u0131fsal uzla\u015fmazl\u0131klar\u0131n bulundu\u011fu bir tarihsel zeminde, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin kimi zaman di\u011fer bi\u00e7imlere (dilsel milliyet\u00e7ilik) rakip olarak, kimi zaman da onlarla birle\u015ferek ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k bi\u00e7imini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece bir ileriye ka\u00e7\u0131\u015fa giri\u015fti\u011fini g\u00f6zlemlemek \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, bireylerin bilincinde az\u0131nl\u0131kta ya da sakl\u0131 olsa bile, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle eklemlenmesine, terimin \u00e7ifte anlam\u0131yla ihanet eden, onun bu “i\u00e7sel” fazlas\u0131d\u0131r. Sonsuzca s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen paradoksu da bundan ileri gelmektedir. Paradoks \u015fudur: insanlar\u0131n do\u011falar\u0131 gere\u011fi kendilerini “evlerinde” hissedecekleri, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc “biz bize” olacaklar\u0131 bir ulus-devleti ge\u00e7mi\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fck bir bi\u00e7imde tahayy\u00fcl etmek, ve bu devleti i\u00e7inde oturulamaz k\u0131lmak; durmadan d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n “i\u00e7eride” oldu\u011funu ke\u015ffederek ve cemaati, kendi b\u00f6l\u00fcnmelerinin hayali yap\u0131mlar\u0131 olmaktan \u00f6teye gitmeyen i\u015faretlerle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirerek, onu “d\u0131\u015f” d\u00fc\u015fmanlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda birle\u015fmi\u015f bir cemaat olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131karmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak. B\u00f6ylesi bir toplum, siyasal olarak tam anlam\u0131yla yabanc\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir toplumdur. Zaten \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f toplumlar\u0131n hepsi bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde kendi siyasal yabanc\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131yla bo\u011fu\u015fup durmuyorlar m\u0131 ?<\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 | Etienne Balibar<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00dcst d\u00fczey \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeleri \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 kuramlar\u0131n incelenmesine \u00f6ncelik verdiklerinde, “sosyolojik” \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir kitle g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011funu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rlar. B\u00f6ylelikle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fmesi (ki bu kom\u00fcnist ve sosyalist militanlara do\u011faya ayk\u0131r\u0131 gelir) kitlelerde varolan bir e\u011filimin sonucu halini al\u0131r. Kurumsal \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, bu psikososyolojik “kitle” kategorisinin yap\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131na bile yans\u0131r. \u00d6yleyse s\u0131n\u0131flardan kitlelere ge\u00e7erek kitleleri, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n hem ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[53],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-7142","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-milliyetcilik"},"yoast_head":"\nS\u0131n\u0131f Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 | Etienne Balibar - narteks.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/narteks.net\/index.php\/2018\/08\/15\/sinif-irkciligi-etienne-balibar\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"S\u0131n\u0131f Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 | Etienne Balibar\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u00dcst d\u00fczey \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeleri \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 kuramlar\u0131n incelenmesine \u00f6ncelik verdiklerinde, “sosyolojik” \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir kitle g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011funu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rlar. 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